WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, FDCA, Cantier #27: Unite the struggles, unite the revolutionary left (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 We present a contribution from the French comrades of the Plateforme

Communiste Libertaire which calls for the unification of struggles and
the unity of revolutionary forces. The differences in the political and
social context of our country and France are evident, starting from the
level of advancement of the struggles and, consequently, of the
revolutionary tactics. The question of alliances, however, must interest
us right now, in view of a resumption of social conflict which could
soon manifest itself in Italy too.

Our tasks at the current stage

It is urgent to outline political perspectives that are based on the
current situation and not on immutable principles. Revolutionaries and
more particularly libertarians must make choices. Or entrench yourself
in the principles and self-promotion of your own shop; or update the
fundamental lines of the revolutionary struggle on the basis of reality
data and contribute to the emergence of a political force in which
revolutionaries can weigh with their theoretical and practical activity.
Faced with the fractures that divide workers, which prevent them from
building class consciousness and advancing on the terrain of struggle,
we fight for the unity of the exploited and dominated social classes.
Obviously we don't want a unity that erases differences. And we will not
be satisfied with a convergence which, too often, is reduced to a sum of
struggles without common perspectives.
With respect to the different forms of domination, starting from class
oppression, of women, of LGBTI people or of those who suffer "racial"
discrimination, we affirm the centrality of the class struggle, in the
sense that it is transversal to all systems of domination.
In this framework we affirm that our political project is structured on
the struggle for the unity of the proletariat, which implies two
strategic elements of equal importance: the identification of demands,
objectives, social struggles that allow the unification of all layers of
the proletariat, with the prospect of reducing the divisions that today
practically cancel out its ability to transform society; but this unity
has no chance of realizing itself if the social movement does not
collectively make its own the fight against all these discriminations
that divide it. In this sense there is no priority struggle,
anti-capitalism, and secondary struggles that can be ignored. There is a
class struggle that builds its unity within unifying demands and a
collective appropriation of the struggles against all discrimination,
which also concern those who are not directly affected by it.

The class struggle is fought on all fronts and on all terrains

Today we see that our class, and in particular its mass trade union
organizations, are politically disarmed in the face of the bourgeoisie.
If the movement for the defense of pensions and wages brings thousands
of new members to the union who want to be more involved, the fact
remains that the majority of activists are in a state of political
disorientation. This state is constantly fueled by the sad spectacle of
left-wing divisions, the intensification of free-market policies and the
rise of the far right.
Syndicalism, even revolutionary syndicalism, cannot be enough, unless it
is believed that it can constitute the future organization of society.
This approach is very limited and does not respond to the questions and
needs of the majority of workers in struggle.
The current conditions of the left and the far left certainly do not
invite commitment and progress in the direction of an autonomous
political force that can propose a strategy of social transformation,
bringing its proposals for demands, proposing its organizational
solutions and its alternative project to capitalism. This force is today
dispersed and divided into numerous organizations and movements that
find themselves in a condition of permanent competition, but it is also
estranged and placed in an attitude of waiting in the face of a void of
prospects.

If such a force really began to emerge, it could only be first and
foremost an anti-liberal force, as the majority of French people are.
But we think that faced with this possibility we should not discriminate
or raise questions of principle. As materialists it would be our
responsibility to develop the fighting capacity and politicization of
large sectors of the popular classes. This is how we could show by
example the path to concrete anti-capitalism and renewed democratic
practices.
There is another point that we cannot ignore. From this force,
candidates for the political elections could very likely emerge. This
aspect would be secondary for us. We believe it would be truly
short-sighted to ignore that the electoral results, whether we like it
or not, weigh on the overall balance of power with the liberals and
nationalists. Excluding ourselves from the process of building this
force solely on the basis of the electoral question would be a political
failure. At the same time we would continue to develop within this force
our anti-electoralist criticism and our conception of direct and popular
democracy.

The unity of the revolutionaries and    of the left

We live in a troubled time, in which many people think that the far
right of the Rassemblement National will come to power. It is useless to
explain how the occurrence of this calamity would be a real disaster for
the popular classes and in particular, but not only, for women and migrants.
There is therefore an absolute urgency that must be reflected in the
political orientations of all political, trade union and social
organizations that intend to transform society with a view to breaking
away from capitalism.
In this framework, and specifically with regard to the "revolutionary
movement", the imperative of unity, union or at least common action must
be at the center of our proposals at all levels.
Obviously it is not a question of denying the existing underlying
divergences, but rather of seeking common lines of force that can allow
us to act in a convergent way. And first of all we must put aside all
the controversies that make this "revolutionary movement" a place of
disputes in which the priority is to differentiate.
For our part, with our modest means, we are available to all political
convergences. Our perspective is based on the union and multiplication
of forces, on increasing the level of politicization of society and on
the rooting of the revolutionary struggle in the popular classes.
In this convergence we do not pit anti-capitalists and anti-liberals,
reformists and revolutionaries, because the boundaries of these
distinctions are today extremely permeable and blurred for the majority
of social movement activists.
We are declared bearers and custodians of libertarian ideas and
practices of class struggle, but we believe that history must be written
by walking, that is, together with others and on the basis of
experience. This is also the foundation of all trade union activism. In
our conception of trade unionism we put first place the ability to
federate militant collectives that are characterized by their pluralism
and an intervention aimed at reaching the maximum possible consensus on
the basis of the work carried out on concrete ground.
Specifically, the libertarian communist current has a role to play. We
intend to contribute to it at our modest level, taking up what in the
past constituted the strength of libertarian communism, namely the
ability to develop its key ideas through a strategy that constantly
adapts to the proletariat as it is. Not to an idealized proletariat, to
a proletariat as we would like it to be, to a proletariat imagined
according to a preconstituted ideology. A similar logic is the basis of
all political fossilizations. For us it is not a question of adapting
the proletariat to libertarian communism, but of adapting libertarian
communism to the reality of the proletariat.
This is the basis of our political approach and we do not think that it
is any different for the Union Communiste Libertaire. It is on these
bases that it seems possible to work together, not only for the
construction of class unity, not only so that a broader revolutionary
field can act together and influence society, but also to redefine a
libertarian communism of the twenty-first century.
Declaration of the Plateforme Communiste Libertaire at the II National
Congress of the Union Communiste Libertaire, Angers 3-5 November 2023.
https://plateformecl.org/2eme-congres-de-lucl/

ilcantiere@autistici.org
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it
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