vrijdag 7 augustus 2026
WORLD WORLDWIDE AFRICA SUDAN - news journal UPDATE - (en) Sudan, Al Amal #6 - The war in Sudan is entering its third year. (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
The war in Sudan is entering its third year, with no end in sight. This war, planned since 2019, as the generals themselves have admitted, was scheduled at that time but was delayed due to incomplete preparations. What a horror! ---- This state, which has always planned internal wars, repressed freedoms by every means, and practiced relentless brutality, this regime that carries out systematic arrests, organizes torture in public places, and perpetrates extrajudicial killings, is now fully exposed to the revolutionary masses.
The Rapid Support Forces are not a separate force from this regime; on the contrary, they are its product, an extension of its brutality and savagery. All the crimes committed, from ethnic cleansing to genocide, are the direct consequence of the policies implemented under the protection of this regime.
Today, after the destruction of Khartoum, Wad Madani, El Fasher, El Geneina, Zalingei, En Nahud, Dinder, and Omdurman, and faced with the ongoing siege of Dilling, El Obeid, Kadugli, and other areas, millions of Sudanese have been displaced, and health and education services have completely collapsed.
Three years have been enough to tear apart the social fabric, exacerbate racist rhetoric, and dangerously inflame tribal tensions. For three years, the people have been shocked by the brutality of this regime and the consequences of its policies, to the point that no one can deny that it is one of the worst regimes the world has ever known.
Eight years after the revolution that demanded the fulfillment of the people's aspirations, the revolutionaries and their comrades remain committed to their revolutionary project of eradicating authoritarian regimes.
Having lost comrades, revolutionaries, friends, brothers, and sons on this difficult and complex journey, we affirm that we will continue on this path until we reach our goal and realize our noble aspirations for freedom.
Long live the revolution! Down with the regime!
The Anarchist Group in Sudan
https://cnt-ait.info/2026/04/21/sudan-3-years/
_________________________________________
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, Monde Libertaire - Editorial from ML #1884: What's wrong with the English title? (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
In this issue of Le Monde libertaire, you'll find texts translated from English, Spanish, and Italian. Comrades did the translations. Thanks, guys! ---- The language barrier, an obstacle to international solidarity. In 1887, Zamenhof conceived the idea of a universal language, Esperanto, a language of humanism and peace. Esperanto was developed by drawing on Slavic, Romance, and Germanic languages. One might criticize the lack of "extra-European" contributions. Esperanto remained too niche; it lacked a state institution to mandate its teaching. This contrasts with English, which is taught from the first year of primary school. ---- In early April, the thirteenth Congress of the International of Anarchist Federations (IFA) took place. Most of the delegates spoke in English, with simultaneous translation of their remarks into Portuguese, Italian, and Greek. In English, of course...
But while it's easy to overcome the language barrier, the same cannot be said for the barriers between states that we call borders. The Cuban comrades couldn't attend the congress for administrative reasons...
You'll be told (the "you" is not "we") that borders are necessary for the sovereignty of states. To protect themselves from foreigners. You'll think of migrants facing a closed door.
"To better protect our cities from accents from elsewhere, we've turned the right to asylum into a dangerous criminal."
You'll be told that bars serve to protect against the intrusion of thieves. You'll think of prisoners.
Borders for the good of fearful subjects, one-way, from the outside in? You'll think of the imprisoned citizens unable to flee a totalitarian state, of the activists-passports confiscated-placed under house arrest.
In this newsletter, you'll find news from Sudan and you'll read that French military equipment can easily cross borders. On a more cheerful note, you'll discover anarchist libraries in Barcelona and Berlin.
Because borders won't stop us from caring about others and showing solidarity.
Come on, open the borders, let's breathe!
https://monde-libertaire.net/?articlen=9025
_________________________________________
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #17-26 - Places that speak of anarchy. Remembering Berneri and Tresca (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
The names of the streets and squares in the cities we live in speak to us. In Ronchi dei Legionari, this awareness is strong, thanks to the insights and input of the Ronchi dei Partigiani group, which has put the issue on the agenda for a dozen years. ---- In Ronchi, not only the naming of the town, but also the street names the names of the streets and squares are rather confusing. Over the years, the municipal administration has chosen names that sometimes conflict with each other. From Piazza Oberdan-where the would-be regicide was captured-along Via Roma leads to Piazza Franz Joseph. From the victim to the executioner. Along the way, it passes Piazzetta dell'Emigrante, Piazzale Martiri delle Foibe, and finally Piazza dell'Unità, home to the town hall and the monument to the partisans. A great confusion: holding everything together, against all apparent logic, or rather, according to that idea of shared memory, so typical of contemporary single-track thinking that chews up and spits out every name from the past.
