The dramatic situation in Gaza leads us to believe that this is not the
time for political analysis and that the first priority is to stop themassacre of civilians that the Israeli army is carrying out at the
behest of the Netanyahu government. But the confusion that reigns in
pro-Pal circles and on the left in general, where at best "campist"
(pro-Hamas) positions are supported and at worst they border on
anti-Semitism, forces us to focus the reader's attention on some of our
positions regarding the clash between imperialisms underway in the
Middle East and, in particular, on the role played by the main
Palestinian political organizations (Fatah/PNA, Hamas) in governing the
West Bank and Gaza according to a class logic.
As we have reported in various documents, our organization has always
been inspired by the principles of proletarian internationalism,
antimilitarism, and the analysis of the conflict between imperialist powers.
We are convinced that a new phase in the conflict between imperialisms
has begun, characterized by China's entry into the international arena
and Russia's new prominence. This has led to a crisis in the hegemonic
role of American imperialism and European countries, and a redefinition
of the political and military balance in various strategic areas of the
world for the management of raw materials supply chains.
In this climate of international destabilization, war is the instrument
for the affirmation of a new international order, and the prospect of a
world conflict is becoming increasingly threatening.
The Middle East also stands out as a strategic area where the objectives
of the imperialist powers intertwine with the interests of regional
nation-states.
We can hypothesize that Israel's war against Hamas has a dual purpose:
on the one hand, the Netanyahu government is promoting an expansionist
plan (Greater Israel) with the occupation of Palestinian territories,
and the massacre of their civilian population, and a portion of Syrian
territory (the Golan Heights); on the other, Israel is waging a proxy
war with the aim of rendering harmless regional powers (for example,
Iran) allied with imperialist countries opposed to the United States
(China and Russia).
For example, regime change in pro-Iranian Syria under Bashar al-Assad
would not have been possible without Israel's annihilation of the
Iranian-funded military forces of Hamas and Hezbollah; just as the
attacks on Iran have turned the tide in the Middle East in favor of the
United States and its allies, penalizing China and Russia.
We are more than convinced that to fully understand the tragedy of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it must be placed within the dynamics of
the clash between imperialisms and the interests at stake in the Middle
East.
Clear proof of this comes from the silence of the Arab countries, which
care more about their own economic and financial interests than the
lives of thousands of Palestinian "brothers."
But what interests are at stake?
With the recent 20-point peace plan presented by Trump, which Netanyahu
had to support with some hesitation (point 16 stipulates that "Israel
will not occupy or annex Gaza," but makes no mention of the West Bank),
the White House intends to accelerate the stabilization of the region
and move into a new phase, characterized by reconstruction efforts and
the stated aim of reshaping the Middle East by achieving the objectives
set out in the Abraham Accords, which include promoting economic
cooperation and trade in strategic sectors such as energy, finance,
investment, civil aviation, telecommunications, advanced technologies (
cybersecurity , agritech ), and infrastructure. In particular, the
agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates has paved the way
for major infrastructure projects such as the Med-Red Land Bridge, a
pipeline to export oil from the Gulf to Europe via Israel, reducing
costs and time compared to the Suez Canal.
Following the Israeli attack on Doha, which the Pentagon deemed an
"excess" of Netanyahu's government's military interventionism that
encroached on American interests in the Middle East, Trump decided to
put a stop to Israeli plans and directly manage the end of the
Israeli-Palestinian war.
A peace plan that will include a technocratic government (more like a
business committee) overseen by an international body (the GITA, Gaza
International Transitional Authority) established by the United States
in consultation with Arab and European partners.
Meanwhile, the Palestinians, who will not be forced to flee, will serve
as low-cost laborers to be employed in the Gaza reconstruction plan,
which will materialize with financial funds and the intervention of
American and European real estate companies.
Among the projects worth mentioning are the two trade and communication
routes that will transform the geopolitical balance of the Middle East:
the Ben Gurion Canal and the IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic
Corridor) route, also known as the Cotton Route.
The Ben-Gurion Canal project emerged after the 1956 Suez Crisis. It
envisions the construction of an artificial canal connecting the Israeli
port of Eilat on the Gulf of Aqaba with the Mediterranean Sea north of
the Gaza Strip. It would provide an alternative sea route to the Suez
Canal (controlled by Egypt), reducing its strategic importance and
vulnerabilities. It is an extremely controversial project, given its
extremely high costs (estimated between $16 and $55 billion), serious
geopolitical implications, enormous technical challenges, and
significant environmental impact.
