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vrijdag 1 december 2023

WORLD WORLDWIDE GREECE ISRAEL HAIFA News Journal Update - (en) Greece, Alt. Media: Interview with an Israeli anarchist - We cannot afford to remain silent (ON GAZA) (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]


Interview with an anarchist from Haifa, Israel, to discuss thecontemporary anarchist movement, the Israeli occupation of Palestine,the resistance against that occupation, and the outlook for the future.---- Hello, maybe you could start with a brief introduction of yourself?---- Of course. I am an anarchist from Haifa, occupied Palestine. I havebeen active for over a decade, mainly in the anti-colonial andPalestinian solidarity movement, the animal liberation movement and theenvironmental movement. ---- How did you become an anarchist?Basically: punk. A more detailed answer is obviously a bit morecomplicated than that. When you grow up as a settler under an apartheidcolonial regime, on the "correct" side of the wall, and given Jewishstatus by the state, it's only natural to expect that you won't rebeland become a prison guard like everyone else. We grow up surrounded bymilitaristic images, Zionist indoctrination at school, and historicalevents such as the Holocaust or the Jewish religion are instrumentalizedto serve patriotism and nationalist propaganda. The version of Judaismtaught here is that we are the chosen people, that this land belongs tous by divine decree, that God is an estate agent who can be used in anyland dispute, and that all others are destined, at best , to besecond-class citizens.It is very difficult to explain to comrades abroad the extent to whichZionism is a collective project. Israel does not have a real civilsociety. Anything is acceptable as long as it is within predeterminedand very limited limits. You can be leftist, gay, freak, whatever youwant - we are enlightened liberals and there is room for everyone - butyou have to be a Zionist, do your military service, be a loyal citizenand not overdo it. If possible, you should also be white and rich. Theslightest step outside the national consensus makes you an illegal traitor.The narrow-mindedness and rebelliousness within the Zionist frameworkcan be seen, for example, in the mass social movement to "save Israelidemocracy" in recent months (currently suspended due to the war), whichis directed against judicial reform. Even as hundreds of thousands ofIsraelis take to the streets every weekend against what is clearly afar-right coup attempt, they still go out of their way not to mentionapartheid and the occupation of Palestine and will fight to save "Jewishdemocracy", that is, a regime of ethnic supremacy for them, the statusquo. The two sides of this movement typify a conflict within thesettlers over how best to manage apartheid: the liberal approach versusthe fascist approach. Obviously, regardless of who wins, the non-Jewishpopulations of this land - first and foremost the Palestinians - canonly lose.In this context, the "Israeli left" does not invite anyone to find atruly just solution in the region. To me, given the nature of thesituation here, settlers in good conscience who seek to join theanti-colonial resistance - which is the only revolutionary movement inthe region and the priority for any real radical change - cannot do soas Israelis, in from Israeli society, seeking reforms and improvementsin it. Instead, we must renounce any colonial identity and develop thetools and resources for specific racial treason. We must develop ananti-Israel policy, turn against our society and unite with theoppressed and colonized, on their own terms and under their leadership.Anarchism gives me both the language and the tools to imagine thispolitics. For me, there is no "anarchist society" to be achieved,because that is not the end goal. I see anarchism more as a resistancemovement, an arsenal of tools for the oppressed around the world tofight against the current dystopia, and that's what draws me to it.You were involved in a project called "Radical Haifa", but you informedus that it no longer exists. It sounded like a very interestinginitiative. Can you tell us more about it?To be honest, there isn't much more to say! We had a small group offriends that organized as an anarchist collective in Haifa a few yearsago. We have done various activities such as a mutual aid and fooddistribution program during the covid lockdowns, starting other types ofcommunity organizing and participating in local matches in the city. Thegroup is currently no longer active, although a new collective mayemerge in the near future. Since then, Radical Haifa has becomeprimarily a Twitter account, sharing news and analysis from Palestine,from a pro-resistance and anti-authoritarian perspective. After thetakeover of the network by fascists (note by Elon Musk), the account wastransferred to Mastodon/Kolektiva.One of the best known