WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE UK uk United Kingdom - news journal UPDATE - (en) UK, ACG: Iran: War and counterrevolution (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 The Iranian people are facing horrendous bombing by both the USA and Israel. At least a thousand have died in this carpet bombing, where civilian lives have not been spared. This includes the bombing of a school by US forces, that killed 168 people, 100 of them children. ---- It is not just Iran that is being attacked. Lebanon has been viciously bombed by Israel, with incursions and occupations by Israeli troops, forcing nearly 700,000 to flee. The Israel state seems to have the same game plan as for Gaza- bomb southern Lebanon, Dahieh, and parts of the Bekaa into uninhabited devastation, and ethnically cleanse it.

During the course of the bombing in, The USA and Israel between them have eradicated many leaders of the reactionary theocratic regime, including Ayatollah Ali Khomeni, the former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and many leading lights of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard, including its commander, Hossein Salami. We in the Anarchist Communist Group shed no tears for the deaths of these hangmen, as over the years they have been responsible for the killing of thousands of Iranians.

Iran has responded by widespread rocket and drone attacks throughout the region and its blockade of the Straits of Hormuz. Iran's close ally, the equally reactionary Hezbollah in Lebanon, has also become involved in the conflict, triggering the Israeli invasion.

All of this follows the mass popular unrest in Iran in December 2025, sparked by the worsening economic situation and crippling price rises, and by increasing disenchantment with the mullahs' authoritarian regime. In response the regime slaughtered thousands of people in January, and is continuing its execution of opponents of the regime.

The attacks on Iran by the USA and Israel have nothing to do with any decision to attempt to liberate the Iranian masses from the theocratic regime, that was never the intention either of Trump or Netanyahu. Their intention was to destroy or weaken Iran as a regional power. In fact, these attacks has legitimised the regime in part, especially on the global level, and much of the rotting traditional left has been enthusiastic in giving more priority to the murder of Iranians by the Americans and Zionists, than they have to the murder of Iranians by Khameini and his executioners.

The counterrevolution and bloody repression unleashed by Khameini has its continuation in the bombing by the USA and Israel. The overthrow of the regime by action of the Iranian masses has been closed down by these bombings. Equally, a rabid Iranian nationalism has been strengthened by these bombings, and hatred and repression against minorities within Iran, Baluchis, Kurds, and Arabs, as well as the many Afghan refugees, has been exacerbated. Already the monarchist forces around Reza Pahlavi, the former Crown Prince of Iran, are positioning themselves to coopt the mass movement, and to move it to the right. It is unclear, as usual, as to what the Trump regime plans for Iran, if it is successful in destroying the mullahs' government, which is far from guaranteed. It could be Pahlavi, it could be some 'reformist' leader, it could be a renegade of the regime willing to do Trump's bidding, as has happened in Venezuela.

We reject the mullahs' regime as equally as we reject the forces around Pahlavi or the so called reformist elements within Iran. Equally, we totally oppose the barbaric bombing of Iran and Lebanon. Action similar to that of dockers worldwide must sabotage the war efforts. Here in Britain, we have to encourage the blockade of bases used for the bombing and given the go ahead by Starmer. Mass mobilisation around the world must strive to stymie the US war effort.

https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2026/03/23/iran-war-and-counterrevolution/
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Link: (en) UK, ACG: Iran: War and counterrevolution (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #10-26 - Museum Children. Bologna: Pilastro District Against Land Consumption (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Knowing that the Italian Trade Union (USI-CIT) is actively fighting against land consumption in Bologna and its province, I was asked to write an article about what's happening in Pilastro. I'll try to say something about it. ---- First: what is Pilastro? It's a peripheral area of Bologna, located in the northeast of the city. It was designed in the late 1950s to accommodate immigration related to industrial development. Further housing development followed until the mid-1980s, and then again around 2000. Initially, the neighborhood lacked basic services: water, paved roads, and public transportation. To achieve better living conditions, residents organized themselves into the Tenants Committee, which was active until the late 1990s. The Committee's work contributed to important achievements: buses, schools, healthcare services, sports facilities, and a library.

The first inhabitants were mostly from southern Italy and the poorest areas of Emilia-Romagna. Later, immigrants from Kosovo, other countries of the former Yugoslavia, Albania, Morocco, Tunisia, Romania, Ukraine, Moldova, Pakistan, and Bangladesh joined them. Their homes are more than decent, and although the neighborhood has been described since its inception as a run-down suburb at the mercy of gangs of thugs, people have always been able to move freely and peacefully. If it's making headlines again today, it's only because of the construction of the so-called "Museum of Girls and Boys."

What is it? According to the Bologna City Council, it's: "A playful factory of experience and knowledge where young visitors can learn by doing, experimenting, manipulating, and playing. (...) Thirteen proposals competed for the competition (...) which offered the award of the technical and economic feasibility study for the project: a challenge (...) to create a new cultural center of national importance, dedicated to education, knowledge, and entertainment, aimed at children aged 0 to 12, schools, and families.

It's a shame (for the municipal administration) that it's being built where there was once a lawn with several trees, and that in Bologna, for several years now, lively disputes have been underway, sometimes victorious, against the felling of trees and land use. A committee (Mu.Basta) was immediately formed to oppose the museum's construction, attempting to oppose it, gaining the support of many Bolognese people, including those not living in the neighborhood...

For example, on February 25th, lawyer Mario Bovina (who has nothing to do with the Mu.Basta Committee) wrote on his Facebook page: "Frankly, I don't quite understand what this Mu.Ba. (Museum of Girls and Boys) is, not even after reading the bullshit on the city's website.

