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donderdag 5 juli 2018

Anarchic update news all over the world - 5.07.2018

Today's Topics:


1.  Greece, APO - Colloquy for Social Anarchism - Black & Red -
      [OD-OS]: [Thessaloniki] Anti-fascist Concentration Against
      Fascist Pogroms (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

2.  Turkey, yeryuzu postasi: This choice is over: can we try
      something else now? - Cem Sky (tr)[machine translation]



4.  Poland, rozbrat.org: Save Your Internet! [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

5.  FAI, Tierra y Libertad #259 - The Gaza massacre (ca, it)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

6.  Greece, liberta salonica Initiative:
      Anti-fascist-anti-nationalist concentration Sunday 1/7, 18:00, in
      the park next to the Expo (gr) [machine translation]


Message: 1

IN KAMARA FRIDAY 29 JUNE 18.30 ---- "The danger is not that we can wake up one morning and 
find ourselves in a fascist world. The danger is that we fell in bed last night, in a 
world that had become fascist, without getting news. " -- Arthur Kaiser ---- Exactly, as 
we have emphasized in previous positions, rallies for the Macedonian are the nursery for 
the development of neo-Nazism. Yesterday in Thessaloniki, under the cover and the open 
support of the police, the "pure Patriots" who participated in the rally made pogroms 
against immigrants in the city center. While half of the city's police force had ruled out 
the occupation of "Mundo Nuevo" and the anti-fascist concentration of about 100 comrades, 
as well as other squats and races, the other half strength accompanied the 150 fascist 
hooligans to attack immigrants in Rotunda and break shop in which they fled to protect,

On Friday, June 29, at 19.00, on the occasion of an event in the town hall, the 
government's old-timers of SYRIZA sign the memorandums one behind the other and lead the 
way in serving the local and international interests of capital, the EU. and the NATO 
plans, nationalist circles are calling again at a meeting at the Town Hall of Thessaloniki.

There is never a chance to wake up in a city that has already been transformed into a 
fascist camp under the control of the gangs and not. There is no possibility of silence, 
there is no case in the magnitude of our forces to let the snorkel take a tower in the 
city terrorizing the weak. It is now more than obvious to us that only the massive 
presence of the anti-fascist movement publicly and openly with gatherings and hard 
struggle can raise a mound to the fascist hordes assisted by the forces of the Police and 
the far-right households occupying public space and attacking, like in Libertatia and 
yesterday in dozens of immigrants.

We call upon all the forces of the anti-fascist movement, all the forces of the struggle 
to be assembled in Kamara at 18.30 against the racist pogroms and the fascist threat 
thriving in Thessaloniki. The road will be judged right.


Colloquy for Social Anarchism - Black & Red, OD-OS member


Message: 2

As always, after the announcement of the results of the June 24th elections, the heroic 
opposition to the AKP became dominated by a deeply troubled atmosphere mixed with anger, 
anxiety, and astonishment. Just over a year and a half ago, on April 16, 2017, the AKP-MHP 
alliance outlined the "Yes" in the Constitutional referendum, endorsing the opposition and 
cutting off the CHP street protests. Then; anger, anxiety and astonishment. However, on 
June 7, a year and a half ago, the AKP lost its chances of becoming a ruling party, and 
the MHP and other opposition parties, which were not formally formed by the AKP, ended the 
solution process, while the CHP and the HDP were "trying to form a government." The 
solution process ended with fascist attacks and massacres , the election was re-elected on 
1 November and the AKP became the sole ruler. Then; anger,

You do not have to go any further. This has become a repetitive routine in every election, 
especially after the Trip Resistance. The constitutional parties gathered all the 
opponents from socialist to anarchist behind every election, saying "we will win for 
sure", "this last election", "there is no alternative". People are excited by saying "this 
time will be", "I will not vote again unless it is already in this election". Then; anger, 
anxiety, and confusion ... This was the election in this election, and responded to the 
opposition "Hodri Square!" to the dominant elections in which the AKP-MHP alliance 
determined the conditions, the rules and the time.