anarchist groups in the area seems to beAnarchists Against the Wall. Did you participate? What do you think ofthis team?Anarchists Against the Wall was, certainly, the most active andimportant group among Israeli radicals and anti-authoritarians in the2000s. It was born in the middle of the second Intifada, from solidarityactivists who participated in local struggles in West Bank villagesagainst its construction. apartheid walls, and its main significancecomes from the fact that it broke all the established norms and modusoperandi of the Israeli left. For once, people from both sides of thewall met not as enemies, not as an empty display of "coexistence", butas fighters for the same cause, as comrades, as conspirators andaccomplices, on equal terms. Aspects of co-resistance and commonstruggle took precedence and, under such a regime, the mere fact ofmeeting a Palestinian as a human being and as a friend was enough to beconsidered a radical and outside the modus operandi of the institutionalleft. At its peak, the group was able to bring hundreds of Israelis tothe West Bank to demonstrate directly with Palestinians and experiencethe resistance firsthand. Many direct actions were also carried out,such as the destruction of the dam and the sabotage of equipment. In theend, the group slowly withered away and no longer exists. I personallygot involved towards the end, as a teenager coming from the Tel Avivanarcho-punk scene. Like many well-intentioned radical solidarityinitiatives organized by people on the privileged side of a colonialsituation, the group was not immune to power relations and hiddenhierarchies. There was much criticism of the group towards the end, andof the role that the colonists actually played in joining ananti-colonial resistance. At some point, we also saw our privilegesspecifically disappear, and then it became impossible to operate in thesame old ways. Right-wing "researchers" infiltrated a demonstration withhidden cameras and broadcast the footage on television. Partners becameinvolved in legal action over direct action, which ultimately crippledtheir ability to continue participating. Others have been attacked byfascists. The political situation has changed, and with it the possiblemeans of struggle. But overall, I think it was a valuable experience,with many important lessons for each partner.Is there still anything resembling an anarchist movement in Israel?Considering we live in an age where anyone with an internet connectioncan form an anarchist core, we could say yes! Actually, not really,there isn't really a movement. At best, I'd say there are individualsscattered here and there, some youth subcultures, some aesthetics, butno structures, groups or even really organized discussions. In general,I would say that Israeli society is very right-wing, including theworking class, and that people are taught to live in a constant state ofstress and see the state as their protective parent, without which weare all doomed. Asking Israelis to leave the state is like speaking tothem in a foreign language. I don't think these ideas have any chance ofspreading and becoming popular here any time soon, given theseconditions. I think, however, that they have the potential to become aphenomenon on the fringes of the empire - not an Israeli movement, but amovement of tribal defectors and traitors who are willing to join thestruggle to liberate the region from imperialism, colonialism and stateterrorism- a minority movement, which could lay the foundations forsomething different. But we'll see.At one point, I remember that there seemed to be a small but activeminority of "refusals", people who refused to do their military servicedespite the dangers of prison and repression. How widespread was thisand how did Israeli society treat them?The conscientious objection movement has existed on a small scale inIsrael for several years. One cannot say that it is spreading and havinga big impact, but it is nevertheless a very positive phenomenon andthese teenagers are very courageous. Israeli society treats them astraitors and they may end up in prison for some time. A few months ago -now it seems like a long time ago - a group of teenagers refused to dotheir military service and launched a major campaign in their support.After some time they were released. Mesarvot (which literally means "Irefuse") is an organization that helps and accompanies politicalobjections with demands against the occupation. Of course, this must bedistinguished from other denial movements in Israel, some with Zionistdemands. There are organizations that support army reservists in theirdecision not to serve their military service in the occupied territoriesof 1967, namely the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. During the socialmovement for "Israeli democracy", the reservists also refused to servetheir term since there was a "threat to democracy". They have no problemwith