From what I remember of my childhood (a lot), I would have much preferred doing what I actually did (playing free with soccer or blowpipes on the playgrounds around my house) than being deported to a fenced-in hangar to have "experiences" designed for me by adults.

But, I understand, it was the Pliocene, we were very free children, governed as best we could by a network of mothers leaning on their balconies who almost always, in the end, gave up and patiently awaited the spontaneous return at dusk of grazed knees, sweaty heads, and muddy clothes.

Today, children are rare. Prisoners behind the thousand bars of their parents' anxieties and expectations, of their own loneliness, of their lack of habituation to free physical contact with their peers, of the lack of "playgrounds."

So, instinctively, I think the children of Pilastro (assuming there are any) liked the ramshackle woods more than they will this box called a museum, which, in fact, I don't think they'll ever be able to set foot in on their own.

But there were about six million euros to spend. And such an argument these days defies all objections.

Museum be, farewell to Alberini.

Children of 2026, I don't envy you all that much."

However, the municipal administration, recently defeated in the disputes over land use relating to Don Bosco Park, San Leonardo Garden, and Zucca, is not giving up. And the Pilastro has been filled with hundreds of police officers deployed to defend the construction site. Clashes, arrests, and complaints have followed.

We'll see how this ends...

Luciano Nicolini

https://umanitanova.org/bambini-da-museo-bologna-zona-pilastro-contro-il-consumo-di-suolo/
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Link: (en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #10-26 - Museum Children. Bologna: Pilastro District Against Land Consumption (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE SPAIN - news journal UPDATE - (en) Spain, Regeneracion: Metapolitics and Anarchism - The Dispute over Common Sense as One of the Conditions for Revolution By LIZA (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 "By metapolitics I mean the effects that a philosophy can derive, in and of itself, from the fact that real politics are thoughts." - Alain Badiou, Abrégé de métapolitique, Éditions du Seuil, 1998.

Contents
What is metapolitics? | Origins and historical-political uses | Metapolitics and Hegemony | Gramsci, metapolitics, and hegemony | The growth of the modern radical right through metapolitics | Metapolitics and Anarchism | Metapolitics in a revolutionary strategy | Strategic conclusions | Bibliography
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What is metapolitics?
Metapolitics refers to the level at which the premises that make the politics of a given era possible and legitimate are established. It is not simply a "discourse about politics," nor a propaganda technique: it is the struggle for the prior framework that determines what counts as a problem, what counts as a solution, and what counts as common sense.

In its earliest modern sense, the term is formulated by analogy with metaphysics: just as metaphysics aims to go beyond physics, metapolitics points to what transcends ordinary politics; that is, to the principles concerning human nature, sociability, law, and legitimacy that condition the political field. This initial definition is important because it prevents reducing metapolitics to a contemporary fad: from its origin, it names the pre-political dimension where the categories that later appear natural are fabricated.

In practice, this means that metapolitics operates wherever social perception is produced and organized. It becomes evident when a society learns to call punitive expansion "security" and deregulation "freedom"; when precarity is translated as "lack of employability" rather than exploitation; when social conflict is rewritten as "public order" rather than material antagonism; when racism is disguised as "culture" and patriarchy as "family." These semantic shifts are not merely academic debate: they determine which policies will appear reasonable and which as unthinkable. Metapolitics operates in schools and workplaces, in the press and entertainment, from the pulpit to the platform, because it is there that the vocabulary with which people interpret their lives is stabilized.

Origins and historical-political uses
The genealogy of the term is longer and more complex than its recent circulation suggests. The label "metapolitics" already appears in an unpublished manuscript attributed to Juan Caramuel (17th century): a fact that does not allow us to speak of a continuous tradition, but does break the idea of a single, late origin.

Its modern consolidation arrived in the last quarter of the 18th century as an explicit analogy of metaphysics applied to politics. In 1784, Jean-Louis de Lolme proposed "metapolitics" to name a still unexplored branch that, instead of limiting itself to ordinary political science, interrogated the principles concerning human nature and human affairs that allow for an understanding of government. In 1785, Gottlieb (Amadeus) Hufeland introduced Metapolitik in German as a set of preliminary propositions that prepare determinations about rights and institutions before presupposing the State. Shortly thereafter, Schlözer established metapolitics as an "abstract" of natural law and an investigation of the human being "before the State," prior to general public law and the theory of forms of government.

From this first cycle, the term carries an ambivalence that does not disappear: it can be a critical reflection of foundations or it can become a doctrinal legitimation of the order.

In the 19th century, the term circulated intermittently and controversially, and its fluctuating usage became visible. Joseph de Maistre employed it as a "metaphysics of politics" in a counter-revolutionary vein, aiming to elevate the problem of power to a science of the substantial and fundamental aspects of empire formation. In Spain, Ramón Salas (1821) spoke of a "metapolitics as metaphysics" to challenge abstract theories lacking empirical basis and to advocate for a political science founded on experience. In both cases, the core of the conflict is evident: metapolitics as a critique of formalism or as a philosophical pretext for naturalizing hierarchies.

In the 20th century, the term reappeared with divergent meanings and ultimately underwent a strategic shift. In some uses, it acquired historical significance and was associated with state doctrines; in others, it was elevated to a philosophical plane where "meta" categories of liberal politics were defined. But the decisive transformation was that, from the second half of the 20th century onward, "metapolitics" came to denote a prolonged intervention in culture, education, media, and mentalities aimed at preparing for future political shifts. This twist crystallized when the European radical right, after 1968, turned the culture war into a program: the term became a slogan for conquering first common sense and then the institutional apparatus.