The IMEC Corridor, a project announced in 2023, is an alternative to the
Silk Road. 4,800 kilometers long , it plans to connect India to Europe
via the Middle East through the construction of mega-high-tech ports,
rail, and road infrastructure. Italy will play a strategic role, serving
as a hub for the access of goods and energy to Europe. This project,
supported by the United States, will be capable of facilitating imports
and exports between Asia and Europe worth trillions of dollars.
The arms trade turnover
Another aspect of the interests revolving around Israel's war in Gaza
that deserves consideration concerns the arms trade.
Israel is a major buyer of weapons and military equipment, with most
supplies coming from a small group of countries. According to data from
the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and other
sources, the main supplier countries are:
United States: The United States is Israel's main arms supplier. It
provides much of its military equipment, including fighter jets (such as
the F-35), missile systems, and significant financial support for
defense. An agreement (memorandum of understanding) guarantees Israel
billions of dollars in annual foreign military funding until 2028
(approximately $3.8 billion per year). In one year of conflict
(2023-2024), US military aid to Israel reached approximately $17.9
billion, the highest amount recorded in a single year since 1959.
Germany: It is Israel's second-largest arms supplier, accounting for a
significant share of total exports (in 2023, Germany authorized arms
exports to Israel worth approximately EUR326 million). Berlin has
historically supported Israel's security as a fundamental principle,
although its supply has undergone changes, with a reduction (to
approximately EUR131 million) in military aid at the beginning of 2024,
but it has confirmed its willingness to continue deliveries.
Italy: Generally ranked as Israel's third-largest arms supplier,
although with a smaller share than the US and Germany. After October 7,
2023, the Italian government announced it had suspended new export
licenses, but previous agreements continue to be honored, and exports of
materials classified as weapons and ammunition have been recorded
(approximately EUR5.2 million in the post-October 7 period). Italy is
also a partner in the F-35 fighter program and supplies components.
Other minor suppliers include the United Kingdom and France, which have
minor or limited supplies of weapons components.
As for Palestinian factions (such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad), the
situation is completely different: these groups do not receive direct
and legal supplies of weapons from sovereign states through official
trade channels. Weapons for Palestinian factions arrive primarily
through smuggling, through underground tunnels and sea routes, and
through the local production of rockets and munitions in Gaza, using
salvaged or fraudulently imported materials.
Iran is considered the main external supporter, providing not only
financial assistance but also expertise and technology for weapons
production. However, the supply is indirect and clandestine.
It's important to note that Israel is not only a global importer but
also a significant exporter of arms, ranking among the top ten global
exporters. Israeli companies such as Israel Aerospace Industries, Elbit
Systems, and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems produce and sell a wide
range of advanced technology and weaponry.
Israel's arms trade, which sees Europe as its main destination, creates
a complex web of interdependencies: Israel exports weapons to its main
suppliers (such as anti-missile systems to Germany) and at the same time
purchases from them crucial parts and systems for its military apparatus.
Israeli military exports reached a record high in 2023, amounting to
approximately $14.8 billion.
The social situation and the class conflict in the Palestinian territories
As mentioned in the introduction to our article, we intend to offer a
brief analysis of the role that Palestinian organizations, particularly
Fatah/PNA and Hamas, play in the class struggle. These groups not only
represent the interests of the Palestinian bourgeoisie, but are also its
main exponents, as evidenced by the data collected on the exploitation
of the Palestinian proletariat and the repression of trade union struggles.
But before delving into this topic, it's worth taking stock of the
economic and social situation in the territories.
The economic situation in Gaza is extremely critical and has worsened
due to the conflict and the Israeli-Palestinian blockade. The GDP of the
Palestinian territories has collapsed: according to the World Bank and
the International Labour Organization (ILO), GDP is estimated to
contract by around 27-30% for the entire territory in 2024 compared to
pre-war levels. The contraction in Gaza is particularly dramatic,
between 80-86% during periods of intense conflict. The West Bank,
although less devastated than Gaza, is experiencing significant declines
in key sectors such as trade, services, manufacturing, and construction,
with GDP contraction rates reaching 25% in some quarters.
The unemployment rate in Gaza reached around 79-80% during the height of
the conflict, and in the West Bank it also rose to 30-35%. The overall
rate in the Palestinian territories, across the entire workforce, rose
to around 50-51% after October 2023, according to local sources
(PCA/PCBS), which include Gaza and the West Bank.
