Today's Topics:
1. sas madrid press communication: The Support Platform for
Nines and Palestine is born (07/08/2019). (ca, it)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #296 - AL special issue of
July-August is on newsstands! (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Netherlands, Utrecht: Flyer action workgroup Arbeid FNV and
OTTO Workforce office Utrecht By Free Bond Secretariat (nl)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. ait russia: David Valters. Anarchists and urban planning
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. ait-russia: 34th action of "Yellow vests": there will be no
holidays [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #296 - Emergency strike:
The return of striker coordination? (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Various groups and individuals are organizing against the criminalization of Nines Maestro
and two other women for raising solidarity aid for Palestine. ---- The Nines and Palestine
Support Platform is set up with the objective of coordinating and promoting support
activities for Nines Maestro and two other activists (who have preferred to remain
anonymous) accused of financing terrorism for collecting funds for the reconstruction of
facilities health services in Gaza after the bombings in 2014 and 2015. ---- After the
Israeli attacks on Gaza, a first collection of 5,300 euros was carried out in 2014,
channeled through Leila Khaled, and a second one of 3,085 euros in 2015, which was sent
through an official representative of the Palestinian National Authority. .
Now the National Court has ordered the opening of summary proceedings for collaboration
with terrorist organization, a crime that could lead to sentences of two to ten years in
prison and fines for triple the amount sent. The pretext used by the court - the
channeling of solidarity aid through the Palestinian leader Leila Khaled, member of an
organization, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which is considered by
the EU as a terrorist organization - is unacceptable. Leila Khaled is a symbol of the
resistance of her people and is invited with some frequency - as in the occasion mentioned
- by municipalities such as Barcelona and Madrid and other academic and social institutions.
The Support Platform for Nines and Palestine is created to provide information and
dissemination of the case, seek support at the state and international level and
contribute to defray judicial expenses.
Among the groups integrated in the platform are Anticapitalists, BDS, Corredor del Henares
CGT, Communist Initiative, IU Madrid City, The Commune, Mothers Against Repression,
Anti-repression Movement of Madrid, Node50, Peace with Dignity, Red Network, Union Health
Assembly -Madrid. It is and will be constantly open to the incorporation of new
organizations and people interested in spreading a clear message: internationalist
solidarity is not a crime.
First actions
A collection of signatures of support has been launched around the Manifesto Against the
Criminalization of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, in addition to starting
contacts with various City Councils, jurists and artists from all over the State.
The Platform already has a website https://www.conninesporpalestina.org/, a Twitter
profile (@PNinesPalestina) and an identifying image that will be disseminated in the
coming days:
During the summer, the objective of the platform is to publicize the case and collect
support, with the aim of starting a second phase of dissemination and coordinated
activities at the state level from September, which will culminate in a more far-reaching
support event before December 2019.
During the week that follows, dissemination actions will be carried out at the next La
Karmela festivities, in Vallecas, centralized in a permanent information stand.
An accusation that seeks to repress internationalist solidarity
Ángeles Red militant Master of Red, ex-deputy of IU in the Congress of Deputies (1989 and
2000), communist, medical, anti-fascist militant and against the war that has made
internationalism a permanent cause.
The case against Nines Maestro and two other compañeras represents a legal measure of
criminalization of a solidary act. If at the beginning of the year an accusation for
terrorism financing offense appeared unprecedented, on June 14 the news was received that
the National Court had denied the dismissal requested by the defense.