In parallel, the reappropriation from the philosophical left reverses the gesture. For Badiou, metapolitics does not signify a sovereign doctrine over the State, but rather the relationship by which philosophy draws consequences from the fact that real politics are thoughts: truths in action. Thus, the history of the word is marked by a dispute: between a use that seeks to found and justify order and another that seeks to understand and enhance emancipatory sequences without speaking from outside them. Metapolitics is, therefore, a name in conflict because it names a terrain in conflict: the place where it is decided what world is imaginable.

Metapolitics and Hegemony
Gramsci, metapolitics and hegemony
Gramsci helps us understand why metapolitics is not an intellectual embellishment, but a material terrain where power is organized. Hegemony is not equivalent to "cultural leadership" or more effective propaganda, but to the capacity of a social bloc to transform its worldview into common sense; to make particular interests feel universal; and to generate consent where coercion alone would be fragile and unstable. To govern does not simply mean to command, but to fabricate a moral and affective normality that makes command acceptable. This normality is deposited in civil society, in its institutions and routines, in its vocabulary, in its life expectations, and in its hierarchies of dignity. Domination becomes more solid when it ceases to be perceived as domination.

From this definition, a strategic consequence emerges: politics is not decided solely in the institutional arena, because institutions arrive late to a battle that has already taken place in the cultural sphere. The cultural battle is not the "environment" of the economy nor a supplement to politics: it is a factory of perception and legitimacy. Whoever determines the words with which a society interprets its problems largely determines the scope of its solutions. Metapolitics precisely names this conscious and sustained intervention on the framework: a long-term strategy aimed at reshaping common sense, not at winning a specific debate.

The contemporary far right has grasped this logic with discipline and patience. Its effectiveness is not explained solely by its electoral performance, but by its capacity to shift the boundaries of what can be said and reshape consensus before vying for power. It operates metapolitically when it transforms the anti-immigration framework into "realism" rather than scapegoating; when it elevates security rhetoric (control, borders, defense, etc.) to a public morality; when it presents conspiracies as legitimate suspicions; when it translates material hardship into identity-based fear. The decisive effect is not that everyone believes every slogan, but that the adversary's vocabulary begins to shape public discourse. At that point, the far right governs partially even from the opposition and from marginal/minority spaces, because it forces institutional politics to operate within its framework.

Introducing Carlo Gambescia at this point helps avoid two symmetrical errors: confusing metapolitics with propaganda and fetishizing it as if it were a magic formula. His approach is to treat it as a perspective on power, attentive to regularities, limits, and concrete forms of legitimacy. Metapolitics, in this sense, is a discipline that studies how power is won, maintained, and lost; what social means sustain it; and why certain collective goals become credible or collapse. By distinguishing between a metapolitics of theory and a metapolitics of action, Gambescia allows us to see how churches, foundations, informal networks, and media apparatuses operate metapolitically by organizing morality, taste, and common sense, even when they do not present themselves as "political."

The culture war is not won with performative outrage or isolated arguments. It is won by building organized social power: creating structures that provide continuity and generate trust, using language that connects with everyday experience, and developing practices capable of establishing a different normality. Because it is not merely a symbolic battle, but a material one: it is fought in the concrete conditions of existence.

The rise of the modern radical right through metapolitics
The contemporary rise of the radical right cannot be understood merely as an electoral shift: it is the result of a coherent metapolitical strategy, explicitly formulated since the late 1960s by Alain de Benoist and the GRECE group - Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation européenne (Research and Studies Group for European Civilization). Their diagnosis was that institutional politics is a late effect of a prior victory in the cultural arena. Hence their commitment to a reactionary "war of position": intervening in ideas, education, the media, aesthetics, and everyday morality to make certain hierarchies and exclusions seem reasonable before claiming them as law.

This method is clearly evident in the normalization of anti-immigrant discourse. Concepts such as "invasion," "demographic replacement," "loss of identity," and the imperative to "return to tradition" were gradually established as common language through alternative media, cultural production, pseudo-academic analyses, and a deliberately provocative aesthetic that sought to break taboos and shift the boundaries of what is acceptable. Conspiracy theories like the "Great Replacement" emerged as a cultural narrative capable of reorganizing social unrest under an identity and racial logic, displacing conflict from material structures to enemies constructed within their narrative. When these frameworks reach parliament, they arrive already legitimized by a prolonged metapolitical process that has transformed them into common sense for significant sectors of the population. This can explain the political and cultural rise of the populist far right worldwide.

Metapolitics and Anarchism
Although the term metapolitics has not been central to the historical vocabulary of anarchism, the practice it names has always been at the heart of a libertarian politics with revolutionary ambitions. The reason is material, not terminological: domination is not exhausted by the State, but is reproduced in everyday mechanisms of authority, in moral norms, in precarious and disciplinary labor, in racism and patriarchy, in the media's management of fear, and in a subjectivity trained to delegate, compete, and obey. Metapolitics matters because it is the plane where these mechanisms become "common sense": where certain hierarchies seem inevitable and certain alternatives seem childish, dangerous, or simply unthinkable.

Contemporary authors allow us to refine this intuition without turning it into a slogan. Abensour helps us understand "anarchy" as a force that destabilizes the principle of command even before its institutional crystallization, pointing out that the struggle against domination begins with the practical rejection of authority as a foundation. Critchley formulates an anarchist metapolitics as an ethics of resistance that produces subjects not reconciled with the existing order, and that upholds disobedience not as an individual gesture but as a collective commitment to justice. Nappalos, for his part, insists on a metapolitics of motivation: organized work based on dispositions, expectations, and learning that make sustained collective action possible, especially when the present weighs heavily as a fatality and the emancipatory future seems unreal.