Ronchi is home to an association-Leali delle notizie-that focuses on journalism. It hosts an annual festival here and has long organized a "Walk for Freedom of the Press and Expression," which passes through the town's streets with signs commemorating the lives and deaths of journalists killed in the line of duty. This walk, too, contains some contradictions. Among the names are Enzo Baldoni and Vittorio Arrigoni, but also the neo-fascist from Trieste, Almerigo Grilz, press officer for Renamo, the criminal anti-government group that committed horrendous massacres of civilians in Mozambique.
Amidst the contradictions of these names, the Patatrac association of Monfalcone has put forward the candidacy of two journalists to be added to the list: Camillo Berneri and Carlo Tresca. Two prominent figures in the history of the labor and anarchist movements and journalism, shamefully forgotten due to their inconvenience: they opposed authoritarianism, fascism, and the establishment's dealings with criminals.
The proposal made last year was accepted, and on April 30th at 5:00 pm, the two plaques were officially unveiled, having already been physically installed behind the Ronchi library.
The acceptance of the proposal sparked surprise, but also enthusiasm among those in the area who identify with libertarian ideas. In 2021, a proposal to dedicate a space to the anarchist Giuseppe Nicolausig and Dioniso Rizzardini, on the centenary of their assassination by the fascists, fell on deaf ears in Monfalcone. Space for a plaque commemorating deserters from all wars was also denied by the Municipality of Monfalcone, intent on its narrative of the city as a truly Italian city, proud of its wartime past.
Including Camillo Berneri and Carlo Tresca in the "Walk for Freedom of the Press and Expression" is not only an important revival of the memory of two key figures in the journalism of the labor and anarchist movement of the 1920s and 1940s, but also the recognition of a public space for the entire anarchist and libertarian Ronchi area.
The dedication to Berneri and Tresca also offers the possibility of collaborations with other organizations in the near future, particularly with the Berneri-Chessa Archive in Reggio Emilia, which, through its curator Fiamma Chessa, has already expressed its full availability and welcomed this unexpected news.
Let's reclaim the streets, starting with these symbolic yet fundamental presences in building the identity of places and communities.
The person in charge
https://umanitanova.org/luoghi-che-parlano-danarchia-il-ricordo-di-berneri-e-tresca/
_________________________________________
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, UCL AL #372 - In the Spotlight - Pride Month: For an LGBTI Counter-Offensive (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Since the decriminalization and then the depathologization of homosexuality in the 1980s, it is through our struggles and those of our predecessors that we have won new rights. ---- Access to marriage in 2013, the change of gender marker on civil status documents since 2016 without the requirement of surgery, and access to assisted reproductive technology (ART) for cisgender women in 2021 were not achieved without opposition, and the year 2012-2013, the year of marriage equality, remains etched in the memories of our communities for its violence.
Faced with the reactionary offensive...
Even today, the advance for our rights seems to have stalled. Reactionary attacks and recurring funding shortages for anti-discrimination policies render these policies utopian, particularly for migrants, residents of so-called "overseas" neo-colonies, and those living in rural areas.
This situation is not unique to France, as internationally we are witnessing an offensive against LGBTI rights. Our siblings[1]are having their parental rights revoked in Italy, they[2]are once again imprisoned in Burkina Faso and in 64 other countries, raids are being organized in Senegal, and the European Commission refuses to ban conversion therapy in the EU. In 2026, we will still be dying for being LGBTI. In the United States, where a genocidal risk against trans people has been documented, the situation is particularly alarming. Not only locally, where the Republican Party has used transphobia as a strategic springboard to construct an "enemy within" and control bodies; but throughout a capitalist world where American politics is held up as a model and serves as an example to all far-right parties, including the National Rally in France. And supporting them: billionaires like Vincent Bolloré and Pierre-Edouard Stérin, determined to criminalize us in the public debate through the media and cultural institutions they control.
...organize the response
Faced with this grim reality, one thing is clear: solidarity and the fight against the far right are vital necessities. Our communities have always been antifascist spaces and must remain so. Not only to defend our rights, but also to win new ones: better access to healthcare, simplification and depathologization of transition processes, access to assisted reproductive technology (ART) for transgender people, an end to discrimination in employment and housing, an end to the profiling of individuals when applying for a change of legal gender, the effective implementation of the program for education in affective, relational, and sexual life (EVARS) in all schools... but also other models of love, gender, aging, family, and society to replace the patriarchal model.
