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donderdag 4 juni 2026

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, UCADI, #207 - Hungary: The Right Defeats the Right (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

In the general election, 80% of Hungarian voters chose to replace the right-wing sovereignist government led by Victor Orban, a white supremacist, a staunch Zionist, and a close associate of Netanyahu, whom he praises, with a right-wing government led by Peter Magyar, his former associate. ---- Brussels, a major electoral sponsor of the right-wing Tisza party, an electoral coalition formed in 2020, born out of a controversial "family split" initiated by the husband of Justice Minister Judit Varga, from whom she later divorced, is rejoicing, believing it has gained a head of government who will be a major force in its foreign policy. However, it claims its satisfaction stems from the new prime minister's intentions to restore the rule of law that Orban had dismantled, using his ex-wife as Justice Minister for two terms, establishing what Orban himself proudly called a democratura, or illiberal democracy.

In truth, Magyar has carefully avoided making such a commitment, even though the electorate has given his party 138 seats, which the new government could use to radically revise the Constitution and repeal all the changes that have transformed the country, eliminating social and political rights, workers' rights, the freedom and autonomy of social groups, religious freedom, the independence of the judiciary, and freedom of education. On a social level, these changes have targeted and repressed minorities such as the LGBTQ+ community. Taking Tisza's program as a point of reference, it seems clear instead that the new government's primary and priority objective will be to restructure the power centers distributing European Union funding for economic development, dismantling the network of Orban cronies who monopolized these funds and enriched themselves by distributing them to friends, cronies, and clients. The intent appears to be to leverage the fight against corruption, that is, the crony-family system that imprisoned the country's productive forces and prevented the Hungarian oligarchy from dividing up the spoils of the nation.
In fact, Orban lost the election due to the country's severe economic crisis, which pushed inflation to 25% and significantly reduced the well-being of Hungarian citizens, deprived of any prospects. This was also due to the fact that Orban's repeated vetoes in international politics, especially regarding the financing of the war in Ukraine, had led the European Union to freeze as much as 17 billion euros. At that point, it was Prime Minister Orban's entourage that no longer enjoyed the profits to which they were accustomed and on which they had built their fortune. The corruption system entered into crisis because there was no longer any room for corruption. Hence the rebellion of Mayar, one of his own.
It was therefore necessary to reshape the governing political class, so that funding could start flowing again, managed by a new coterie of more or less recycled power supporters. In other words, everything had to change so that nothing would change. Moreover, after 16 years of uninterrupted Fidesz rule, the state bureaucratic apparatus what would be called the deep state is so accustomed to the practical division and appropriation of public funds and procurement that it is difficult to imagine the effectiveness of an effective fight against corruption.
It must also be said that Orban did his part to lose the election, so much so that immediately before the elections, he amended the electoral law, thus affecting the assignment of majorities in the constituencies, unaware that this could backfire, and conducted a dull and tired election campaign, proving that it is not always true that power corrupts those who don't have it. Choosing Russia as a potential partner, if it was wise within the international political framework, with the goal of achieving energy autonomy, did not take into account the Ukrainians' power to block, as happened with the Druzhva gas and oil pipelines, thus jeopardizing the country's supplies. To be fair, Orban did everything he could to make this issue the centerpiece of his policy, but it wasn't enough, nor did Trump (Orban's so-called friend) help him in any way. When Zelensky began blocking the Druzhva oil pipeline, he could have made a phone call to the Ukrainian despot and ordered him to reopen it. This would have been a gesture that would have helped Orban in the elections, a practical aid that would have suggested to voters that Orban's policies were somehow paying off. But nothing came of it, because in the end, Trump is so self-centered that he only helps himself (if he ever manages to).
On the other hand, Orban's blatantly pro-Israel stance, underscored by his speech in support of Netanyahu, had no bearing, much less his support for the aggression against Iran in a country with controlled information and completely focused on domestic problems. Proof of this is the complete failure of the left-wing parties, which barely reached 2% of the vote and whose election campaigns also heavily emphasized criticism of the government's international stance.