The strategic consequence is undeniable. A libertarian communist society cannot emerge solely from direct confrontation with political power if the majority continues to equate "order" with command, "security" with punishment, "freedom" with competition, and "democracy" with a parliamentary state. In such a scenario, even a rupture can be filled by authoritarian, bureaucratic, or punitive solutions, because the dominant imaginary already presents these as the only "realistic" options. Anarchist metapolitics is, therefore, a revolutionary task: to contest what is perceived as normal, just, and desirable, and to do so through organization, culture, and practices that build legitimacy for self-management. It is not about replacing material struggle with narratives, but about producing the subjective and social conditions without which material struggle cannot be sustained or translated into emancipation.

Metapolitics in a revolutionary strategy
Metapolitics must be integrated into revolutionary strategy as a set of intersecting, overlapping, and mutually reinforcing fields of intervention, without replacing organization or material conflict. It is not a linear path nor a decisive lever in itself: it is a dimension that expands the realm of possibility, challenges legitimacies, and reduces the capacity of the established order to present itself as natural.

The field of public perception and common sense: identifying which narratives shape social experience and where they clash with real life. Here, useful contradictions are sought-when "merit" fails to explain precarity, when "security" masks violence, when "freedom" signifies economic subjugation-and interventions are made through situated analysis, educational materials, local public discussion, and campaigns that connect concrete events with emancipatory frameworks. The measure of effectiveness is not virality, but rather the shift in the interpretive framework.
The field of social practices and grassroots institutions: metapolitics occurs not only in what is said, but also in what becomes normalized through repetition. Self-managed spaces, mutual support networks, cooperatives, social centers, and resistance funds operate metapolitically when they produce sustained collective capacity and break the association between "order" and command. Here, the tactics are organizational: to create experiences of effective cooperation.
The realm of language and moral signifiers: there are words that govern without appearing to do so because they define what is legitimate. "Crime," "family," "nation," "radical," "legitimacy," and "democracy" delimit the perimeter of what is acceptable. Challenging them is not a semantic game: it is preventing the enemy from dictating the vocabulary of the conflict. Tactics can range from glossaries and internal training to public reinterpretations that anchor language in concrete experience.
The aesthetic-affective and memory field: politics doesn't advance solely through reason; it also organizes desires, fears, and affiliations, and helps us understand that what is often experienced as a "personal" problem is not simply the result of how a person is or acts, but rather the expression of a collective and systemic problem. Here, the decision is made as to whether emancipation appears as a desirable and shareable life or as a bleak sacrifice. Art, design, music, narratives, rituals, the hospitality of spaces, and the memory of struggles are important when they produce identification, dignity, and a sense of purpose, and when they allow us to translate individual unease into collective consciousness. Tactics can include cultural cycles, audiovisual pieces, interventions in public spaces, and the recovery of local histories.
The digital field as both mediation and vulnerability: simply "being online" is not enough; we must recognize that the internet is no longer a space separate from social life, but a fully integrated dimension that articulates the so-called "real world," shaping relationships, perceptions, conflicts, and forms of organization. Therefore, it is necessary to combine a tactical presence on platforms with forms of coordination that do not depend on algorithms. Shared channels, affinity networks, proprietary infrastructure where feasible, and a sustained culture of digital security and self-care are material conditions for continuity.
The field of counter-manipulation: making the operations that manufacture consensus legible without replicating them as control techniques. Emancipatory metapolitics is defined by an ethical limit: it cannot be based on producing obedience. Its tactics include media literacy, critical reading of moral panics, debunking statistics and security frameworks, and a counter-propaganda explicitly political in its intent, oriented toward critical autonomy and the capacity for judgment.
Ultimately, these fronts only make sense if they are linked to material struggles and genuine revolutionary organization. Metapolitics doesn't replace confrontation with power or the accumulation of strength: it accompanies, prepares for, and sustains them, reducing the risk of the conflict being absorbed by the enemy's framework. In a libertarian strategy, its function is not to guarantee the outcome, but to increase the social plausibility of self-management and weaken the everyday legitimacies of domination. In real-world politics, that is already a significant achievement.

Strategic conclusions
Metapolitics is not a substitute for revolutionary strategy, but it is one of its conditions of possibility. It functions as both a thermometer and an auxiliary lever: it indicates the limits of legitimacy imposed by the established order and allows for their expansion, without falling into the fantasy that cultural change, in and of itself, dismantles material relations of domination. Integrated with organization, conflict, and the accumulation of power, metapolitics reduces the adversary's capacity to present itself as common sense and increases the social plausibility of self-management.

The rise of the radical right confirms an uncomfortable lesson: one can lose at the polls and still gain ground by controlling the vocabulary, public morality, and the system of emotions. Therefore, the response cannot be limited to correcting facts or expressing outrage. It requires challenging the actual mechanisms of legitimation, attacking the frameworks that transform exclusion into "realism" and punishment into "security," and building spaces where an alternative normality can be experienced as effective.

For a libertarian politics with revolutionary ambitions, the conclusion is stark. If the majority continues to associate order with command, freedom with competition, and democracy with the state, any rupture is vulnerable to bureaucratic or punitive restoration, even with emancipatory rhetoric. The strategic task consists of producing subjects, habits, and collective capacities compatible with life without authority: sustainable forms of cooperation, distinct languages rooted in experience, and an active memory that prevents the present from being perceived as destiny.