Although the "boycott" debates were made as hotly as possible on the first days of the 
election, the words "It is not legitimate!" After the April 16 Referendum were forgotten. 
A handful of people trying to tell the CHP that they will not go out on the streets and 
keep the people busy will almost see AKP pro-AKP proposal treatment, . The party remained 
in the hands of the parties, again convincing people that this time and that there is no 
other remedy.

Afterwards, he lived in front of the eyes: those living in many places, mainly in Kurdish 
provinces, mainly in Suruç where three HDP tradesmen were killed by relatives of AKP 
deputies; the miraculous success of the MHP in the Kurdish ills "which came out of the 
images of a section such as a ballot box, ballot papers, an RTE seal on a ballot box and 
an MHP seal. If the candidate thinks that he did not cheat at the end of the election 
because he said that Muharrem Ince said so easy. We know that this is an elective trick, 
but at this level, the tricks are not enough to cover up. A few hours ago, the party 
representatives declared that "we are winning," and that the CHP has accepted the 
individual results, accepting the results do not show anything other than that they are 
partners of this dirty wheel. The words "You are threatened, keep it from him!" Will not 
justify them. People ask: What else did you expect? Then why did you come into this game? 
Then why do you say we win for sure? Then why did you pretend to pretend that we will have 
a ball at the expense of our lives?

At this point, the attitude of HDP needs to be mentioned separately. In his speech on 19 
October 2016, Selahattin Demirtas said: "There will be elections, but democracy will come 
out of there, election equal democracy. lovers lie. Justice, in a non-equality 
environment, the crate will only institutionalize fascism " ( 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wgney1C96Ys ) It is right, of course, but then you have to 
ask HDP too, why did you choose these choices? Why do you contribute to the 
institutionalization of fascism?

 From SP, from IYIP, from Abdullah Gül, and so on. I do not know what to expect without a 
crusher ... On 7 June, MHP did not take a lecture on the harsh reality of living, maybe 
this time the founder member of IYIP, Mehmet Aslan, comes to them after the election: 
"Justice and Development Party he needs palm deputies. If this can be taken from the GOOD 
Party, if it is a law that is useful for the nation's future and the nation's future, the 
MHP may not be needed. If the good party is good enough to be good, whoever is speaking 
the truth will defend it. If the AK Party comes out and defends the right thing, what the 
party is saying is a good thing for the nation, the GOOD Party will support it. "

Despite all of this, the "professional politicians" seem to be very pleased with their 
responsibilities. HDP threshold, CHP exceeded 30 percent, socialist candidates are happy 
for parliamentary entry; "We will do the meclist, we will continue to fight like this." No 
one accepts his mistake and does not criticize himself. However, now that the parliament 
is no longer functioning, everyone is known, the voice of a deputy is getting kicked in. 
So we are rightly angry. However, this anger is dragging away from the quest for salvation 
within the parliament and the order, which is not the real source of power at all - but 
rather, entirely from struggle. In the end, there are not many organizations that 
criticize many of you. So we should not criticize ourselves first because we fall into 
this game every time?

Something else is possible!

Election night a friend said "This is my last choice". I know that a lot of people are 
voting because they think they are boycotting and there is not a strong boycott work. I 
emphasize not to be misunderstood, I do not say these because boycotts have a meaning 
alone. The most important thing is to organize where we are, to fight in the street in the 
most general sense, to be able to create a revolutionary alternative. We started to do 
this five years ago in the aftermath of the Tourist insurgency ... But the elections 
intervened like a poisonous arrow, and we struggled, polluted and eventually broke our 
struggle. We may not go back to the past, but we can act by taking lessons from our 
positive and negative experiences that we have experienced since then.