The new government and the unresolved issues

It will take about a month for the new parliament to be installed and the new government to be formed, but the problems that remain for Hungary are many and all well-known, and they will inevitably influence the political choices the new government will be called upon to make.
Even if the country is forced to repay the debt owed to Brussels by changing its position on the war in Ukraine and removing the vetoes it has raised so far (which, after all, Orban was always ready to drop in exchange for concessions), the release of the frozen EUR17 billion could provide some relief to the country's asphyxiated economy and will help repay the new, hungry cliques that will share power. However, it will not resolve the country's structural economic problems, which have their roots in the general structure of the European Union's economic and social policy. It will not resolve the energy crisis, whose necessary reference point is always Russian supplies. It will not resolve the problems related to the Hungarian diaspora. It will create a major international uncertainty regarding the country's place within the Union, with the definitive crisis of the Visagrad group. It will not resolve the problem of restoring violated civil liberties, which is the last, but truly the last, concern of the new government.
It will then have to address the issue of how to proceed or terminate established relations with China, which primarily concern strategic infrastructure and the electric vehicle (EV) industry, including battery factories (Eve Energy, BYD). These already-established relations have positioned the country as a key logistics and production hub for Beijing in Europe, also thanks to the ongoing construction of the Budapest-Belgrade high-speed railway, built by Chinese workers and with Chinese capital, which should connect the two countries to the Beijing-controlled ports of Piraeus. To understand the importance of the issue, it is enough to remember that this was one of the causes of the Serbian crisis, which led the United States and Europe to undertake joint destabilization actions against the Serbian government in order to prevent the project's completion.
The only result of what happened will be the speeding up of decision-making processes in Brussels, which will inevitably be pushed towards the abyss due to support for the war in Ukraine, which will increasingly erode the levels of welfare that European Union countries are able to provide to their citizens and lead to the impoverishment of the weakest classes and social classes. It is the awareness of this mechanism that has led Russian politicians to rejoice at what has happened, arguing that the effects of the change of power are accelerating the crisis of the European Union, which they, like the United States, detest. A side effect of the Hungarian elections is the failure of Vance, a propagandist for Orban, in which he implicated Trump with a live phone call. The failure and the damage to Orban's image demonstrate that Trump and his vice president have now become an effective weapon in the hands of their adversaries.

A Sovereignist-Opportunist Program

Seeking to underscore the difference from Orban's previous tenure, which restricted journalists to a select group, Mayar, on Monday, April 13, held a three-hour conference on his government's political program. He declared that he would oppose any fast-track approach to Ukraine's accession to the European Union, arguing that accession "would be impossible for a country at war. All candidate states must follow the same process." Moreover, during a public consultation organized to gauge the mood of his voters (April 13, 2025, a year ago), over 90% of Tisza's supporters supported Magyar's proposals on the fight against corruption and a more European and Western position for Hungary, but only 58.2% said they favored Ukraine's accession to the EU. In response, Magyar promised that once in government it would hold a referendum on the issue, but only when and if accession is concretely on the table and the conditions are defined in detail. This is because Magyar knows well, like all Hungarians, that as a result of the Treaty of Trianon, which in 1920 redrew Hungary's borders after the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, depriving the country of approximately two-thirds of its territory and leaving millions of Hungarians outside the country, a significant portion of the population remained beyond the border, including the Transcarpathian community, now in Ukraine, which is persecuted by the Kiev government, which forcibly recruits men to fight, bans the teaching of Hungarian in schools, and does everything to assimilate the population, arresting anyone caught speaking Hungarian in public. In recent years, Orbán has done everything to support the Magyar minorities abroad, and Magyar wants to follow suit. However, in a spirit of compromise with Brussels, the new government will not oppose the EUR90 billion loan to Kiev that Orbán was blocking, but will maintain its decision not to participate financially in the loan, as well as opposing Ukraine's rapid accession to the Union.
Regarding Russia, however, he said he wants to maintain "pragmatic" relations with Moscow, especially regarding gas imports, noting that Budapest cannot "change the geography. Russia will be there and Hungary will be here," so his country will not be able to easily cut itself off from Russian supplies, as it wants to continue "buying cheap oil safely," even as it will work to diversify its sources, whatever that means in a country that, as is well known, is landlocked. For the same reason, sanctions should be lifted because "it is not in Europe's interest to buy raw materials at higher prices because this destroys our competitiveness.
I understand the moral issues, but we must not shoot ourselves in the foot." Not an alliance, then, but not a split either.
On immigration, Magyar, in line with Orbán, supports the country's total closure. In other words, a right-wing government, but not too right-wing, pragmatic and opportunistic. The European left has nothing to celebrate!