In operational terms, this implies two criteria. First, that metapolitics only has revolutionary value when it is embodied in practices that increase social power from below, and not when it devolves into a self-contained subculture. Second, that its effectiveness is measured by concrete effects: by the expansion of what can be said; by the delegitimization of everyday hierarchies; by the capacity to sustain organization under pressure; and by the creation of grassroots institutions that make self-management practicable.

Metapolitics, understood in this way, offers no guarantees. But it does allow for something crucial: that the revolution ceases to depend on exceptional moments and becomes an accumulative process, where the common sense of command loses ground while, in real life, the social conditions for living without it grow.

Don Diego de la Vega, militant of Liza

Literature
Abensour, Miguel. La démocratie contre l'État: Marx et le moment machiavélien . Paris: Editions du Félin, 2004.

Badiou, Alain. Abrégé de métapolitique . Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1998.

Badiou, Alain. «Two essays on metapolitics» (1998). In Event , no. 17 (1999).

Benoist, Alain de. Vu de droite: Anthologie critique des idées contemporaines . Paris: Copernic, 1977.

Critchley, Simon. Infinitely Demanding: Ethics of Commitment, Politics of Resistance . London/New York: Verso, 2007.

Gambescia, Carlo. Metapolitics: The other view of power . Rome: Rubbettino, 2018.

Gramsci, Antonio. Prison Notebooks . Critical edition by Valentino Gerratana. Turin: Einaudi, 1975.

Hufeland, Gottlieb (Amadeus). Ueber den Naturzustand (contains the use of "Metapolitik"). Jena, 1785.

Lolme, Jean-Louis de. The Constitution of England; or, An Account of the English Government (note on "metapolitics"). London, 1784.

Maistre, Joseph de. Considerations on France . Lyon, 1797. (Later use of the term in writings from 1814, according to genealogy compilations of the term).

Nappalos, Scott Nicholas. "Emergence and Anarchism." 2013.

Panunzio, Sergio. Lezioni di dottrina dello Stato . Rome, 1930.

Riedel, Manfred. Metaphysik und Metapolitik: Studien zu Aristoteles und zur politischen Sprache der Neuzeit . Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1975.

Salas, Ramón. Lessons in Constitutional Public Law for the schools of Spain . Madrid, 1821.

Schlözer, August Ludwig von. References to «Metapolitik» (1793) collected in genealogies of the term.

Taguieff, Pierre-André. Sur la Nouvelle Droite: Jalons d'une analyze critique . Paris: Descartes & Cie, 1994.

Teitelbaum, Benjamin R. War for Eternity: The Return of Traditionalism and the Rise of the Populist Right . London: Allen Lane/Penguin, 2020.

"Metapolitics" (entries and genealogy of the term). Philosophy in Spanish (filosofia.org) , accessed in 2026.

https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2026/03/27/metapolitica-y-anarquismo/
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Link: (en) Spaine, Regeneracion: Metapolitics and Anarchism - The Dispute over Common Sense as One of the Conditions for Revolution By LIZA (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, UCL AL #369 - History - Sami People: History and Struggles of Europe's Last Indigenous People (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 In the far north of the continent lives the Sami people[1]. Present for millennia in a territory called Sápmi[2], their population is estimated today to be between 75,000 and 82,000, unevenly distributed among the countries. The largest Sami population is currently found in northern Norway, with approximately 55,000 individuals. Next come Sweden (approximately 20,000), Finland (approximately 2,000), and Russia (approximately 2,000). ---- Sápmi (in dark gray) is a territory shared between Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia.

Wikimedia/Rogper
Essentially nomadic[3], the Sami saw their territory drastically reduced when state borders were imposed upon them, beginning in 1545 when King Gustav Vasa I decided to annex the territories-which he considered deserted-in the north of his kingdom, and again in 1595 with the Treaty of Teusina, which defined the borders between Russia and Sweden, disregarding the peoples inhabiting the lands concerned. The Sami, who lived primarily from reindeer herding, faced a new problem: their transhumance, which had previously taken place throughout the entire Sápmi region, was now halted at the borders of the various states. The siidas (traditional Sami lands) were now crossed by state boundaries that made no exceptions for the indigenous population[4].

Forced Assimilation
From the mid-17th century onward, mining of natural resources in Sápmi began on the orders of the Swedish crown. Many Sami were enslaved, as Sweden did not recognize their citizenship. Territorial expansion strategies included taxing the Sami population, sometimes by three states simultaneously; introducing the concept of individual private property; granting land to settlers; and restricting access to property based on ethnicity. Christian missions also intensified: baptisms increased, and Sami were burned at the stake for witchcraft when they refused to abandon their pantheon. These colonial incursions continued with the same intensity until the 19th century. It was at this time that assimilation policies began to emerge.

The various states did not adopt the same policies for integrating the Sami. Norway viewed assimilation as the cornerstone of its fornorskningspolitikken ("Norwegianization") policy from 1851 to 1959. Its aim was to make the indigenous population into "good Norwegians," with fluency in Norwegian and a Norwegian surname being mandatory for obtaining land in Finnmark. Sweden, on the other hand, implemented a segregationist policy, leading to the creation of a racial research institute in the early 20th century[5]. Finland combined assimilation and acculturation, notably due to earlier colonization (Finnish settlers having spread into these regions as early as the late 14th century), but also because Finnish and Sami languages belong to the same language family. Acculturation was thus more gradual, but more insidious.