the occupation, apartheid and the ongoing massacres and war crimes,but they cannot accept that their middle class privileges are underthreat. In any case, it is worth mentioning that as I write this, thegenocide in Gaza is ongoing and all this rhetoric has disappeared. Noweveryone is rallying behind the army.Do you know any Palestinian anarchists or anti-authoritarians?Palestinian academic Dana El-Kurd, in her book Polarized and Demobilized- Legacies of Authoritarianism in Palestine, argues that the Palestinianstruggle is not only anti-colonial, but also anti-authoritarian at itscore. During the first Intifada, the Palestinians had a vibrant civilsociety, spontaneously organizing local committees to coordinate thestruggle and respond to the needs of local communities. This uprisingwas democratic in nature and was carried out against the wishes of thePLO (Palestine Liberation Organization). Even within the PLO, accordingto Edward Said in his book The Question of Palestine, the structure wasorganized in a very democratic way, with internal discussions and opencriticism, in stark contrast to the politics of the Arab world - full ofreactionary regimes, self-proclaimed dictators and maladjusted monarchs.The Palestinian liberation movement has always been the most democraticand progressive movement in the region and inspired many otheranti-authoritarian movements and uprisings, some of them during the ArabSpring, and many that are still ongoing. Many argue that the defeat ofthe Palestinian Left in Lebanon, the creation of the PalestinianAuthority after the Oslo Accords, and the rise of political Islam havechanged the picture, but I think many of the original features remain.Having said all that, I can't really say that the Palestinians have everhad an anarchist movement per se. Palestinian anarchists exist, but,like Israelis, they are not really organized into a movement, and Icannot say that it is a popular ideology. On the other hand, I thinkthat even if the word anarchism is not used, Palestinians tend toorganize in an anarchist way, without calling it that. The new guerrillagroups that have appeared in the West Bank in recent years, such as theLion's Den in Nablus, the Jenin Brigade in Jenin or the Balata Battalionin the Balata refugee camp, are organized in a non-hierarchical way andhave a non-sectarian beginning, open to membership of all the differentfactions. These youth groups are completely outside the control of thePalestinian Authority and old factional and party politics, and theirspontaneous and unpredictable nature poses a challenge to the Israeliauthorities. This also applies to the popular struggles - the strugglesin the villages of the West Bank that we joined with the AnarchistsAgainst the Wall were organized by local popular committees, whichcoordinated with each other and operated according to democratic principles.In recent months we have seen large-scale pogroms and an increase inmurderous attacks by settlers, who apparently act with impunity,followed by suicide attacks against Israelis and so on. It seemsinevitable that all of this would end in great tragedy sooner or later.Would you say this was obvious to the people in Israel or not so much?Was the lack of response to settler violence deliberate on the part ofthe authorities, in order to further displace the Palestinianpopulation, or was it more of a kind of indifference towards them?Since Israel has been founded by ethnic cleansing since 1948, it is morethan reasonable to assume that this is entirely appropriate. In the WestBank, we see the narrow distinction between "civilian" and "military"completely blurred under apartheid, while extremist settlers andsoldiers work hand in hand, sometimes cooperating and sometimes ignoringpogroms and allowing them to take place. Often, the Palestinians whodefend themselves are the ones who suffer the repression. However, whatis happening now needs to be seen in a slightly different context. Wemust see them in the context of the 16-year siege of Gaza, which beganas collective punishment after Palestinians living in the 1967 occupiedterritories democratically elected the wrong party according to Israeland the United States and chose Hamas. After Fatah, the current rulingparty in the Palestinian Authority, staged a coup to remain in powerwith the backing of Israel and the West, Hamas took control of Gaza in acivil war in 2007, after which Israel locked down the population of its2 million inhabitants and turned Gaza into the world's largest open-airprison. Israel controls Gaza's borders, sea zone and airspace, dictateswho can enter or exit, approves the receipt of goods and completelycontrols the economy.In addition, Israel bombards Gaza almost every year, with numerous"military operations" killing thousands of people. Gaza has been miredin a state of humanitarian disaster for many years.In fact, the Hamas government in Gaza has kept the place relativelystable, under