Even before the conflict, the West Bank had lower poverty levels, while
Gaza already had very worrying figures; with the conflict, poverty has
spread, especially in Gaza, where almost the entire population lives in
poverty or is dependent on external aid.
In 2023, per capita GDP stood at $3,360, a 12% decline from 2022; Gaza
alone saw a 28% decline. Per capita income in Gaza was about a fifth of
that in the West Bank. In 2023, Gaza's real per capita income was the
lowest ever recorded.
The public deficit is very large: revenues have collapsed while spending
has increased due to the humanitarian crisis. The resources Israel
withholds (such as duties or customs taxes that the Palestinian
Authority collects through agreements with Israel) are a source of
intense dispute, and their reduction or withholding has caused liquidity
shortages for the Palestinian territories.
While international support remains crucial, donation levels have
decreased compared to previous years and are not always able to cover
the growing needs.
Israel's intense military operations in Gaza have led to unprecedented
destruction, wiping out much of the essential infrastructure (homes,
schools, hospitals, water systems, roads), private property, and
agricultural resources.
The private sector, almost paralyzed, is marked by a reduction or
suspension of production activities, especially in Gaza; many businesses
in the West Bank have reported a decline in business, loss of workforce,
extremely high logistics costs for transportation, restrictions on
movement, checkpoints , and closed or blocked borders.
The banking system has also experienced liquidity losses, an increase in
non-performing loans, and difficulties for local banks to operate
regularly, especially for transactions involving external parties.
The trade union movement in Palestine is deeply intertwined with the
Israeli occupation, restrictions on trade union activity, and the state
of war.
The main unions are: the General Federation of Palestinian Trade Unions
(PGFTU), a trade union organization close to Fatah, based in the West
Bank and Gaza, which covers various sectors, including health services
and the public and private sectors; the General Federation of
Independent Trade Unions (GFITU)/New Federation of Palestinian Trade
Unions, which emerged as alternatives to the PGFTU, often critical of
its management or its narrow political affiliation, and which seek to
focus more on immediate labor issues and internal transparency; the
General Union of Public Service and Commercial Workers, with significant
union representation in the public and commercial sectors; and the
General Palestinian Teachers Union (GUPT), one of the most influential
sectoral unions and whose mobilizations for teachers' rights (overdue or
inadequate wages) have a strong social and political impact.
Among the main demands and reasons for the struggle are the unpaid or
suspended wages of 200,000 Palestinian workers employed in Israel or by
Israeli companies, the lack of compensation and benefits (insurance,
social security, workplace safety), dangerous working conditions and the
lack of protection, and the insufficient or absent social security system.
The intense politicization and control of mainstream trade unions (such
as the PGFTU) have generated widespread distrust among young workers and
activists, who perceive official unions as tools of political factions
out of touch with the real needs of the working class and often
incapable of representing the new demands of an increasingly precarious
and complex labor market. The lack of effective representation, poor
transparency, and lack of renewal (the PGFTU has not held union
elections since 2005) have pushed many younger generations to seek more
autonomous, inclusive, and dynamic forms of organization, favoring
direct participation and horizontal consensus.
Some examples of youth movements with a focus on workers' rights that
are worth mentioning include Youth Against Settlements, a movement that
combines youth protests against employment and social and economic
degradation with strong campaigns for social and labor rights; and the
Independent Youth Syndicate (IYS), an initiative born in the West Bank
that aims to create an autonomous youth union with open assemblies and
inclusive platforms, aiming to overcome political divisions.
Among private sector workers, young students, and freelancers , actions
uncoordinated by traditional unions have grown, but they are very
effective in bringing specific issues to public attention. Palestinian
authorities and employers often respond to these actions with threats
and reprisals.
In 2012, widespread protests took place in several West Bank cities
(Ramallah, Nablus, Hebron, etc.) against rising prices, fuel prices, and
deteriorating economic conditions. Public transportation strikes also
called for lower fares, payment of outstanding wages, support for basic
living costs, and greater economic equity.
In January 2019, thousands of Palestinians in the West Bank participated
in a general strike-closed shops, protests in Ramallah, Nablus, and
Bethlehem-against a Palestinian Authority law imposing mandatory
contributions on workers. The strikers' demands included the withdrawal
or amendment of the law and the avoidance of additional costs for
already struggling workers.
In 2023, demonstrations against the economic crisis were organized in
Gaza by the We Want to Live movement. The movement, which arose online
and through street protests, demanded a better quality of life, tax
cuts, greater transparency, a halt to Hamas's repression of protests,
and better economic governance.
