The absurd reality in which we live, when the repression that attacks
our class and takes the lives of young working-class people isincreasingly a policy of exceptional normality; or where the chimerical
electoral dispute between progressives, social democracies, and the
right is disguised in democratic verbiage, supporting the implementation
of new fascist orders, exacerbating the precariousness of our lives. But
it is in this same reality that as anarchists we commemorate a new May
Day and reclaim the popular struggles of the past, from which we draw
nourishment and which we will not abandon to contest the future.
The current situation urges us to critically analyze what is happening
and try to understand the dynamics of the events. In light of this, we
leave you with some positions on issues we believe to be relevant.
Precarious Union Organization
The shades of gray this fall of 2025 are not only an expression of that
everyday landscape, but also represent the social situation we are
particularly experiencing. The reestablishment of post-crisis order
creates a complex scenario for our class, where we identify that
organizational and combative capacities are in a state of dormancy. Many
student, community, social, and union organizations have decided to
remain silent in the face of the empty illusion of social democracy and
progressivism. They inhabit the comfort of a merely administrative and
bureaucratic power, moderating any hint of social conflict.
In particular, if we refer to unionism, this May Day we once again
witness the separation of commemorations: on the one hand, that of
bureaucratic unionism, plagued by presidential candidates, government
officials, and reformist organizations entrenched in power, and on the
other, that of class-based and combative unionism, which unfortunately
has little presence of unions. This is a reflection of the situation
facing workers' organizations, with unionization rates hovering around
14%, demonstrating that the "I'll save myself" narrative is more alive
than ever. Even more worrying is that most unions support a leadership
aligned with and subservient to the progressive government, such as the
disastrous leadership of the CUT (Cut), which, in a friendly negotiation
with the state, reached an agreement for a starvation minimum wage,
defusing any context of conflict, or simply with caudillo-style or
functional interests.
It is urgent to reverse this situation. Workers are increasingly
suffering the consequences of labor flexibility disguised in the 40-hour
law, as well as the inconsistency between the cost of living and
stagnant wages. We must once again challenge the idea that the solution
is collective and that, consequently, building unions in every workplace
is essential. Now, we make it clear that union organization must be one
of struggle and conflict against authority; it must have class
independence and the capacity to generate organization and alliances
with other sectors of the people, such as residents and students.
Extractivism as a way of governing--and murdering!
It is nothing new, either, to say that the territory dominated by the
Chilean state bases its economy on an extractivist model. This logic
spreads like cancer, subjecting multiple territories to devastation and
dispossession, even to the point of invading the very bodies of our
class. However, it is not enough to establish a general critique; we
must critically identify the ways in which it unfolds in our everyday
reality.
First of all, we must emphasize that many places are already at the
mercy of extractivist production, where business and the state itself
are happy accomplices of that barbarity. They promise employment,
progress, and development, but the real consequences are destruction,
deterritorialization, and the dispossession of the lives of those who
live in those places. Recognizing this, we now see the need to reflect
on some key elements that, through the state-business alliance, are
being deployed to reproduce and strengthen extractivism.
One of these is the growing violence suffered by environmental
defenders, which is alarming in terms of numbers alone, as attacks
tripled in 2024 compared to the previous year. While we know that this
is a recognized and widespread modus operandi around the world and in
Latin America, it has not yet been widely implemented in this corner of
the world. Today, intimidation is a way of governing. Any uprising in
defense of land or water will be repressed by state force. Any attack on
private property will be repelled by corporate paramilitaries. Any
activism against extractivism today runs the risk of being attacked and
erased, just as they have undoubtedly done to Julia Chuñil. Furthermore,
the structure of extractivism requires economic partners to sustain
these practices, with the AFPs being one of its main investors. The AFPs
invest nearly 75% of the resources of residents and workers in
extractive activities. Millions and millions of dollars are invested in
devastating our very lives, a critical situation that will be
exacerbated by the recent pension reform bill approved by the state as a
whole, but jokingly celebrated by the nefarious Communist Party, the
Broad Front, and all of social democracy. And finally, to complete the
task, the bureaucrats now intend to promote discussions regarding the
nonsense of "permitology." They've bought into the narrative of
efficiency and optimization, or perhaps not, and they are more perverse
than they let on. With this, we will clearly move toward reducing the
already minimal barriers intended to protect the impacts of large
extractive projects. We are not interested in debating the best ways to
address permitology, or how to make AFP investments more sustainable,
since that would only fall into the logic of better managing what
exists, a matter that electoralist leftist groups find pleasing. We are
interested in exposing the day-to-day ways in which this extractivist
government operates, and from there, how our political and social
organizations define their tactics and strategies to defend life and
liberty.
The police state of permanent exceptionality is killing us!
The state-capital duopoly destroys our lives, as it has always done and
is now even more evident, impacting our emotional well-being. This is an
overwhelming result of the deterioration of our material life. The
historical continuity of the accumulation model not only makes us
precarious, but also depoliticizes us, engendering fear in the oppressed
class and paralyzing all our impulses for transformation. They were
cruel in the revolt, and continue to be so, criminalizing the struggle
for a dignified life and all popular expression. We will never tire of
saying that the repressive advance, hidden behind the curtain of
security, is impressive, with a display in the bourgeois press that they
surely happily finance. Laws such as the Anti-Takeover Law, the Naín
Retamal Law--which grants impunity to cops who are bastards for
killing--and the Anti-Terrorism Law, among others, are the premeditated
result of those placed at the helm of this government, who, without a
doubt, have the firm intention of sabotaging the mass movement that has
been brewing over the years.
A state whose government, at the end of its term, proves unable to
continue advancing because the power quotas are unfavorable to it, is
simply a government complicit in the ever-growing corporate hitmen in
this territory. They make social activists disappear, use the state
police operating as private security to protect their "private
property," and establish a covert paramilitary system.
The triad of state, business, and the bourgeois press, which, under the
security agenda, has managed to establish a permanent state of police
and emergency, which gives them free rein to do as much as they can, is
present in every criminal act that occurs. Young residents who simply
wanted to watch a soccer game ended up murdered by police actions. The
progressive government protects these incidents, claiming they are
isolated incidents that do not represent the institutional framework of
the police. The police are covered up by the large bourgeois press
monopolies, which promote criminal ideas without a shred of evidence.
The same is happening in the case of the forced disappearance of Julia
Chuñil and the death of the seven fishermen whose bodies have yet to be
found, where the state maintains silence, the bourgeois press seeks
culprits where there are none, and the businessman remains unpunished
for his actions, making a killing. Added to this is the release of the
videos showing the actions of the damned Lieutenant Colonel (Ret.)
Claudio Crespo. Unsurprisingly, the silence of progressivism and social
democracy is deafening, which once again reveals their position in this
class struggle we are experiencing. They have systematically harmed us,
and continue to do so, to the point of subjecting us to their
pathological responses in which disagreement is not possible. We call
for collective and active protection. We must understand that repression
will become increasingly acute and transversal, affecting not only
political and social organizations, but also popular youth, workers, and
residents. Therefore, the struggle must also be anti-repressive in every
space we find ourselves in.
https://fasanarquista7.wordpress.com/carta-de-opinion-mayo-2025/
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