In statements to the press Nines Maestro made it clear that "The only thing we have done
has been to raise money for humanitarian aid in Palestine after the attacks of Israel on
two occasions: one in mid-2014 and another at the end of 2015. Nothing more. We delivered
the money collected, first, to Leila Khaled and, later, to a representative of the
Palestinian National Authority, we never thought that we would meet a demand to finance
terrorism, it does not make sense. "
https://www.sasmadrid.org/index.php/noticias/otros-sectores/1243-nace-la-plataforma-de-apoyo-a-nines-y-palestina-08-07-2019
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Message: 2
You will find, among others, the Manifesto of the Libertarian Communist Union (UCL),
adopted at the beginning of June at the Allier congress. In twenty chapters are detailed
his project of society, his analysis of capitalism, the state, the ecological crisis,
patriarchy, racism, imperialism, its revolutionary strategy based on counter-powers and
self-organization , his syndicalist approach, his conception of the libertarian
organization and above all - above all! - his confidence in the inventiveness of the
proletariat. ---- In all the good kiosks! ---- Also find in the rest of the newspaper:
---- Editorial: Merge to excel ---- Spotlight: The Libertarian Communist Union (UCL) is
born ---- Libertarian Communist Congress of the Allier: birth of a new federation
How we chose Libertarian Communist Union ---- Manifesto of the UCL
What she wants, where she goes: 20 pages, 20 chapters
International
Israel-Palestine: A model of domination that threatens us all
Sudan: The Petromarchies Telegraph the Counter-Revolution
Antipatriarcat
Sexist violence: Why justice saves the notables
Contraception: The disturbing return of natural methods
Policy
Privatization of ADP: why refuse the big Macronian sellout
Call of Christchurch: How to save the soldier Zuckerberg
Alternative media: "Power relations", the relay of mobilizations
Echoes of Africa: The UN is not Robin Hood
unionism
Emergency strike: The return of striker coordination?
Renault Douai: Shriveled CSE, aggravated rates
Perrine Ablain (Syndicat des libraires d'Ile-de-France): "Defending our vision of the
profession"
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?AL-numero-special-de-juillet-aout-est-en-kiosques
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Message: 3
[Beilen] Flyer promotion at Jumbo DC in Beilen ---- Yes, there we are again!! ---- Last
Friday, July 5, during the Dolle Dwaze Domela Dagen , the Free Bond - Workgroup Labor
Group organized another flyer campaign at the Jumbo distribution center (DC) in Beilen.
This is to provide information during the shift change to labor migrants working at this
distribution center. Likewise, sympathizers were present at this promotion. ---- When we
arrived at the location, we immediately rolled out our banner and distributed it in a time
frame of approximately one hour at the gate of the Jumbo DC employment law flyers in Dutch
, English and Polish . Many workers stopped to accept our flyers. Most of them responded
positively and gladly accepted the flyers, also to give them to their (Polish) colleagues.
This time not even a Jumbo employee appeared to ask what we were doing. It almost seems
that it is becoming a habit to fly at the gate. When the flyers were almost finished,
everyone was collected and we moved away. Everyone was full of energy, ready for the next
action.
Why this promotion?
The flyer campaign is intended to alert labor migrants to their rights, to ensure that
they are not used against other employees and to alert them to self-organization. This was
done by distributing employment law flyers in which the basis of employment law for flex
workers is briefly and briefly explained in various languages such as Polish, English,
Dutch and Spanish.
The vast majority of employees working in the Jumbo Distribution Centers are labor
migrants, mainly of Polish descent. These labor migrants are in a difficult situation in
which they are exploited. This by having to meet far too high standards, by being put on
the waiting list in case of complaints and as a result not being given work but having to
pay for expenses, are entirely dependent on the accommodation offered which, incidentally,
is in dubious condition and has to be roughly paid for. It has also been shown earlier
that labor migrants have been used as strike breakers at a Jumbo Distribution Center,
which is of course completely illegal! Migrant workers usually do not know what their
rights are, which makes them vulnerable to such types of exploitation. The flyer campaign
is therefore intended to alert labor migrants to their rights,
More promotions!
This promotion is the initiative of the Free Association and more promotions will follow,
such as the following flyer promotions:
Friday, July 19 FNV and OTTO Workforce office Utrecht (possibly also to Jumbo DC Woerden,
if this proves possible).
Friday, August 2 OTTO Workforce office The Hague, during the No Border Camp.
Friday, August 23 Jumbo DC Beilen, during the Free Bond Congress.
A workshop will also be set up during the No Border Camp (August 1-4).
Of course you are invited to participate in these promotions and / or workshops. Later
specific announcements follow.
Contact
Do you want to get in touch? Do you want to get involved or simply want more information
about these promotions? Then get in touch!