We leave the political quests in the order that we have not rejected elections that create 
a false division of life style preferences and identities among the workers and integrate 
them and leave a feeling of heavy defeat on the social opposition and leave us strong as 
long as we do not return to the struggle in our streets, even a simple recovery is not 
possible. The managers of the well-known organizations will not do it easily, because they 
have no other problem than to keep their shops, social clubs open. With the understanding 
of the traditional left politics, therefore, we have to live a confrontation, a 
theoretical and political confrontation with ourselves, with what we have done up to now. 
It will protect the revolutionary intentions of unorganized individuals and organizations 
that will do this,

As long as we do not do this, let's say we see this defeat as our own defeat and what we 
would like to do today, we will continue to run in the same mud again in the next 
election. But this defeat is not ours. Beyond being defeated in practice, politically 
bankrupt is still an understanding of the opposition within the order of the election. The 
construction of an authoritarian repressive regime has been completed in accordance with 
the needs of the world's leaning and ruling class. The opposition has been designed 
according to the new regime of all order parties with power, those who do not obey it have 
been liquidated. Therefore, this order will not become old, and improvements will not take 
place in relation to their internal dynamics. It will either be demolished or going worse.

It is not easy for us in the coming period, but it is not easy for a ruling government and 
its regime to stand up with bargaining and alliances between the cliques in the state and 
the elections in the days when the economic and political crises are on the horizon. Of 
course there is no recipe for what to do. I believe, however, that we can always find 
together with open-minded debates like those in post-trip forums on the conditions we seek 
from the toxic effects of parliamentary politics and statehood.

We can discuss direct forms of action, such as strike, boycott, blockade, rather than 
individual federal actions such as symbolic actions such as press statements or hunger 
strike, for example, by gathering around unorganized grassroots organizations that focus 
on struggle rather than establish legal institutions or enter into existing ones and fight 
seats there. Instead of hoping for the politicians of this order to change our lives, we 
can develop practices like communal kitchens that directly affect our lives, solidarity 
activities or alternative education activities that everyone contributes according to 
their own ability, discussion groups, libraries, social centers where we can discuss all 
this and more. Instead of saying that nothing will happen from this person, we can start 
to change people by starting from ourselves. Syrians vote for AKP,

Dear friends, who say "there is no other way" and "this is the last time" in every 
election and angry at those who say the axioms, have tried this way to this day ... What 
do you say, can we try something else?



Message: 3

What can US revolutionaries learn from factory take-overs and worker cooperatives in 
Argentina? Two South African writers with Zabalaza (ZACF) look at the example of 
Argentina's recuperated factory movement whereby workplaces facing closure during the 
economic crisis were seized and then operated as cooperatives. The authors looks at their 
relationship to social movements, their anti-capitalist potential and importantly their 
limitations. ---- By Leroy Maisiri and Lucien van der Walt ---- Introduction ---- The 
remarkable "recovered factories" (fábricas recuperadas) movement saw hundreds of closed 
factories reopened by the workers, run democratically, creating jobs and helping working 
class and poor communities. It showed that there is only so much protesting can accomplish 
- at some point you have to create something new. But it also shows it is essential that 
such alternative sites of production form alliances with, and become embedded, in other 
movements of the working class, poor and peasantry, including unions and unemployed 
movements. This assists them in building larger struggles, and provides them with some 
protection from the capitalist market and the state.

It is, meanwhile, important for unions and social movements to start to systematically 
develop alternatives to capitalist-and state-run social services and media. However, it is 
simply impossible to escape capitalism by creating cooperatives, social centres or 
alternative spaces - almost all means of production remain in ruling class hands, secured 
by force and backed by huge bureaucracies. It is essential to build a mass revolutionary 
front of unions and other movements, embracing popularly-run social services, media and 
production, and aiming at complete socialisation of the economy and of decision-making 
through a revolutionary rupture.

Documentaries like The Take-a movie that has been widely seen in South African labor and 
left circles-have drawn global attention to a remarkable challenge to neo-liberalism. In 
Argentina, in South America, economic crisis saw a collapse in working class conditions. 
High unemployment, low wages, attacks on social services: we are familiar with such things 
in South Africa. But something happened, which is very different. In Argentina, from the 
1990s, something new started.