A Sami family in Norway around 1900.
Wikimedia
While all states outlawed Sami languages and cultures, populations began to rebel in various regions of Sápmi. One of these first uprisings took place in Guovdageaidnu (Norway) in 1852, where herders turned against the authorities. They killed the grocer-accused of profiting from the Sami population, then suffering from rampant alcoholism, by selling them alcohol-as well as the village policeman. The consequences of this revolt were severe: in addition to a resurgence of Norwegianization and the imprisonment of the rebels, the two leaders of the movement, Aslak Hætla and Mons Sombdy, were beheaded. Their skulls were sent to Oslo to enrich the university's anatomical collections[6]. The causes of this uprising were numerous, but the end of the free movement of reindeer for seasonal transhumance between Norway and Finland in the same year was one of them[7].

Badge "Cájet Sámi Vuoinna!" ("Show your Sámi spirit!").
Wikimedia/Paasikivi
While this spontaneous uprising resonated within the Sámi community, it would still be almost a century before they could bring their demands to the international level. However, Infor lif eller död? Sanningsord i de Lappska förhållandena[8]was published in 1904 and was the work of the Sámi activist Elsa Laula Renberg.
This pamphlet denounces Swedish and Norwegian assimilationist policies, colonization, resource appropriation, and more broadly, the oppression suffered by the Sami. Renberg was instrumental in establishing the first Sami feminist circles (with the Brurskanken samiske kvindeforening[9]in 1910) and the first Sami council in 1917. The date of this first council, February 6, has since become a day celebrating Sami identity.

Recognition of Sami Self-Determination
In 1952, the Sámiráddi, the Sami Council, was founded. This NGO, now headquartered in Káráshjohka, Norway, is composed of representatives from nine Sami organizations in Finland, Norway, Sweden, and Russia[10]. The council's goal is the recognition of the Sami and the promotion of their cultures and languages. In 1975, the Sámiráddi joined the World Council of Indigenous Peoples (1974-1996), providing it with an international platform to raise awareness of the difficulties faced by the Sámi alongside other indigenous peoples. The 1970s were a period of both increased visibility and struggle: it was during this time that Sámi language education began, allowing young people to reconnect with their linguistic identity after centuries of glottophobic colonialism. The acronym CSV, for Cohkke Sámiid Vuitui ("Sámi, unite for victory"), also emerged and would go on to gain widespread popularity[11]. The works of Nils-Aslak Valkeapää-known by his Sámi name Áilu-resonated with these struggles through the joik (traditional Sámi song), to which he brought a new life. Among the Sami representatives of the late 20th century, Ailu was one of the most important figures, both artistically and as an activist. He was the first representative of the Sami people at the creation of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples and the first to recognize the Sami as an indigenous people. This decade was also marked by one of the most significant struggles for Sami unity and the defense of their territory: the opposition to the construction of the Alta hydroelectric dam in Norway.

The Battle of Alta
In 1968, the Norwegian Water and Electricity Agency planned the construction of a dam, which would have submerged the Sami village of Máze. Initial resistance arose, leading to a revision of the project. However, it still resulted in the displacement of populations, the disruption of reindeer migrations, and the end of wild salmon fishing. After exhausting all administrative appeals and in response to a visit by the Norwegian Minister of the Environment[12], who disregarded the remarks of the Sami people present at the site, the first acts of civil disobedience occurred. Two actions took place simultaneously in the autumn of 1979: one group blocked access to the machinery at the construction site, while another began a hunger strike in front of the parliament building. These two actions had no effect and led to an escalation until January 1981, when more than a thousand activists chained themselves to the machinery at the dam site before being violently removed by the Norwegian police. The following year, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the government and upheld the permit to build the dam, rendering all forms of resistance deployed up to that point obsolete.

The first official Sami flag was recognized and unveiled on August 15, 1986, at the 13th Nordic Sami Conference in Åre, Sweden.

Although ultimately unsuccessful, the opposition to the Alta Dam was a cornerstone of Sami recognition over the past century. The Sameloven, or Sami Law, was passed by the Norwegian parliament in 1987 in response to this massive mobilization. It allows the Sami to live with their languages, cultures, and according to their nomadic way of life. This law was expanded in 2005 with the Finnmarksloven, or Finnmark Law, which grants the Sami collective ownership of their lands, including their resources. Similar legislation has been enacted in other Fennoscandian countries (1992 in Sweden and 1995 in Finland).

A struggle that continues today
While Sami handicrafts are now sold to tourists in Sápmi without having been made by Sami artisans, and their territory remains threatened (by the Gállok mining project, for example), the indigenous communities are doing everything they can to share their struggles and demands. Recently, the United Nations ruled in favor of the Sami communities, judging that Finland had violated their rights by authorizing mining in Sápmi. Here and there, educational centers, universities, and schools offer courses in Sami languages and on indigenous culture, their rights, their history, and their future.
However, the politicization of Sami communities is still a work in progress. Institutionally, only the Finnish Communist Party (SKP) celebrates Sami resistance, but the issue remains a minority topic, even within political circles. The SKP campaigns for Finland to ratify Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization, bringing the question of the self-determination of indigenous peoples to the forefront of the political agenda. In the Nordic region, only Norway ratified it in 1990. The Finnish Left Alliance regularly advocates for a review of the rights granted to the Sami, but primarily emphasizes "reconciliation." Social media has helped to highlight the struggles waged by the Sami, particularly in Norway and Finland. A segment of young people is discovering the oppression these communities still endure today and is becoming aware of a persistent state neocolonialism.

The traditional activities of the Sami were once fishing and reindeer herding, but today only a minority of the 85,000 Sami still make a living from them.