Write your email to: vrijebond-labor (at) riseup (dot) net
Check the website of the Free Association
https://www.vrijebond.org/beilen-flyer-actie-bij-jumbo-dc-in-beilen/
------------------------------
Message: 4
Public participation in planning and urban planning is an important enough topic to devote
to it a separate chapter reviewing this aspect from the origin of the idea in the
anarchist philosophy of the 19th century, its development by diverse groups of avant-garde
pioneers of planners, including Patrick Geddes and Ebenezer Howard in the beginning of the
20th century on a wide range of planning and design activities, culminating in the
practice of "charrette", described in detail in this publication. ---- Leading supporters
of civic activism and strong communities in recent decades - Jane Jacobs, Christopher
Alexander, Ralph Erskine, and Rod Hackney, the British pioneer of participatory
architecture, along with many young architects and planners involved in the participatory
architecture and advocacy planning movement in 1970s-1980s. This chapter looks at their
activities in a historical and political context.
Public participation in planning and urban planning, the creation of master plans has
become a key action of the state urban planning policy, proclaimed by the UK government at
the turn of the century. The process is also gaining momentum in the US, along with the
gradual awareness of local governments of the benefits of reducing conflicts with citizens
about interfering with community life. Academic theory has also turned to public
participation through the promotion of "participatory planning" as a means of ensuring the
legitimacy of new planning efforts in postmodern society. This emphasis on planning as a
process reduces the focus on getting the final result (in this case, the master plan),
which consistently occurred from the 1970s to the 1990s, but together with "charrettes",
the master plan manufacturing process has acquired a new format in which both the process
and the result are effectively combined. With the beginning of the XXI century, such a
revival of the importance of master plans once again made urban planning the basis of the
practice of urban planning.
ANARCHISTIC ORIGINS OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
Events and circumstances in the modern world sometimes have unexpected roots, and the
whole concept of public involvement in the planning of small and large cities is no
exception. Essential for the evolution of participatory planning has become several
completely unrelated historical events far removed in time and space from our present
experience. In the summer of 1876, the 34-year-old Russian prince Peter Kropotkin
(1842-1921), "a hereditary member of the most privileged Russian aristocracy, but a
revolutionary propagandist of his own choice," escaped from the prison hospital of St.
Petersburg, skillfully avoided meeting Alexander the imperial gendarmes and spies II and
landed on a ship departing for England seeking political asylum and freedom of thought to
spread their radical anarchist views (Hulse: p.1). Almost two decades later, in 1894,
during the rampant arrests of anarchists in France, and the state prohibition of anarchist
ideology, the eminent French geographer Eliza Reclu (1830-1905), a well-known member of
the international anarchist movement, was allegedly saved from the conclusion of that the
British prestigious Royal Geographical Society "confirmed its worldwide reputation" as the
most advanced geographer in the world "by awarding him a gold medal" (Woodcock: p.21).
These two deviations from the conclusion of two significant intellectuals of the anarchist
movement of the late XIX century kept alive and accessible two directions of thought about
society, politics and power, which later turned out to be incredibly important in the
history of urban planning and urban planning of the XX century. They have resonance so
far: first, people must be empowered to plan their own cities "from the bottom up"; and
secondly, communities in their "natural" state function best as a "small-scale
collectivist society ... living in harmony with its environment" (Hall P .: p.150).
Kropotkin has provided self-sufficient cities, provided with food produced on the
surrounding farms. Factories and shops should provide goods and services for local needs,
and city parks should be created on land reclaimed from the former federal aristocracy. In
the same vein, Kropotkin's contemporaries thought - reformers William Morris and Ebenezer
Howard - defining buildings, and, more generally, neighborhoods and cities "as a product
of collective skills ... produced by a multitude of hands" (Hulse: pp.57-59). The opinion
of these social reformers and activists was that society should self-restructure, based on
the interaction of free individual personalities, and not on the external influence of the
forces of centralized power, however good it might be.