The "recovered factories" (fábricas recuperadas) movement saw hundreds of closed factories 
and facilities reopened by the workers, run democratically, creating jobs and helping 
working classes and poor communities. For example, the former Zanon tile factory was 
reopened under workers' control (it is now called FaSinPat). It was able to create jobs, 
restore dignity and helped build a community clinic; it also makes donations to hospitals 
and feeding schemes. Many of these worker-run sites are still running. They have been 
linked together through two networks: the Movimiento Nacional de Empresas Recuperadas and 
the Movimiento Nacional de Fabricas Recuperadas.

What this remarkable experience shows is that there is only so much protesting can 
accomplish - at some point you have to discuss alternatives. You have to move beyond 
saying what you do not want, and beyond making limited demands, to creating something new. 
The workers in Argentina have helped to show an alternative from below. They have 
rewritten the textbook of economics. The experience - and similar ones before it, and 
alongside it, such as in the Spanish Revolution in the past and the Rojava Revolution 
today - show the immense role and creativity of the productive classes. It shows that it 
is possible to produce for need rather than profit. It shows something totally different 
to the two false choices we are given today: top-down exploitative wage labor under 
private companies (and privatization) and rule by state companies (and nationalization).

Self-Activity Not Elections
It represents a profound challenge to the system that leaves factories closed, while 
people need the goods and jobs and services they can produce, that closes brickyards while 
people are homeless, and hotels while people are homeless. It shows how democratic 
discussion and assemblies, choices based on meeting needs rather than making profits, can 
work - and work better than the mess we have under the current system. In the current 
system, we have massive waste, corruption and exclusion for the majority. Arms deals and 
blood diamonds while people starve on the streets.

Being Embedded
But what the "recovered factories" movement and the The Take also show is that it is 
essential that such alternative sites of production form alliances with movements of the 
working class, poor and peasantry, including unions, community movements, unemployed 
movements (in Argentina called "piqueteros"), and in popular struggles. They must be 
embedded in the movements of the popular classes, as a means of being protected from 
eviction by the state, and as a means of building struggles. Zanon, for example, has been 
protected from the police by massive protests, by strikes by unions, and has also 
participated in a range of struggles. Zanon workers are part of the union in the ceramics 
sector, the Sindicato de Obreros y Empleados Ceramistas de Neuquén. In 2003, 
community-based protests plus a mass strike by the Central de Trabajadores Argentinos 
union federation prevented Zanon from being evicted. In 2007, the Zanon workers joined 
mass protests after police killed a teacher, Carlos Fuentealba, at a demonstration.

Being embedded in this way, alternative sites of production can also be protected to an 
extent from the logics of capitalism, which, through both competition and monopolies, 
forces wages down, and imposes authoritarian management systems as the price of survival. 
It is important to remember here that the "recovered factories" still exist within 
capitalism. They face on-going pressures: for example the government refuses to provide 
contracts, and bans block loans; cheaper tiles can be sourced from other plants. Unless 
they have support from movements, and pressure to operate differently from capitalist 
state firms, and some space to do so, they can easily degenerate into worker-run 
capitalist firms. Unless they have support from movements, they can easily be captured by 
states, which will impose upon them business plans and other schemes, which will force 
them to operate as capitalist firms.

Solidarity Pricing
Locating the alternative production models within mass movements, helps avoid the 
situation, seen in some European countries, where valuable alternative spaces -like social 
centres, squats and radical bookshops -achieve a great deal but can become contained 
within isolated radical scenes and youth subcultures separate from the masses of the 
working class and poor people. They also avoid the other situation, where their survival 
rests upon support from wealthy strata, who can afford to pay higher prices and do so as a 
matter of conscience -while the masses, who cannot pay such premiums, rather choose much 
cheaper products made in capitalist sweatshops. In such a situation, alternative 
production becomes dependent upon class inequalities to survive - on ethical "middle 
class" - consumerism - rather than on class struggle.