some leadership, and from degenerating into totaldisaster. As a result, it has been useful to Israel, allowing it tocontinue to control Gaza and manage its population. But the problem withHamas is that it is not docile and, unlike the Palestinian Authority inthe West Bank, refuses to be fully tamed by Israel and remains committedto armed struggle. What Hamas did on Saturday, October 7 was todismantle the ghetto, both physically and symbolically. They destroyedthe fences surrounding Gaza and (re)occupied territory inside Israel,and also positioned themselves as a force beyond their assigned role asthe Gaza government. They put themselves at the forefront of thePalestinian liberation movement, directly decolonizing land. This wasindeed inevitable in many ways and the direct result of Israel'sdecisions in recent years.The images from southern Israel on the day of the October 7th attackwere obviously very difficult to deal with emotionally, there is nothingto celebrate about the slaughter of so many civilians, and by alldefinitions and standards this is a war crime. But things must be seenin their proper context. There is no example in history of a pure and"pure" resistance and liberation movement that did not kill innocentpeople. Whether it was the resistance to apartheid in South Africa, orBritish colonialism in India, or the struggle against slavery inAmerica, or the resistance to Nazi occupation throughout Europe - in allthese cases, innocent people lost their lives. their life. This is notto say that anything is justified, but to demand purity only for thePalestinian liberation movement is unrealistic. The greatestresponsibility lies with the conqueror.There will likely be a lot of conspiracy theories about the bloodyattacks by Hamas in the coming months. In your opinion as someone wholives there, do you think it's possible that Netanyahu and others knewin advance and decided not to act, hoping that this would be theequivalent of 9/11 and that it would allow him to stay in power; Or wasit the arrogance and underestimation of the enemy that led to the tragicevents we all witnessed?There is obviously no way to confirm such a conspiracy. I would like toavoid a conspiracy mentality and come to the conclusion that Israel isprobably not as powerful as it is made out to be. What we do know sofar, according to Israeli media, is that the Shin Bet, Israel'sintelligence agency and counterpart to the FBI, suspected something wasgoing to happen the night before, but nothing of this magnitude.Apparently, the Shin Bet chief and the IDF were informed overnight thatthousands of fighters from Gaza were approaching the border. Somespecial forces were called to the area, but there was no indication thatit was a major operation and a declaration of war. All in all, itappears to have been a major intelligence failure. From the outside, it seems that the Israeli far-right has finally foundthe perfect opportunity to get rid of the "Palestinian problem" once andfor all. Do you have any predictions on how this will turn out for Gaza?It feels like we're watching the final act of a tragedy unfold beforeour eyes, and it's worse than ever.These days, it's hard to predict anything. Events are moving veryquickly and we receive one devastating news after another. As I writethese lines, approximately 3,000 people have been killed in Gaza andapproximately 1 million have been forcibly displaced. No food, fuel orelectricity can enter. Israeli troops surround the border with Gaza,preparing a ground invasion. Gaza is a bloodbath. The scale of the humantragedy is unbearable. A genocidal war of extermination against thePalestinian population is taking place in Gaza. The main objective isstill unclear. Israel has already announced its intention to destroyHamas, likely never to allow it to operate from Gaza again, but beyondthat it is currently unclear whether the goal is also to retake Gaza andannex it - as some Israeli politicians suggest - or hand it over to thePalestinian Authority, or something else. After Israel called in thePalestinians of northern Gaza - we're talking a population of over amillion - and then bombed those who followed the order and moved, therewere calls for Egypt to open its border with Gaza to those leaving,implying perhaps the biggest ethnic cleansing project in the history ofZionism, bigger than the Nakba of 1948.Are there people in Israel who condemn the idea of collective punishmentof the civilian population as a consequence of the actions of armedgroups? We read the tribute signed by numerous peace groups active inIsrael and Palestine, calling for an end to the indiscriminate bombingof the population of Gaza. Is there any chance this will have any effector is everyone on a killing spree?Not for now. As I write these lines, there is no anti-war movement inIsrael. Almost everyone is now out for revenge. Israelis rally behindthe war in total support, and anyone who