G. C.

https://www.ucadi.org/2026/04/19/ungheria-la-destra-sconfigge-la-destra/
_________________________________________



Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #14-26 - No cages or borders. No CPR! (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation

There are geographical areas located on the margins of the centers of production and capital accumulation. Sometimes these areas are designated (without the consent of their inhabitants) as "sacrifice zones," where harmful substances are concentrated or where structures are located that must be kept out of sight... and out of mind. Thus, in recent weeks, the Lunigiana region, and specifically the Aulla (MS) area, has seen the concentration of various interests: those of external war, with MBDA, a European consortium that produces death in the form of "complex weapons systems" and which wants to locate a missile production hub there; but the interests of internal war against the poor, migrants, and marginalized groups are also very present. The municipality of Aulla has, in fact, been designated as the site for a new CPR.

The choice of location
Let's proceed in order. In January 2025, after years of legal proceedings, the process for the remediation of the area where the Ministry of the Interior wants to build the CPR began. This is the former Pallerone powder magazine, a storage site for military explosives for 60 years, later an open-air landfill for tons of hazardous waste, such as asbestos.
The sites chosen for these prisons are located in isolated and inaccessible areas, both because they are easier to monitor and because distancing them from inhabited areas is part of the dehumanization process of the people locked up there.
The dehumanization of "different" is spread through racist propaganda, based on fear and the sense of emergency, and is accompanied by the infantilization of the "foreigner" (from the colonial and missionary myth of the "white savior" who brings civilization to the "savages"). We are encouraged to feel no empathy for those who come from beyond the border, or to see them as individuals incapable of self-determination: these are two sides of the same discriminatory coin. It should also be remembered that the boundaries of skin color are fluid, because the definition of whiteness does not depend on skin color, but on one's privileges, geographic location, and historical period.
Distancing oneself from the gaze makes it more difficult to show solidarity and connect with inmates, and grants those who do not wish to see the option of not seeing. In other words, it makes it more difficult to recognize those behind the walls, facilitating the division of the population (divide and conquer) based on racial, gender, and class privileges.
It is at the intersection of all these economic, political, and cultural mechanisms that the idea of a CPR becomes normalized.
The CPR System
The CPR (Center for Repatriation) is an internal border system, an administrative detention prison (a repressive instrument imported from Israel) for people without valid residence documents. From the CPR, these people should then be deported to their countries of origin or, according to the new EU Pact on Migration and Asylum that will come into force in June, to so-called "safe third countries."
It's important to remember what this document blackmail entails. A residence permit in Italy is conditional on the fulfillment of two requirements: an employment contract and a certified place of residence. This system makes people who wish to obtain a residence permit easily subject to blackmail, from a labor perspective, and thus reveals the purpose of the document system: it is a method of racially discriminating workers, where the greatest exploitation falls on those most vulnerable to blackmail. This is not surprising, given that capitalism has always been based on the exploitation of labor (on the basis of race, gender, and species), guaranteed by law and the monopoly of state violence.
The news of the intention to open a new CPR in Aulla comes as riots continue in existing CPRs. In recent weeks alone, reports leaking from those locked up (in almost all CPRs, cell phones are prohibited) point to daily violence and a complete lack of self-determination. The food is inedible, often spoiled and laced with tranquilizers and psychotropic drugs, but even refusing to eat it, out of self-defense or simple disgust, can expose one to the risk of further punishment. It should be remembered that, with the April 2025 security decree, even those who engage in passive resistance are punishable for "rioting in prison." There are several cases of people with serious physical and mental health problems locked up; In some CPRs, cameras are also positioned inside the cells, and anyone who tries to cover them, to obtain a minimum of privacy, is punished with beatings and solitary confinement: these are, after all, the two responses that the CPR management bodies - that is, those third sector organizations that profit from a concentration camp - and the police give to anyone who tries to rebel against this situation. There are several cases of self-harm or suicide attempts, both due to desperate conditions and in an attempt to be released for unsuitability (as if there are people fit for prison). But the doors of CPRs are increasingly being opened even to those who cause serious physical harm to themselves, perhaps by jumping from a roof or swallowing sharp objects: the justification is sadistic, and is to "not encourage" these forms of struggle.