African Examples
We have wonderful examples of such solidarity in the 1980s in South Africa, although it is 
not often found today. The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) set up cooperatives among 
retrenched workers, while the National Union of Metal workers of South Africa (NUMSA) did 
the same among workers who were fired in the course of a major strike at BTR-Sarmcol 
rubber factory. These cooperatives were then given contracts from NUM (and NUMSA) to 
supply union t-shirts and similar goods. The Food and Canning Workers Union ran its own 
medical aid in the 1980s, using this to set up a Ray Alexander Workers Clinic in Paarl. 
Union aid kept them afloat and allowed workers to also see an alternative.

Today, sadly, unions tend to simply use the cheapest capitalist company, and the cheapest 
shirts, including from union-bashing, worker-repressing sweatshops; and to sell members, 
for a commission, contracts with private sector medical aids that are invested in 
capitalist firms.

It is possible to develop alternatives - as a means of showing something different is 
possible, and as a means of reducing dependence on the corporations and the states. Union 
investment monies, for example, should prioritise spending on worker-run clinics, worker 
cooperatives, a working class media, popular education on a large scale, and mass 
organising - including of the unemployed - rather than invest in profit-making - a recipe 
for complete corruption of unions and a loss of vision.

The best example of this worst-case scenario is the South African Clothing and Textile 
Workers' Union (SACTWU) Investment Company, Hosken Consolidated Investments (HCI), which 
has shares in casinos, capitalist TV stations (e.tv) and bus companies - and helped a 
certain former SACTWU leader become a billionaire. Once a radical union in the "workerist" 
tradition, in 2017 SACTWU's HCI refused to close its bus services - in theory controlled 
by the union and its workers - in solidarity with a general strike organised by SACTWU and 
its federation, the South African Congress of Trade Unions.

Prefigure Everywhere
But what is essential is to prefigure a better future everywhere, not just in "recovered 
factories," social services, centers and media, but in mass formations, like unions, and 
local protest movements, like those in communities, as well. This means radically 
democratic organizing, solidarity and mass education against the ideas and attitudes and 
behaviors of the existing order.

It is Not Enough
It is important to be clear here that it is not possible to escape capitalism by creating 
a few sites of alternative production, by creating, social centers or even "recovered 
factories," or by "buying worker." It is not possible to build a "solidarity economy" that 
can defeat the existing system. The bulk of means of production remains in the hands of 
private corporations and states, controlled by the ruling class; the ruling class is 
backed by armies, police and massive bureaucracies.

To think we can exit from capitalism, or that capitalism will crumble, if we build an 
increasing number of local alternatives is wrong. These will always be on the margins, and 
the ruling class will crush - peacefully and violently - any major threat. The notion that 
we can "crack capitalism" (John Holloway) by the existing system, ignoring the state, 
refusing wage labour and building alternative systems is not realistic.

Capitalism and the state will never be suffocated by a proliferation of alternatives: as 
seen in the Spanish Revolution, it is not enough to have even a massive amount of 
collectives and land occupations; while the capital and the state have the commanding 
heights of finance, coercion and administration, the system will recover and crush the 
alternatives. After the disaster in Spain, the notion that the system will quietly die, 
"asphyxiate," when faced with large-scale economic disruption and collectivisation - as if 
its power resides solely in local workplaces - must be rejected.

The Need for Rupture
The aim is not to choose between capitalists: "Buy South Africa," "Buy Black," or 
"People's capitalism" (volkskapitalisme["people's capitalism"]as it was once called by a 
certain strand of unions in South Africa).

It is to link alternatives to capitalism together, coordinate them, and embed them in a 
larger mass revolutionary front of unions, social movements, and bottom-up social 
services, and people's media and people's education, which is based on struggle and that 
aims at the complete socialisation of the economy and of administration, a new system 
based on federations of community and workers councils, based on assemblies, and a 
serious, co-ordinated defence of the new.