In March 2025, another public protest, again in Gaza and particularly in
the north (Beit Lahiya and other areas), saw the participation of
thousands of Palestinians who openly protested against Hamas during the
Israeli offensive, calling for "Hamas out!" and criticizing its
management of the war. In addition to protests against the war, the
demands included an end to restrictions and internal violence, improved
governance, and the removal of Hamas's responsibility for the management
that worsens daily life.
In both territories (Gaza under Hamas, the West Bank under the
Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority), precarious working conditions
exist, with large sectors of the informal economy where contracts are
not respected, social contributions are not paid, and wages are very
low. These phenomena are amplified by widespread poverty and the lack of
employment options, which make workers vulnerable to exploitation. Local
governments in their respective areas often tolerate or even encourage
these practices to maintain social and economic control, avoiding giving
excessive power to independent trade unions.
Both movements, while claiming to protect the rights of the Palestinian
people, have political and economic interests that can conflict with
workers' rights. Fatah, through the Palestinian Authority, manages
public contracts and resources that are sometimes used to reward
political clients or maintain electoral consensus, without transparency
regarding workers' treatment. Hamas, in Gaza, exercises tight and often
repressive control over the local economy, allowing businesses and
employers linked to the movement to impose harsh working conditions,
including undeclared work, to maximize control and reduce costs.
Numerous Palestinian and international NGOs, such as the Democracy and
Workers' Rights Center (DWRC), have documented cases of undeclared work
and wages below the legal minimum, often associated with workers
employed in public or semi-public sectors under the direct or indirect
control of the two movements.
The lack of free union elections and independent unions strengthens the
position of local governments, which can thus avoid genuine union
negotiations and maintain disadvantageous working conditions.
In the West Bank, Fatah maintains close ties with the business sector,
particularly with large families and historic companies. Many business
leaders are closely linked to the PA: some are former officials, others
obtain contracts, licenses, or tax benefits thanks to political
connections. The Palestinian Investment Fund (PIF), though technically
autonomous, is under the influence of the PA and is often criticized for
its lack of transparency and favoritism toward politically "loyal"
businesses.
In the Strip, the situation is characterized by strong Hamas control,
and Gazan businesses must negotiate directly with Hamas to survive:
permits, imports, taxes, electricity or fuel distribution, etc. Some
businesses collaborate or adapt to Hamas control in exchange for
stability or tax breaks.
Conclusions
Both the part relating to the demonstrations, struggles, mobilizations,
and expressions of dissent that we have attempted to document here, and
the digression into the trade union sphere, at least in its main
representations, confirm our belief that, barring improbable reversals
of the scenario (for this to happen, we would have to go back to the
best years of collaboration between the Israeli comrades of Anarchists
Against the Wall and some Palestinian individuals, or to slogans like
"two peoples, no state," etc.), the overall condition in which the Class
finds itself in the area in question is not only far from a mature and
congruent configuration on its path toward the appropriation of a
statute based on autonomy, on a growing awareness of organizational
forms, practicable and effective tools of intervention, freedom and
independence, culture, and the development of analytical capacity... but
it is actually in a primordial phase, one that must be overcome in order
to cultivate the desire and possibility of a transition from struggling
to initiating (any) process or project.
"A vida fazse de acasos e valores" (Life is made of chance encounters
and values) is the title of a book recently published in Portugal,
authored by comrade José Hipólito dos Santos. This title contains a
warning that evokes the need-and the commitment!-to be internalized as a
duty: that of overcoming and freeing oneself from any and all stigmas,
such as those cited above of ethno-identitarianism, the malevolent sense
of communitarian belonging, nationalism, and religious spirit... which
pollute, degrade, and infect (to the point of socio-political-cultural
necrosis) all tensions toward a design for a society founded on
egalitarianism, justice, and freedom.