In his book of 1898, Fields, Factories and Workshops, Kropotkin expanded this thesis into
the concept of "mutual aid" as the determining prerequisite for a new society. Such a
collaboration, he argued, would resist the centralized power of the state or large
capitalist or state corporations, in which he saw the main reasons for the infringement of
individual freedom in an industrial city. Kropotkin illustrates his definition by
analyzing the medieval city in Europe, where each neighborhood or parish was often modeled
on a self-governing guild of artisans; the city was "the union of these districts,
streets, parishes, and guilds" (Hall P .: p.151). Freed from external medieval attributes,
his model is very similar to the basic idea of the New Urbanists, which they, in turn,
Kropotkin's French colleague, Eliza Reclu, substantiated the assertion that freedom and
justice "can be found where free thought is released from the chains of dogma ... where
honest people ... freely join together with the aim of mutual learning and for restoration
... complete satisfaction their needs "(Reclus, in Clark and Martin: p.62). Rekul believed
that "patriarchal, authoritarian, power-based institutions of society" are conspiring
against human freedom and nature, and that social and environmental justice can be
achieved only when people rediscover and experience reunion with others and with nature
through "fascinating, transformative activity. Reclus "pointed to the rebirth of a rich,
highly individualized and socially self-sufficient person (s) the rebirth of a free,
Another significant figure was involved in these alternative and community-based views on
urban development and urban planning - Patrick Geddes (1854-1932), the famous Scottish
geographer. Geddes, traditionally recognized as the father of regional planning, was in
close contact with Reclus and Kropotkin, and can best be described as "unclassifiable
scholar" with far-reaching interests in geography, biology and social sciences (Hall P .:
p. 143). Most importantly for our study, a kind of Scotchman relied on his knowledge of
the works of Reclus, Kropotkin and others, and put into the modern planning theory "the
idea that men and women can build their own cities" to avoid the world of mass production
and centralized power (Hall .: p.263).
Geddes took the position that "society should be restored not by inclusive government
events ... but by the efforts of millions of individuals" (Hall P .: p.152). In this case,
ordinary people can form neighborhoods, collaborate in the city, and join together to
create and manage geographically defined regions. Geddes' vision also included the
increasing role of nature, propagated from an ecological point of view, first described by
Reclus in his philosophical aspiration, positioning human being inseparable from the
environment, its geographical properties, flora and fauna of certain natural regions
(Clark and Martin: p.5) . Describing urban conditions in 1915, Geddes wrote that
"children, women, workers in the city can go, but rarely to the village ...[M]s should
then bring the village to them" (Geddes: pp.48-49). Geddes represented an organically
developing urban form, where nature was inextricably linked with the urban environment,
which was the result of the joint efforts of the communities themselves, and all of this
was established in a geographically and ecologically defined area. This was, in effect, a
brief description of the Garden City of Ebenezer Howard.
Howard, of course, developed topics in common with anarchist philosophy for his Garden
City, including local government, self-government, and community identity. Howard
published his radical proposal for the Garden City in 1898, under the heading: "Tomorrow:
A Peaceful Path to Real Reform," the same year as Kropotkin's Fields, Factories and
Workshops. Born in Britain in 1850, Howard lived in America, namely in Chicago, for
several years during the 1870s, which eventually led to the emergence of new suburbs in
Britain and America. Howard appreciated the increase in rural accessibility thanks to the
railroad that made them reachable directly from existing cities and towns - a factor that
fundamentally changed the long-standing justifications for the static location and shape
of cities: large populations could now be moved to and from remote rural areas, if provide
efficient mass transportation. One of the strongest reasons for moving out of the city was
the abundance of cheap land in the countryside, during Howard being especially
undervalued. In addition to the urban problems of industrial overpopulation and poverty in
British cities, rural poverty has also been very common. The British agricultural industry
at the end of the 19th century was exhausted by the recession, and Howard sought not only
to get out of the urban crisis, but also to alleviate rural poverty by transforming
depressed rural areas into prosperous new cities. In addition to the urban problems of
industrial overpopulation and poverty in British cities, rural poverty has also been very
common. The British agricultural industry at the end of the 19th century was exhausted by
the recession, and Howard sought not only to get out of the urban crisis, but also to
alleviate rural poverty by transforming depressed rural areas into prosperous new cities.
In addition to the urban problems of industrial overpopulation and poverty in British
cities, rural poverty has also been very common. The British agricultural industry at the
end of the 19th century was exhausted by the recession, and Howard sought not only to get
out of the urban crisis, but also to alleviate rural poverty by transforming depressed
rural areas into prosperous new cities.
Howard's practical scheme envisaged income derived from the transformation of cheap farm
land into urban land, using the money raised to finance the development of new cities,
reinvesting profits into the public infrastructure of the community. Despite the Howard's
reluctance to fix any specific plan of the city, his famous diagrams clearly illustrate
the importance with which he endowed the public infrastructure. He placed public
institutions in the heart of the community, surrounded them with a park, and this open
space surrounded the glass-coated linear structure with all the city's trading functions,
a very close prototype of today's shopping mall. Outgoing from the center, residential
areas included areas of any size for any set of social classes, and behind them were
industrial and production areas.