Without this change - a radical rupture, final showdown -the on-going pressures of 
capitalism will corrupt or kill off alternatives that do not follow its rules; without 
this change, the repressive forces of the state will always remain poised to crush what is 

No Exit: Ride Through
The solution is not to "exit" through refusal, but to confront, through building a 
massive, unified counter-power based on radically democratic structures and direct action, 
resting on a revolutionary counter-culture, based on the widespread acceptance of a 
revolutionary worldview - and alternative sites of production and social services and 
media and education can play an important role, in this struggle.

As part of a larger movement, such alternatives are shielded, assume enormous symbolic 
power, and can help inspire a fundamental change. But there is no possibility that the 
current system will slowly and quietly disintegrate because of a few cooperatives, 
"recovered factories" and worker-clinics. An alternative must mean something new: it is no 
change if we keep relying on the leaders of the system, its institutions like elections, 
its stress on what divides us like colour and language and country, and the aims of the 
system: power and profit for a few. And it must mean something new, from the roots to the 
branches, a new society that replaces the old.

As the anarchist luminary Mikhail Bakunin argued long ago:

"The various forms of co-operation are incontestably one of the most equitable and 
rational ways of organising the future system of production. But before it can realise its 
aim of emancipating the labouring masses so that they will receive the full product of 
their labour, the land and all forms of capital must he converted into collective 
property. As long as this is not accomplished, the co-operatives will be overwhelmed by 
the all-powerful competition of monopoly capital and vast landed property; ... and even in 
the unlikely event that a small group of co-operatives should somehow surmount the 
competition, their success would only beget a new class of prosperous co-operators in the 
midst of a poverty-stricken mass of proletarians", (in Sam Dolgoff, 2002 edition, Bakunin 
on Anarchism).

This article was originally published by Pambazuka News.



Message: 4

The Directive on copyright in the digital single market is a project which, despite its 
controversial nature, was adopted by the Legal Committee of the European Parliament at its 
meeting on 20 June. Under the pretext of copyright protection, it allows the owners of 
websites to strictly control the content posted on them by users, in the directive itself, 
for example, as "effective content recognition technologies". In such conditions, freedom 
of speech on the Internet can turn out to be only an empty slogan, while access to culture 
and knowledge will become a privilege reserved for people who will be able to afford it. 
---- However, the voice of opposition has grown in the face of the directive, which is 
reflected in a Europe-wide campaign called Save Your Internet, the aim of which is to 
remove the most controversial part - article 13, which concerns the use, access and 
inclusion of protected works. Also in Poland, protests will be taking place in the streets 
of many cities in the coming days against the restriction of freedom on the Internet.

Campaign website: saveyourinternet.eu

Again, as in the protests against the ACTA agreement, the narrative is used by right-wing 
circles - defining the European Union as Marxist or socialist.
Groups that every day shout the loudest about adherence to the "holy property right", 
today they say that adherence to it on the Internet undermines their rights. As you can 
see liberal conservatives are able to change their views very flexibly, depending on 
whether they gain or lose in a given situation.

In turn, nationalist circles express their fears of "communist censorship". What are 
nationalists so afraid of? Could there be more accounts banned on facebook for propagating 
fascism and hate speech? Or maybe they find in this situation the opportunity to promote 
their views on the wave of criticism of the European Union?

The criticism of this directive from an anarchist perspective is obvious - censorship in 
any form is something that we fight with every day. Full, free access to knowledge and 
culture and freedom of speech should be common and obvious things. However, we can not 
limit ourselves to fighting for these values only to virtual reality, because it is just 
as important to fight for them in our everyday lives.