Harvey Barrison
While libertarian ideas are a recent introduction in Finland and more broadly in the Nordic region, some Sami representatives, such as Áslat Holmberg, incorporate them into discussions about the future of Sápmi and the current causes of the marginalization of its indigenous people. To quote Holmberg, "The state is currently the main enemy of Sami communities. Not parliament, ministers, or other institutions, no, the very idea of the state. The nation-state tries to act continually in the interest of the people, but this means constant growth. It also means the appropriation of natural resources. If the state doesn't help us, do we really need it?"[13]Holmberg continues this article by emphasizing the cultural and material dispossession to which the Sami have been subjected since the beginning of the colonization of their territories. Áilu will draw a parallel between the material and cultural dispossession of the Sami (as well as their acculturation) and the fate suffered-and which continues to be suffered-by other Indigenous peoples of the Arctic, particularly the Inuit. While victories are to be celebrated, the road to self-determination is still long in Sápmi. Everywhere, always, solidarity with oppressed peoples! Cájet Sámi Vuoinna!

Rudy (UCL Caen)

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[1]Formerly called "Lapps," this term is now considered particularly pejorative. The preferred name is "Sami" or "Same," a French adaptation of their endonym, "Sámi."

[2]As with their name, their territory was renamed "Lapland," a pejorative term still used today in many languages.

[3]This was not always the case. Nomadism seems to have begun in the early 15th century, during the first Scandinavian colonial incursions.

[4]A siida is an area in which a group of herding families graze reindeer. Siidas are delimited by natural features (hills, rivers, etc.). Originally, a siida was a shared hunting ground.

[5]See Amanda Kernell's film Sameblod (2016) on this subject, as well as on forced assimilation.

[6]The skulls were not returned to the families until 1997.

[7]Despite Finland and Norway's membership in the Schengen Area, reindeer herding between the two countries remains prohibited today by this 1852 law. A similar law was passed in 1889 between Sweden and Finland.

[8]"Are we facing life or death? Some truths about the situation in Sápmi"

[9]"Brurskanken Sami Women's Association."

[10]Sami groups from Russia joined the organization in 1992.

[11]Other meanings have been attributed to this acronym, all related to the defense of Indigenous rights.

[12]A visit in extremely poor taste, as the minister arrived wearing traditional Sami clothing, an act perceived as insulting and degrading by Indigenous representatives.

[13]Tuija Sorjanen, "Saamelaisaktivisti Aslak Holmbergin ihanneyhteiskunnassa saamelaiset siidat päättäisivät asioistaan itse eivätkä maksaisi veroja", Lapin Kansa, January 13, 2018.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Peuple-same-Histoire-et-luttes-du-dernier-peuple-autochtone-d-Europe
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Link: (en) France, UCL AL #369 - History - Sami People: History and Struggles of Europe's Last Indigenous People (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY SICILY - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, Sicilia Libertaria #467 - The Security of the New Fascism (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Can we even talk about fascism? Armchair democrats, those who cajole public opinion, maintain that as long as there are "free elections" and citizens-an undefined and overvalued notion-have the "power" to choose who will govern them, democracy is in no danger and will always be capable of rising from its own ashes. The fact that this right-wing government, as sincere democrats like to say, is proceeding more forcefully than others in eliminating rights and restricting freedoms, cannot be a cause for concern as long as there is a Constitution with its principles, free information, and the ability to express one's opinion. Certainly, this right-wing government, they repeat, can be criticized for a certain tendency not to fully respect institutional etiquette, a certain propagandistic impetuosity, brusque and unorthodox ways, and youthful exuberance. And certainly political errors and an inability to address the nation's problems, but don't attribute a deliberate desire to resurrect and reintroduce fascism.

Therefore, the new security decrees, passed by the government of the very Italian and motherly Giorgia Meloni on February 6th, can easily be absorbed by the democratic body of society, as long as President Mattarella tones down (?) the more authoritarian aspects and positions himself as a bulwark (?) of the Constitution. Because ultimately, the government, even if mistakenly, is trying to provide answers to a "real" problem of our times: security. The sincere democrats mentioned above always say. Whether this security coincides with public order and social control is irrelevant. For the parliamentary opposition, for example, it is more important to criticize the government for not doing the one thing fundamental to the true safety of citizens: having more law enforcement in cities and neighborhoods.

Thus, supported by a relentless media campaign, which began with the stabbing of a student by a classmate in La Spezia and culminated in the clashes in Turin during the Askatasuna demonstration, the new security package, yet another, seeks to deal a definitive blow to any form of dissent and social opposition. Preventive detention of up to 12 hours and a "criminal shield" for law enforcement officers are two measures emblematic of the government's understanding of security. Added to this is the possibility of a naval blockade to counter migrants in the Mediterranean; another obsession of racist governments that leads to the deaths of thousands of people fleeing wars and the destruction wrought by "Western civilization."

The new rules, which also include deferred arrest, searches, fines, and bans for protesters, will make participation and social mobilizations increasingly difficult. However, rather than analyzing them in detail, we believe it's interesting to observe how the institutional opposition and mainstream media have reacted to their approval. This helps us grasp elements of the long-running authoritarian drift and aspects of a new, nascent fascism, which is also being built through the adoption by so-called liberal-democratic thought of all-encompassing languages and representations of society.