Revolts, however, have always occurred, and they give us hope: it should always be remembered that CPRs have been closed in the past only thanks to internal revolts, such as the Turin CPR, which was set on fire and closed in 2023 and reopened in 2025.

Regional mobilizations
Returning to recent news, the idea of "a CPR for each region" dates back to the Minniti-Orlando decree, which sanctioned the birth of this new form of confinement. Aulla is an area where the RETESAI (formerly SPRAR) reception system is widespread. While still committed to state paternalism and integration/inclusion (a colonial concept that presupposes an us/them border), it offers accommodation to asylum seekers and persons with international protection. Aulla is close to Marina di Carrara, where several NGO ships carrying out sea rescue operations are diverted; it is also close to La Spezia, home to the Italian Navy, and to the highway that provides quick access to the airports of Genoa, Parma, and Pisa: we know that many deportations take place on scheduled or charter flights.
In May 2025, several Lunigiana associations-from Arci Agogo of Aulla to the ANPI intercommunale, but also CGIL, Accademia apuana per la pace, Emergency, and other local associations-as well as individuals met again for an afternoon of self-education, following the previous demonstrations in 2023. The meeting was designed to explore with citizens what a CPR is and how to take action in other areas to oppose its existence. Also present was the mayor of Aulla, who had previously promoted several resolutions against the opening of a CPR in Aulla and who was recently elected president of the province of Massa-Cararra, partly with the support of the right-wing party.

It appears that this plan to open a CPR has also left several local right-wing figures dissatisfied. But while the only point of contention within the political parties remains the location of a CPR, the reality of the local situation has been clear from the start: no to a CPR, neither in Aulla nor anywhere else. Because the goal is not only to prevent the opening of existing CPRs, but also to close them.
Local organizations have already reactivated: a meeting was held on April 23rd to prepare the materials needed for the demonstration called on April 27th during the extraordinary city council meeting. The next meeting, also promoted by Arci Agogo, will be on May 7th: training for "anti-CPR volunteers." But the network transcends regional borders, because CPRs should not be opened here or elsewhere, and efforts are underway to coordinate with the NO CPR networks in Trento and Bologna, two other cities that face the prospect of opening a CPR (in Trento, in particular, one is expected to be completed by 2026).
In the coming months, we will see if Aulla, this marginalized area, can transform itself, in the words of bell hooks, into "a radical place of possibility[...]capable of offering us the conditions for a radical perspective from which to create and imagine alternatives and new worlds."
For a world without cages or borders.

Badabing

https://umanitanova.org/senza-gabbie-ne-confini-no-cpr/
_________________________________________

Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE SPAIN - news journal UPDATE - (en) Spain, Regeneracion - Our only war is the class war -- Organization and struggle; past, present, and future. By REGENERATION EDITORIAL STAFF (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Today, May 1st, marks 140 years since hundreds of thousands of American women workers went on strike to fight for the eight-hour workday. They succeeded. The still-young working class, bolstered by the tireless efforts of communist and anarchist activists, forged in decades of struggle, sharpened its weapons and showed the entire world what it was capable of. ---- The bourgeoisie, naturally, was not going to remain silent: three days later, in Chicago, the police would open fire indiscriminately on protesting workers; the bourgeois press would slander the strikers and incite repression; and a rigged trial would result in the execution of anarchist activists. The bourgeoisie responded with everything it had, and it wasn't enough.