Anarchist Federation s. Poznan

Stop of Surveillance



Message: 5

In an increasingly complex and chaotic regional situation, a new wave of events is passing 
through the Gaza Strip. The Israeli-American decision to move the US embassy to Jerusalem, 
recognizing this city as the capital of Israel, has catalysed the rage of hundreds of 
thousands of people forced to live in the largest open-air prison in the world. ---- The 
Israeli army has dedicated itself to an execrable task of target shooting on anyone who 
would attempt to assault the border barrier with stones and Molotov cocktails. The 
Islamo-fascists of Hamas have taken the opportunity to vindicate the fallen and tighten 
even more the control nuts on the population of the Strip. ---- If the Israeli army stands 
guard over the compound, the Islamic militias mark their presence in the territory. They 
have a common goal: to keep everything as it is. Hamas leads the confrontation with Israel 
without power or want to win, with means that pale before the very powerful terrorist 
means that the Israeli bourgeoisie has the possibility of deploying. Hamas leads the war 
against the proletarians and subproletarians of the Gaza Strip to be able to control them, 
to enrich the caciques and the local bourgeoisie that is lined with the black market and 
speculation about goods increasingly difficult to import, combined with the Egyptian 
bourgeoisie and the Israeli itself. It manages the safety valve and does it egregiously:
We are facing the umpteenth demonstration of how the enemy always marches at our head. And 
so on the Strip as in the West Bank managed by Al-Fatha, and in Israel. The permanent 
state of war enriches the Israeli bourgeoisie, allows to experiment on the ground weapons 
and war technology that will later be exported - the last ones are tear gas drones - 
demobilizes the Israeli workers with the question of nationalism in order to control them 
better. In Israel, the climate is increasingly repressive and the power of the clerical 
and ultra-authoritarian sectors is increasing.
Who orders to shoot on the inhabitants of the Strip, will not have problems to do it also 
on the Israeli proletarians the day that they raise the head. Thousands of Israelis have 
taken to the streets against the infamous acts committed by the government of Tel Aviv, in 
the absolute silence of the media, which have preferred to ignore them in complicity.
Whoever launched into Gaza against the border barrier did not do so because he followed 
Hamas' instructions - which have even escalated the protests - and is probably not very 
interested in the location of the US embassy. He has done so because of the prospect of 
living in an open-air prison, with basic needs scarce and watched by the collectors who 
drain the squalid domestic finances, in a gigantic prison in which the consumption of hard 
drugs increases, a lucid life and terrifying is a perspective of non-life, of mere 
survival. The revolt is the revolt of the desperate.
Who frivolizes when considering the defense of borders as legitimization of events, or has 
personal interests at stake -as he is a criminal- or is steeped in deadly ideology, so he 
is a cretin who does not realize that before or later it can touch him to find himself in 
the wrong part of a crosshair.
Given what happened, many accuse Israel of not being a true democracy in that it is based 
on oppression and exclusion on an ethnic basis. Well, but they forget that all democracies 
have always acted in this way. Modern democracy is exclusive and is deeply linked to 
racism, apart from class oppression. Israel is a democratic state that behaves in exactly 
the same way as other democratic states.
Have we forgotten the shots of the Civil Guard in Ceuta? Or how did the French and British 
democracies manage colonialism and decolonization? Not to mention immigration within the 
borders themselves.
Or white and democratic supremacism in the United States? All States act with systematic 
violence, and democracies do not exactly lag behind: they only build a broader legitimacy 
and a more sophisticated ideological system around this violence.
The solution to this conflict can only come when the instances of rupture carried out by 
those who attempt the assault on the walls of the Gaza prison are met with those instances 
of rupture, which are not very visible but present in Israel: those instances that have 
led to an increase in the number of desertions and resistance in the military service, and 
thousands of people to protest in various waves against the policies, both militarist and 
classist of the Tel Aviv government.




Message: 6

the Macedonian issue was a rare opportunity for every kind of nationalist and fascist 
squat to take a place in public speech and try to promote its murderous political plans. 
The January nationalist rallies in Thessaloniki and Athens served this very purpose. It 
became apparent to the most naive, that the supposedly uncomplicated and non-political 
character of the rallies, advertised with so much diligence by the media, was simply a 
sheep that underneath it hid the beast - and as it turned out it did not take him much to 
feel certain and to reveal his real face. Somehow, the useful idiots turned into dangerous 
idiots. It is obvious that several tendencies of the far right and nationalist space 
consider it time for a parliamentary party of the far right beyond the neo-Nazi Golden 
Dawn. But it is also obvious that the ideology of national unity that seeks to instill 
reconciliation with class and social inequality and oppression does not only benefit these 
circles but almost all of the sovereignty, as the spread of the nationalistic poison 
breaks the social basis and distracts it from its real problems and interests, especially 
during periods of capitalist crisis.