A first factor concerns the weight given by the vast majority of press and television coverage to the images of the policeman surrounded and beaten by a small group of protesters in Turin. According to the mainstream media, those young people are violent and irresponsible, if not outright delinquents and criminals, thus shifting attention from a large-scale protest demanding real democratic spaces to an occasional and marginal incident, charged with other meanings. Such as representing widespread lawlessness, supported by a "gray area," as Turin's Attorney General Musti has defined intellectuals and segments of civil society mobilizing in support of social centers for a democracy that is not merely formal, complacent, and conniving. This interpretation is fully embraced by those who, while seemingly opposing this government's pointless generation of new crimes to address insecurity, fully share its social and political presuppositions: an orderly and united society that abolishes social conflict and is founded on order and legality. This is the case, for example, of this article published in the newspaper La Stampa on February 6, signed by Serena Sileoni: "The events in Turin demonstrate that the police headquarters knew much more than we imagined, to the point of issuing mandatory expulsion orders, carrying out seizures, and serving verbal warnings and access bans. But they also show that much of the demonstration's strength came, as the Attorney General of Piedmont and Valle d'Aosta, Lucia Musti, and former Democratic Party MP Stefano Esposito, from the accreditation granted to Askatasuna over the years and, in general, from the political and cultural compliance with protests that arose to demand the restoration not of legality, but of illegality.

So while the progressive press prides itself on judging this government's performance impartially-see also this gem by Marcello Sorgi, also in La Stampa: "The security decree is the third in three years pushed by Meloni. And this could, in the long run, erode the government's advantage in having succeeded in passing it[...]. Because if, as happened the two previous times, the results of the application of the new rules were to prove unsatisfactory, it would be difficult, if not impossible, to return to touch such a delicate matter, at the limits of the stability of the constitutional principles." - Meloni was photographed in a pose that was, to say the least, contrived with the injured policeman in the hospital. Meanwhile, the parliamentary opposition was tearing its clothes to demonstrate that it cared more about order and security than the government. Accusing the government of merely making propaganda, the Democratic Party group leader in the Chamber, Chiara Braga, stated in an interview: "For us it is crucial, as requested in the joint resolution with the other opposition parties, to provide more resources for the police force - taking them away from the useless centers in Albania - to fill the personnel shortage, guarantee investments in prevention, resources for the municipalities." At least, however, she said something left-wing: prevention and municipalities. The 5 Star Movement was on the same wavelength. The government and opposition then delighted in intertwining the security decrees with the referendum on the judiciary, This increases confusion and once again shifts attention to aspects that have nothing to do with the extremely severe restrictions on freedom of demonstration contained in the new regulations.

In this climate, amidst the inability of a "democratic and progressive" political class to grasp the turning points of history, amidst the apparent apathy and subservience of public opinion and the masses, we can continue to ignore fascism. However, in the forms most suited to it today, it continues its march, invisible but no less effective than in the past.

https://www.sicilialibertaria.it/2026/03/18/la-sicurezza-del-nuovo-fascismo/
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Link: (en) Italy, Sicilia Libertaria #467 - The Security of the New Fascism (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE KURDISTAN - news journal Update - (en) Kurdistan, KAF: War is never the answer. INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY. DESERTION (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

The recent attack on Iran carried out by the United States and Israel on February 28 is neither an isolated act nor a historical accident. It is yet another well-planned manifestation of an imperial logic that disguises aggression as defense, supremacy as security, war as a moral necessity, and capitalist imperialism as democracy. We know that every power, when it strikes, invokes the need for prevention; every bomb is carefully cloaked in technical, surgical, and inevitable language-and even words of peace. But we already know who will pay the price for such violence; the victims are always the same: children, workers, the poor, young people sent to their deaths, families losing their homes and futures, and oppressed peoples. And we also know that the chaos following this aggression will fuel new wars and further fanaticism.

Regimes can only be opposed and overthrown by their own people, and it is certain that even the popular movements that have opposed the Iranian regime in recent years will be swept away by American imperialist arrogance. Let it be clear: there are no humanitarian wars, nor are there any liberating bombings. Wars are political choices, not natural phenomena. There is a global structure of domination that feeds on fear, nationalism, and voluntary submission. Governments speak of existential threats, but the only permanent threat to the people is precisely the continuous and historical intertwining created by states between military power, economic interests, mafias, and media propaganda.

True security stems from social justice, cooperation among peoples, and an end to the economic exploitation that fuels conflict. True prevention lies in dismantling the state structures that generate war: military bases, the military-industrial complex, alliances based on the threat of constant conflict, and all repressive state laws that target any form of dissent.

Wars must be met with desertion. To desert today means, above all, to desert propaganda. It means rejecting ethnic and religious hatred. It means rejecting the rhetoric of inevitable war, rejecting the fear of true freedom. It means supporting conscientious objection, protecting those who oppose imperialism, and building grassroots international solidarity networks. It means opposing the militarization of our societies and our territories-from Birgi to MUOS and Sigonella-and defending spaces of autonomy, mutual aid, and direct organization.

We unequivocally condemn all forms of imperialism, regardless of the flag or state behind them. We denounce the hypocrisy of those who speak of international law while trampling on it. And we remember that no people are our enemies.

If there is a flame to be lit, it is that of solidarity among the oppressed.

If there is a rebellion to be waged, it is against blind obedience.

If there is a revolution to be prepared, it is one that makes war impossible because it makes domination over our lives impossible.

May consciences awaken. Let fear turn to rage. Let those in power know they can no longer count on our passivity and our fear of being free.

Against every state. Against every regime.

Against imperialist war: Desertion, International Solidarity.

Only a society of free and equal people will sweep away all imperialism.

Sicilian Anarchist Federation

March 2, 2026

Kurdish Speaking Anarchist Form

https://anarkistan.net/2026/03/15/war-is-never-the-answer-international-solidarity-desertion/
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Link: (en) Kurdistan, KAF: War is never the answer. INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY. DESERTION (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Source - A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE BELGIUM BRUSSELS - DeMorgen. Avond - Zaterdag 25 april 2026.

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