More important than physical form for Howard were his processes of social and economic
organization and management. In his famous "three magnets" diagram, the final words under
the new "city-village" paradigm are "freedom" and "cooperation", the two pillars of the
anarchist philosophy of Reclus and Kropotkin.
As Hull points out, these words "are not just rhetoric; it is the essence of the whole
plan "(Hall P .: p.95). Once the mortgage debt paid by the self-governing community is
replaced by infinite revenue from increasing the value of the land and selling land for
new development. Then the proceeds can be sent to the local national welfare fund. The
increasing value of land will result in the community "founding a fund of free pensions
for the elderly, the poor, who are now incarcerated in working-class homes; to drive out
despair and reawaken hope in the chest of those who failed; to silence the stern voice of
anger, and awaken the soft notes of fraternity and goodwill "(Howard: p.13).
The garden city has become a source of inspiration for urban planners and planners for a
century, and this economic, social and environmental mixture of the city and nature still
serves a number of planning principles today, mainly for the New Urbanists. It is
surprising now to remember that another hero, more precisely, the heroine of New Urbanism,
the American author and city critic Jane Jacobs, brought down very caustic criticism of
Howard's ideas. In recent years, it has become fashionable to raise Jacobs to a level
almost holy for her passion and eloquent protection of cities, and for the sharp attacks
on traditional planning contained in the 1961 book Death and Life of Great American
Cities. This magnum opus (great deed), of course, is a terrific work, exposing and
carefully dissecting many myths of traditional planning; her timeless advice for planners
and city planners on how our cities and neighborhoods really work, unlike theories on how
they should work, is still relevant today. But not everything Jacobs wrote in her
passionate, but surprisingly ridiculous criticism of urban planning was correct.
Bibliography
Clark, JP and Martin, C. (eds). (2004). Anarchy, Geography, Modernity: The Radical Social
Thought of Elisée Reclus. Lanham, MA: Lexington Books.
Geddes, P. (1915). Cities in Evolution. London: Williams & Norgate. Reprinted (1971) as:
Cities in Evolution: Critics. New York: Harper & Row.
Hall, P. (2002). Cities of Tomorrow, 3rd edn. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Howard, E. (1898). Tomorrow: A Peaceful Path to Real Reform. London: Swann Sonnenschein.
Reprinted (1965) as: Garden Cities of Tomorrow. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Hulse, JW (1970). Revolutionists in London: Unorthodox Socialists. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Woodcock, G. (1980). 'Misreading radical history: the anarchist way to socialism.' Review
of Fleming, M. The Anarchist Way to Socialism, Croom Helm, Rowan and Littlefield. The New
Leader, 28 January, 21. New York: New Leader Publication Association.
(Excerpts from the chapter "Planning, urban planning and the power of citizens: complicity
in planning from anarchists of the 19th century to the present day" in D. Valters' book
"COMMUNICATIVE LINK DESIGN:" carts ", master plans and forming codes," translation:
spjasshka.livejournal.com
https://aitrus.info/node/5294
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Message: 5
In France - the holiday season. But "Yellow vests" are still in office, although the
authorities and the media are doing everything to shut up and ignore their struggle. But
on July 6, the 34th protest rally led thousands of people to the streets and roads in
places like Alonzier, Angers, Ancenis, Besancon, Beness, Bordeaux, Buchle, Villefranche,
Doluse, Givors, Kombur, Le Touquet, Lille , Lyon, Marseille, Montpellier, Montelimar,
Nancy, Nantes, Nice, Paris, Pau, Pont-a-Mousson, Puget-Ville, Remoulins, Rethel, Royan,
Rouen, Toulouse, Frejus, Chignan. ---- In some places, street marches took place; in
others, demonstrators occupied toll stations and passed cars for free. The most numerous
were the processions in Nantes, Bordeaux, Toulouse and Paris. At the same time, protesters
in the French capital noted calls to stop police violence, as well as to release Julian
Assange. The demonstrators moved soon after noon from the Place de la Republique and
reached Plaza Catalunya, near Montparnasse train station. The march was mostly calm,
although this time it was not without police gas. "Gas was elected by the LREM party as
the perfume of the year," said one of the banners (LREM - the party of President Macron).
On others it was possible to read the requirements to allocate more funds for health and
education.
In the center of Toulouse, demonstrators marched under the scorching sun for a banner
demanding Macron's departure. "Support for the wounded, against repression," could be read
on it. During the march, a stop was made at one of the Zara stores, where protesters
chanted anti-capitalist slogans. Another stop was made at the courthouse; the protesters
chanted; "Amnesty for" yellow vests "". Then they moved back to the city center, and, as
usual, ran into the gas-firing police near the forbidden area of the Capitol. After a
brief skirmish, the demonstrators dispersed. 2 people were detained by the police.
Are the "yellow vests" going for the holidays? "Of course, we are now smaller on the
streets of Toulouse on Saturdays," explains Diana, who participated in all the marches,
starting from the very first. "But this, first of all, to focus on other promotions,
during the week ... Presence at circular road intersections, blockade of strategic points,
support for teachers who oppose the law of Blanke, support for suffering ambulance
doctors. Nevertheless, we keep our presence at demonstrations. This will happen throughout
the summer, with increased mobilization with the advent of September. In fact, we will use
this summer period in order to discuss the upcoming new actions ... The movement is not
going to leave, it is being transformed, structured, restructured. Toulouse remains a
bastion of "yellow vests." Today, in the heat, many do not wear their vests. We are even
ready to sympathize with riot police in their uniforms, but when they poison us with gas,
as they do every Saturday ... ", says Diana.
In Bordeaux, according to police, the demonstration was calm. In Nancy, the demonstrators
also tried to avoid the forbidden center of the city; 1 person was detained for throwing
items to the police.
In Lyon and Givory, the "yellow vests" are back at intersections and junctions. On Friday
evening, activists took a roundabout in front of the hospital in Croix-Rus. On Saturday,
the action resumed at this interchange and in the Croix-Rus market. The picketers
collected signatures for a referendum against the privatization of the Paris airport. The
picketing of the Saint-Sauveur junction in Isere was scheduled for the evening. In Givors,
after a ban on picketing the junction at the entrance to the Givor 2 Valais shopping
center, protesters moved to a roundabout between the Georges Levy embankment and the
Normandie-Neman park.
Protests of "yellow vests" are held on other days of the week. For example, on July 1, it
was reported that the protesters completely blocked the A75 highway in both directions,
causing a 7-kilometer traffic jam. The action was carried out jointly by employees of the
"Interdepartmental Directorate of Roads" in orange vests and "yellow vests" who came to
support their struggle.
https://www.bfmtv.com/societe/gilets-jaunes-quelques-centaines-de-personnes-a-paris-bordeaux-ou-toulouse-1726635.html;
https://www.ladepeche.fr/2019/07/06/les-gilets-jaunes-de-toulouse-ne-vont-pas-sarreter-cet-ete,8299530.php;
https://www.lyoncapitale.fr/actualite/a-lyon-les-gilets-jaunes-se-mettent-a-la-dentelle/;
https://russian.rt.com/world/ foto / 647809-franciya-zheltye-zhilety-protest;
https://www.gj-magazine.com/gj/la75-paralyse-par-les-gilets-orange-et-gilet-jaune-prefete-sur-place/
https://aitrus.info/node/5292
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Message: 6
More than 120 emergency services affected, a strike whose structure is reminiscent of the
1988 movement ... The national strike committee brings together the Inter-Emergency
Collective, delegates from the regions, and joined the SOUTH unions, CGT and FO. How does
all this work? ---- In June, the fight in the emergency services suddenly intensified.
Overworked, under-staffed, faced with the misunderstanding of users and users, emergency
staff - like the entire hospital world - is disgusted at not being able to do their job
properly. ---- The first victims of austerity policies are the most vulnerable
populations. Health centers are asphyxiated, institutions for the elderly are managed
according to financial logic, psychiatry is attacked by the shift of its tasks to the
disability sector, medical deserts spread in working-class neighborhoods and rural areas .
And what remains as recourse, when everything has been dismantled? The emergencies. This
explains the explosion of calls to reception and emergency services (UAS). The government
and the regional health agencies (LRAs) will always be able to cry out about the lack of
good citizenship and the undue calls, the reality is that the SAU are, for some and some,
the last places of accessible care.
But once the care decision is made, patients often have to wait a long time in the UAA
because finding a place for hospitalization is a feat ...
Wave of sick leave
These situations led some Parisian UAS to go on strike in the spring. A group of
caregivers mobilized in Paris then created the Inter-Emergency Collective. Rapidly the
movement spread to all the UAA of the Public Assistance-Hospitals of Paris (AP-HP) then to
the whole territory. In many places, the strike has taken the form of a massive wave of
sick leave. The Minister, Agnes Buzyn, denounced a usurpation of sick leave and
recommended that the caregivers in struggle declare themselves on strike ... while coming
to work with a "strike" armband . To work for free, that will certainly force the ministry
to listen to the demands!
In reality, these sick leaves, if they actually work around the minimum service
obligation, are not fictitious. Emergency staff are exhausted, exhausted, but generally
refrain from filing sick leave. This time, they allowed themselves, collectively, in a
logic of struggle!
The pivotal role of the Inter-Emergency Collective
Here and there, groups of strikers wished to join the Collectif inter-urgences. To become
affiliated, it is enough for them to resume, in addition to their local themes, three
unifying demands: "No hospitalization on stretchers; increase in the workforce; 300 euros
of premium".
Finally, the Inter-Emergency Collective created a national strike committee, formalized
during a first meeting at the Paris Labor Exchange on May 25th. The national strike
committee is made up of two delegates per major medical region (corresponding to the 12
LRAs), the Inter-Emergency Collective, and associated with its action the SUD, CGT and FO
trade union federations. Indeed, only the latter are authorized to file strike notices.
On paper, the desire for self-organization is there, even if one wonders about the
perimeter chosen to designate delegates to the national strike committee. The territory of
an LRA can be very large, and the distances between SAU in fight will pose a problem of
control of the mandates. In comparison, the 1988 National Nursing Coordinates brought
together delegates from each striking hospital.
If the governments of the time refused coordination as interlocutor, the ministry of 2019
seems ready to deal directly with the national strike committee, which has the mandate to
lead the negotiations.
Support from the union network
The SUD-Health union of the AP-HP has respected this desire for self-organization. He
invested himself to allow the holding of the national meeting of May 25 and invited
members of the Collective Inter-emergency in the union delegations received at the Ministry.
This joint work has borne fruit, with the network of union branches spreading the movement
into new AAUs - on June 18, the number of 120 services in struggle has been surpassed.
Trade union means (strike notice, finances, premises, visibility) are essential for the
members of collectives who, in turn, rejuvenate unions with their creativity and their
mastery of digital tools.
This cooperation between collectives and unions may seem obvious, but alas the history of
hospital social movements has often been peppered with conflicting relationships between
attempts at coordination and device logic.
From this point of view, the recent mutation of the Collectif inter-urgences in
association law 1901, questions. Does he wish to perpetuate himself? He would then be led
to play a de facto, or parasyndical, union role. Does he really want to become an
additional player in an already well-organized trade union field?
The government initially responded to the demands with its usual arrogance. However, the
minister's announcements on June 14 showed that this movement, largely supported by public
opinion, worried the authorities.
The announced 70 million euro budget increase seems ridiculous in light of expectations.
This would only allow a risk premium of 100 euros, and the creation of a half-post more
per emergency service!
Provocative, Agnès Buzyn also proposed to raise the ceiling of overtime to 20 hours per
month! This is to suggest that exhausted agents can work even harder.
No corporatism, long live the class struggle!
Trade unionists must remember that fighting for a better hospital requires a comprehensive
analysis of the situation and the balance of power. If the state of emergencies is
critical, the situation in all services is just as worrying. Here and there, other care
services wish to join the movement and put their concerns on the table.
The mediatization of carers should also benefit technical, manual and administrative
personnel. Not very visible and often threatened by job cuts, these colleagues are the
first victims of the privatization attempts.
The hospital does not suffer from a lack of organization or a lack of adaptability. What
it lacks is the money from employers' contributions that escape Social Security. Repealing
the exemptions granted by successive governments (UMP, PS, LRM ...) is to revive the offer
of care. The additional posts are in the coffers of the employers!
Solow (UCL Paris Nord-Est)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Greve-aux-urgences-Le-retour-des-coordinations-de-grevistes
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