Despite the barbarity, despite a capital now unmasked, willing to use every means at its disposal to conquer, devastate, and exterminate, the working class of yesterday demonstrated its power as a social force.

The bourgeoisie could do little against a self-aware class that managed to prevail and impose the eight-hour workday. That victory is our legacy.

Two centuries later, this May Day, we renew the commitment of all those who fought for the dignity of the working class. Today more than ever, with our class in the process of reorganization, searching for its path, we remember and embrace the history of all those who dedicated their efforts, and sometimes even their lives, to the struggle of all.

Because, although the forms change, the oppression against our class continues. We discover it in our lives, increasingly precarious and insecure, forced to exist in a system that jeopardizes the possibility of accessing decent housing, of making ends meet despite having a job. Naming it is the first step in confronting it.

Once again, we denounce labor exploitation, working conditions that make us physically and psychologically ill, wages insufficient to cover basic needs, precarious contracts, and the growing difficulty of balancing work with rest and our personal lives; a situation that particularly affects the most vulnerable sectors of our class.

Against the rise of the far right and against fascism, which infiltrates society through fear, disillusionment, and the feeling that nothing makes sense. It dissolves in the internet and crystallizes in the institutions of the bourgeois state to defend the interests of those who are truly its masters: the capitalists. Against the fear that paralyzes, we oppose the organization that liberates.

Our class is not homogeneous. We live under the weight of various forms of oppression and violence that are intrinsic to and sustain capitalism, such as colonialism, imperialism, racism, sexism, and discrimination against sexual and gender minorities. Unity is not a given; we build it day by day, adding up the struggles and marginalized working-class people. Every addition is a victory.

We are internationalists and, therefore, we have a global understanding of capitalism, which leads to solidarity with oppressed peoples. Borders are nothing more than instruments of class. We reject all the institutions of the bourgeois state created for its defense, from immigration detention centers to Frontex.

We promote a class-based interpretation of environmentalism, denouncing the plundering and destruction of our resources, economic neocolonialism, and the devastation of the land caused by capitalist accumulation and the false theory of infinite growth.

The climate and energy crisis, exacerbated by unequal distribution, must be understood within this framework. It will be the working class, especially those in the Global South, who pay with their blood for the consequences of the struggle for resources and with their livelihoods for the consequences of droughts and storms.

Against imperialist rearmament, war, and genocide, waged to defend the interests of the Western capitalist class, which has been ravaging the Global South for years. Capitalist, imperialist, and criminal wars that claim the lives of the working class in defense of the interests of a few who will never experience the harrowing reality of setting foot in a war zone. Our solidarity knows no borders because neither does our struggle. No war between peoples, no peace between classes.

The working class is going through a period of recomposition. Without a revolutionary political program, it is condemned to a struggle of resistance, where victory is not progress, but rather halting the erosion of the victories we won yesterday. It is held back by unions controlled by and for capital, which limit and betray its struggles.

The end of history has not yet arrived, nor, much less, the end of the history of our class. Sprouts of hope still sprout where others see only silence. Every assembly called, every strike sustained, every comrade who takes a step forward carries within her the potential for a crack that might just bring down the wall.

Today we are given the opportunity to reorganize and build a strong revolutionary and libertarian organization, capable of confronting bureaucracies, opportunistic or authoritarian deviations. An organization that not only resists, but also brings us closer to the world we want: horizontal, based on solidarity, alive.

We are not starting from scratch. We are starting from 140 years of hard-won struggles, from memories that sustain us, from comrades who came before us and believed it was possible, and were right. The only path we have as a class is revolution.

Today, yesterday, and tomorrow, our war is one and the same: the class war.

Batzac - Hedra - Liza - Xesta - Embat

https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2026/05/01/nuestra-unica-guerra-es-la-guerra-de-clases/
_________________________________________

Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

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