Sitography
Agence France-Presse, Public employees strike in Gaza over unpaid
salaries , «Arab News», 26/02/2018 (
https://www.arabnews.com/node/1254821/%7B%7B )
Agence France-Presse, Trump's 20-Point Peace Plan for Gaza ,
«AffarInternazionali», 30/09/2025 (
https://www.affarinternazionali.it/il-piano-di-pace-in-20-punti-di-trump-per-gaza
)
Dalia Alazzeh, Shahzad Uddin, Palestine's economy teeters on the brink
after a year of war and unrelenting destruction , «The Conversation»,
29/10/2024 (
https://theconversation.com/palestines-economy-teeters-on-the-brink-after-a-year-of-war-and-unrelenting-destruction-241607
)
Mohammad Alloush, Palestinian workers organizing in West Bank ,
«Alliance for Workers' Liberty», 05/14/2024 (
https://www.workersliberty.org/story/2024-05-10/palestinian-workers-organising-west-bank
)
Michael Arria, Biden Administration Plans Last $8 Billion Arms Sale to
Israel , «AssoPacePalestina» 06/01/2025 (
https://www.assopacepalestina.org/2025/01/06/lamministrazione-biden-prevede-unultima-vendita-di-armi-da-8-miliardi-di-dollari-a-israele
)
Gavin Blackburn, United States on the verge of selling $8 billion in
weapons to Israel , «Euronews», 05/01/2025 (
https://it.euronews.com/2025/01/05/united-states-on-the-verge-of-selling-8-billion-in-weapons-to-israel-
)
Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN), In the US Senate: Block the new
arms package for Israel , «AssoPacePalestina», 13/08/2024 (
https://www.assopacepalestina.org/2024/08/16/al-senato-usa-bloccare-il-nuovo-pacchetto-di-armi-per-israele
)
Marion Fernando, What is the Ben Gurion Canal and what does it have to
do with Gaza?, «Contropiano», 08/01/2024 (
https://contropiano.org/news/internazionale-news/2024/01/08/cose-il-canale-ben-gurion-e-cosa-ha-che-fare-con-gaza-0168149
)
ILO News, A year of war: Unemployment surges to nearly 80 per cent and
GDP contracts by almost 85 per cent in Gaza , «International Labor
Organization», 17/10/2024 (
https://www.ilo.org/resource/news/year-war-unemployment-surges-nearly-80-cent-and-gdp-contracts-almost-85
)
Pino Nicotri, Gaza, Ben-Gurion Canal, and Suez Canal , «Gli Stati
Generali», 07/02/2025 (
https://www.glistatigenerali.com/esteri/geopolitica/gaza-canale-ben-gurion-e-canale-di-suez
)
Francesca Salvatore, Gaza: The Silent Revolt Against Hamas That Could
Rewrite the Future , «InsideOver», 30/05/2025 (
https://it.insideover.com/guerra/gaza-la-rivolta-silenziosa-contro-hamas-che-potrebbe-riscrivere-il-futuro.html
)
Andrea Siccardo, More than a Nobel Prize: the data show that, in fact,
it was the United States that bombed Gaza , «Altreconomia», 10/10/2025 (
https://altreconomia.it/altro-che-nobel-i-dati-mostrano-che-di-fatto-sono-stati-gli-stati-uniti-a-bombardare-gaza
)
SIPRI, SIPRI Yearbook 2024 (
https://www.sipri.org/sites/default/files/202409/yb24_summary_it.pdf )
Economic crisis worsens in occupied Palestinian territory amid ongoing
Gaza conflict , «UN Trade & Development», 12/09/2024 (
https://unctad.org/press-material/economic-crisis-worsens-occupied-palestinian-territory-amid-ongoing-gaza-conflict
)
Moumen al-Natour. LIVE from Gaza: Hunger, torture, and hope: We want
peace, not Hamas , YouTube, October 23, 2025 ( https://youtu.be/p1PQDPIb_Y )
Our workers after October 7... uninterrupted bleeding causing an
economic crisis , «Al Quds», 16/04/2025 (
https://www.alquds.com/en/posts/158066 )
Palestine: Global unions file ILO complaint to recover wages of over
200,000 Palestinians workers in Israel , «International Federation of
Journalists», 09/26/2024 (
https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/press-releases/article/palestine-global-unions-file-ilo-complaint-to-recover-wages-of-over-200000-palestinian-workers-in-israel
)
Palestine Investment Fund , «Wikipedia», (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palestine_Investment_Fund )
Arms Sales to Israel , «Trading Economics» (
https://it.tradingeconomics.com/israel/weapons-sales )
World Bank Issues New Update on the Palestinian Economy , «World Bank
Group», 05/23/2024 (
https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2024/05/23/world-bank-issues-new-update-on-the-palestinian-economy
)
World Bank Report: Impacts of the conflict in the Middle East on the
Palestinian Economy - September 2024 Update , «United Nations»,
26/09/2024 ( https://www.un.org/unispal/document/world-bank-report-26sep24 )
Med-Red Land Bridge project website ( https://medredlb.com )
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten