Since 1964 rumors of a coup d'état were circulating in the country at the hands
of soldiers like Aguerrondo and others, that is, the founders of the Tenientes deArtigas Lodge. That same lodge that will lead the coup in 1973 and of which itsgreatest exponent today is Guido Manini Ríos. There are "latorritos for a while"as denounced by Amílcar Vasconcellos in February 1973, and that phrase,unfortunately, remains fully valid. ---- The regional dictatorships also playedtheir game in this sense: Brazil since 1964 and Argentina since 1966. The US asan imperial power too, although its strategy was to delay the coup until anopportune moment.The Pachecato generated an unprecedented situation: an authoritarian governmentunder Prompt Security Measures permanently, but with Parliament functioning.Illegalization of political organizations, closure and censorship of the press,mass arrests, torture, militarization of striking workers, freezing of wages,repression of demonstrations with bullets, murder of students and workers in thesame... He pressed the accelerator to the full, leaving in Of course, they wouldnever return to the "Switzerland of America" and the path was open to a coup d'état.But some details were missing. A little more democratic fiction was needed andelections were called in 1971, as stipulated in the Constitution. Electoralfuror, the Broad Front arises and the channeling of a great militant efforttowards the electoral, largely abandoning the social and street struggle.Necessary element for the system: place popular expectations in forces outsidethe people, get them off the streets and make them trust the fictional mechanismsof bourgeois democracy. All of this is analyzed by our Organization in thebrochure "Time of struggle, time of elections?" from 1971.To demonstrate that all this was a fiction and that the candidate of the regimeand pro-coup had to win, the electoral fraud with which Bordaberry is "elected"president is prosecuted. From then on, the declaration of the "State of InternalWar", the murder of 8 MLN militants in a local, like that of 8 Communist Partymilitants in Sectional 20, mark a clear option for State Terrorism, attacking allthe forces of the left. The Joint Forces (FFAA and Police) are also responsiblefor these crimes, in addition to the government of the time.That is to say, that the violence established was a State policy, accompanied andpromoted by the US as part of its "Hemispheric Security Doctrine", in theframework of the Cold War.But there were a few more pieces missing. February 1973 was going to be key: theArmy and the Air Force were unaware of the authority of the new Minister ofDefense appointed by Bordaberry and they rose up, even taking over the facilitiesof Channel 5 to issue their proclamations and communiqués such as 4 and 7, whichcaused great confusion in certain sectors of the left (especially the PCU) and ata social level (majority of the leadership of the CNT that responded to theorientation of the PCU). These sectors maintained that there could be"coincidences with honest military" and that the fight was between "oligarchy andpeople", as if the military commanders were not part of that oligarchy. From there to June 27, 1973 there is a step. The military take charge of theadministration of the State at the hands of Bordaberry and sectors of theColorado Party and the National Party, in what today would be a "civic-militarydictatorship."the strikeThe working class responded to the coup immediately and forcefully: occupation ofall the factories and a general strike. By the morning of June 27, more than1,000 factories across the country were already occupied and transport hadstopped circulating. The massiveness of the Strike, the bulletins and informationthat circulated from factory to factory, the resistance to the evictions, theprisoners in the Municipal Cylinder, the lists of required militants.... All therepressive policy promoted by the Pachecato is developed in an even more massive way.It resists the evictions that are powerful war operations. Several factories cometo occupy several times after being evicted. The Resistance is huge. There arenot the politicians with starched collars, there is the working class withcalloused hands, the class that conquered all the rights and freedoms in thiscountry. Those who gargle about democracy forget that, but they were behind thecurtain throughout the dictatorship to later appear in the guise of "democrats."The strike was lifted on July 11 after the brutally repressed demonstration onthe 9th. In the Representative Table that resolves said uprising, only two unionswill vote against and one will abstain. The three unions prepare a document knownas the "3F" (FUNSA, FOEB and FUS) where they take stock of the Strike, of thestage that ends and the one that opens from there. They point out that thepopular movement has not been defeated, but rather a method, the method ofreformism, of not organizing and strengthening the popular organizations, of notpromoting the struggle, of having accustomed the trade union movement to beingthe tail van of the political parties -even from the "honest military" ofcommuniqués 4 and 7-, to await solutions from the desks and corridors ofministries and Parliament. That method, which I do not trust in the popularforces, was the one that led to this defeat against a well-organized enemy withsupport from abroad.50 years laterOld controversies are still valid in this half century and will continue. For us,the Anarchists of the FAU, the General Strike of 1973 evidences a high degree ofpopular organization, a capacity to respond to the height of the circumstances,the tenacity of a fighting people, but also the lack of a group orientation thatwould strengthen that combativeness throughout the run-up. There were severalopportunities to declare a General Strike before June 27, 1973. From the almostpermanent Prompt Security Measures of Pacheco Areco, the militarization ofworkers in conflict, the State of Internal War, February 1973, to name the mostThe relevant ones could have warranted forceful measures, as they were demandedby the most combative sectors of the labor and student movement. Here is thedemonstration that agreeing with those above or following them leads to nothing.That FAU slogan "Only the struggle defines" or "Only the people save the people"marked a whole line of action in the popular camp.There are unresolved issues: the disappeared, the murders under torture, theexternal debt increased by the military, the impoverishment of the country andthe closure of factories, the deterioration of public services, education andhealth, robbery perpetrated with full hands by the military and businessmen...Today the earth continues to speak and sends the remains of our disappearedcomrades to the surface. This only marks the horror, the cruelty of the genocidethat the ruling classes perpetrated to stay in power. They used one of theirsprings: the armed forces, the executing and hard arm of the politics of thoseabove. And that impunity that is still in force is clearly perceived in theabsence of the President of the Republic in the act of recognition of the crimeof the April girls as a State crime, as well as his obligation to investigate thedisappearance of Oscar Tassino and Luis Eduardo González.Undoubtedly, much remains to be said, much to analyze. But what we must rescue isthe consequence of the Uruguayan people in those years, their organizationalcapacity, their solidarity, the accumulation of a historical experience that hadbeen in the country for 100 years, the capacity for resistance and confidence intheir own forces, even in the darkest moments.The dictatorship lasted 12 years, it was long, but it did not have theendorsement of the popular sectors. Resistance was exercised in different waysthroughout those 12 years. Things were done throughout this period and they werewhat made it possible to end the military period.The rich today are richer, the poor poorer. Neoliberalism has advanced just likethe cantegriles and settlements, the factories have closed, but millions ofinvestments have landed to plunder our natural assets... The military now has itsown political party and a clear intention to shield State crimes. It is thepolitics of a class.What is the policy of our class to face today the consequences of the coup andthe Dictatorship? We raise the debate, knowing that the fight is in the streetsand with organized people.LONG LIVE THE GENERAL STRIKE!!FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF PEOPLE'S POWERUP THOSE WHO FIGHT!!URUGUAYAN ANARCHIST FEDERATIONhttp://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/carta-opinion-junio-2023/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.caSPREAD THE INFORMATION
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