raises a voice of dissent putsthemselves at risk. It is quite difficult to explain how fascism gainsground under the cover of war. Arab students are expelled fromuniversities and workers lose their jobs. Students are encouraged toreport fellow students, and universities send out emails saying that any"support for Hamas" (which, in today's climate, might well be tantamountto calling for an end to the carnage in Gaza) will treated with zerotolerance. Laws have been passed that punish any attack on the "moralsof the nation" (which, once again, can be interpreted very broadly) withimprisonment. Palestinians are being harassed in East Jerusalem, withpolice entering Arab shops and forcing people to unlock their phones andlooking for any sign of support for Hamas. Far-right gangs surroundedthe home of a left-wing ultra-Orthodox Haredim journalist after accusinghim of supporting Hamas, and threw firecrackers into his home, forcingthe police to come and drag him out of his own home and help him escape.In general, people are afraid to speak up. There are demonstrations byJewish Israelis to pressure the government to release prisoners andhostages. Some of these protests have been attacked by police andfascists in Jerusalem and Haifa. Any current attempt to organize wouldbe met with immediate repression.You mentioned earlier that a new generation of Palestinian resistancehas begun to develop. Do you think there is still hope for thePalestinians to have a victorious liberation movement that does not endup being controlled by religious fundamentalists? Given theunprecedented destruction in Gaza and the scale of the human tragedy weare witnessing, one of the big concerns is that people will turn evenmore to authoritarian groups like Hamas or Islamic Jihad et al. What doyou think about this; What do you think?It's hard to say. It is true that, in general, backlash has grown amongthe Palestinians and that, like the Israelis, they have also become moreright-wing in recent years. The aforementioned groups have no ideologyof their own and are open to members of all factions joining them, fromHamas to Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front for the Liberation ofPalestine. Overall, what characterizes the Palestinian resistance today,both in the West Bank and Gaza, is rather broad and united fronts.Islamists, secularists, Marxists and even national liberals - such assome factions of Fatah - are fighting together. The PFLP and DFLP werealso involved in the attack on Saturday 7 October. The Palestinianliberation movement is very diverse, but, for now, people seem to beputting aside their differences to fight together. In general, itreminds me of the various discussions about anarchists in Ukrainefighting alongside fascists against a genocidal Russian army. We don'tknow what will happen in the future, events could possibly push peopleto new extremes and accelerate some disturbing processes. But we'll see.The scale of what is happening seems overwhelming and it is verydifficult to feel hope for any positive change at this time. Is thereanything people can do right now to influence the situation in any way?Everyone living abroad should join the resistance in their area. Thereis a large international solidarity movement and they need your supportnow more than ever. Join Palestinian refugee communities abroad, standwith them, support their mobilization and speak out. This could be scarybecause, like in Israel, other governments use the cover of war tospread fascism. Many states have revealed their authoritarian tendenciesin the past ten days and people have been repressed in various ways.Germany and France banned Palestine solidarity demonstrations and policeofficers attacked people who defied the ban to demonstrate. Manypoliticians and institutions in Israel and the Western world realizethat external pressure through international popular support can have asignificant impact at this time. This is why they redouble their effortsat repression and propaganda. This is the least people can do, and whatI am asking them to do: fill the streets. Get involved in Palestinianinitiatives like BDS. Boycott Israel. Speak loudly. Educate yourself andothers. Get involved. These are historic moments.Thank you very much for the interview. Do you have anything else to say?As I said earlier, it's time to step up and speak up. We are witnessingthe largest attempt at ethnic cleansing and genocide in the history ofthis state. We cannot afford to remain silent. The stakes are high.Stand up for justice. Dark and difficult times lie ahead. Keep fightingand good luck.Performance in Greek: Iro Siafliakihttps://infolibre.gr/2023/11/18/synenteyxi-me-enan-anarchiko-apo-to-israil-den-echoyme-tin-polyteleia-na-parameinoyme-siopiloi/_________________________________________A - I N F O S  N E W S  S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca

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