For a number of years, we have from this side of the border an irrational requirement that 
the Greek state has the main reason against the name of another nation-state, which, 
unfortunately, is socially supported by a significant part of Greek society. A demand that 
is now mitigated by the EU's willingness to integrate the Republic of Macedonia into it 
and the need for NATO to expand its sphere of influence. On the other side of the border 
we see a growing nationalism that aims to create and consolidate their own "national myth" 
and often takes totally ridiculous forms, but clearly not even more ridiculous than our 
"own" nationalism. A look at the photos of the two rallies confirms the verdict.

Now that the "consultations" between the "two" sides have ended up with the name "Northern 
Macedonia" for the neighboring country, once again the national indignation overflows (!) 
For the audacity of the neighbors living in the northern part of the geographical area 
called Macedonia to "whisk" the name "Northern Macedonia" (!). What if the use of the term 
"Macedonia" has long been accepted by the Greek side (Former Yugoslav Republic of 
Macedonia)? These are fine prints for patriots who will once again rush to present at 
nationalist rallies at the same time that they are not fascists. The Macedonian uniforms 
will come back from the wardrobe,

The oppressed and the exploited have nothing to divide between us. Our oppressors are 
common and have the same name, regardless of their nationality, and they are the state and 
the capital. The only thing that nationalism manages to do is to separate and distract 
them from the bottom by facilitating the bosses, and that is precisely the service that 
offers sovereignty, that is why it is systematically promoted and planted on the social 
basis. We, for our part, will strive to dissolve every separation on the body of the 
oppressed and exploited. So we must fight together with the oppressed and the exploiters 
of all countries to create a common internationalist front that will raise a barrier to 
nationalism and fascism, who will fight against the state and the capital, which will 
thunder that it will not let our bosses separate us on the basis of nationality, color, 
sexual orientation, gender, religion or any other line. Who will fight for an a-state, 
a-class, non-national life.

Alongside nationalism, we will struggle to crush its most advanced form: fascism, whenever 
he tries to raise his head. In this city, we saw the various fascists trying to appear on 
the road with various occasions. We see them now and lead the a-colored rallies, the first 
berry behind the banners, the first berries in the "episodes". Nationalist rallies have 
given the opportunity to set up in a public sphere a reactive-fascist pole, hostile to the 
exploited and oppressed, especially to immigrants and refugees. On 27/6, the front of this 
nationalist party, which is the rally for the Macedonian, the fascists, painted the Jewish 
holocaust memorial in Eleftherias Square, ratifying through this anti-Semitic act that 
they are a clear Nazi stream. Then, after the end of the nationalist rally, a group of 
fascists chased an immigrant to the Rotterdam region, beating him while he was trying to 
find a shelter in a shop in the area, where the fascists caused damage. The racist 
persecution continued in the nationalist rally on 29/6.

We, as anti-fascists and anti-fascists, no matter what the fascists invoke to get out of 
their hole and assemble a number of racists, greek-believers, religious, we see fascism as 
the long hand of capital. And that is why we are not separating our struggle against the 
fascism from it to capitalism. Fascism is the intensification of the capitalist condition 
of the exception. Our fascism wants slaves of the bosses. Fascism intensifies the 
misappropriation and militarization of labor, placing conditions of extermination on the 
"labor force".

Fascism is the birth of this world of oppression, exploitation and exceptions. That is why 
it is treated in class terms, upsetting the system that rears it and which it always 
serves. We will not leave our city to the fascists and the ultra-nationalists, as few as 
they are, no matter how ridiculous they imagine.








Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki - member of the Anarchist Federation

lib_thess @ hotmail.com


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