Faced with oppression, Pride marches are as much a place of hope and joy as they are of resistance. The proliferation of Pride marches, particularly in rural areas, is living proof of the strength of our numbers and marks our determination to fight reactionary violence. It is important that these Pride marches remain political and antifascist. We do not march simply to come together; we march to overthrow a system that oppresses us and accelerates its alliances to erase our rights. Our pride knows no borders or blinders: let's demonstrate for international anti-fascist LGBTI solidarity.
UCL Anti-Patriarchy Commission
Submit
[1]Neutral term equivalent to "brothers" or "sisters".
[2]Neutral term equivalent to "they".
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Mois-des-fiertes-Pour-une-contre-offensive-LGBTI
_________________________________________
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE US USA - news journal UPDATE - en) US, BRRN: The Platform at 100: Voices of Organized Anarchists Around the Globe (Vol. 1) I. (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
To mark the 100 year anniversary of the publication of the Platform of Libertarian Communists (Draft), we are excited to present the first of a two volume series of interviews discussing the document's lasting legacy with anarchist organizations around the world.
The Platform, as it is often called by shorthand, was written by a group of Russian and Ukranian anarchists exiled in the wake of the Bolshevik seizure of state power during the 1917 October Revolution. The document was meant to be a corrective to the prevailing anarchist orthodoxy of the time, which its authors-including Nestor Makhno and other active participants in the revolution-believed had led to their defeat.This first volume of interviews covers anarchist organizations in the Americas.
This project is a collaboration between the External Education and International Relations Committees of Black Rose/Rosa Negra (BRRN).
Table of Contents
I. Introduction
https://www.blackrosefed.org/platform-100-interviews-vol-1/#introduction
II. Federación Anarquista Uruguaya Uruguayan Anarchist Federation
https://www.blackrosefed.org/platform-100-interviews-vol-1/#federacion-anarquista-uruguaya-uruguayan-anarchist-federation
III. Federación Anarquista Rosario Anarchist Federation of Rosario (Argentina)
https://www.blackrosefed.org/platform-100-interviews-vol-1/#federacion-anarquista-rosario-anarchist-federation-of-rosario-argentina
IV. Black Rose Anarchist Federation Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (USA)
https://www.blackrosefed.org/platform-100-interviews-vol-1/#black-rose-anarchist-federation-federacion-anarquista-rosa-negra-usa
V. Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira Brazilian Anarchist Coordination
https://www.blackrosefed.org/platform-100-interviews-vol-1/#coordenacao-anarquista-brasileira-brazilian-anarchist-coordination
VI. Organização Socialista Libertária Libertarian Socialist Organization (Brazil)
https://www.blackrosefed.org/platform-100-interviews-vol-1/#organizacao-socialista-libertaria-libertarian-socialist-organization-brazil
Download the Pamphlet Version
https://www.blackrosefed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Platform_100_vol1.pdf
Introduction
2026 marks 100 years since the publication of the Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists (Draft) by the Dielo Truda (Workers' Cause) group. The document, written by Russian, Belarusian, and Ukrainian anarchists exiled in the wake of the 1917 October Revolution in Russia, is known for the sharp revisions it applied to the contemporary anarchist orthodoxy. Though criticized by some of the most prominent anarchist thinkers of the period, the Platform (as it has come to be known by shorthand) represents a first serious attempt to grapple with organizational and strategic shortcomings in the anarchist movement, exposed by its direct involvement in a large-scale revolutionary upheaval.
While it is true that the Dielo Truda group set a course distinct from many of their anarchist contemporaries, the novelty of the principles put forward in the Platform is often overstated. The central concern of the Platform's authors was a more effective coordination of anarchist militants aiming to intervene in social movements. The Dielo Truda group arrived at the conclusion that this could only be achieved through the construction of a revolutionary political organization. Indeed, this same insight was achieved by Mikhail Bakunin more than half a century earlier as he helped to found the Alliance of Socialist Democracy, which was later dissolved into the International Workingmen's Association (also known as the First International). In other words, far from being a recent invention, the anarchist embrace of formal revolutionary political organization can be traced back to the movement's origins.
Today we recognize this insight as 'organizational dualism,' a phrase that refers to the necessity of, and reciprocal relationship between, revolutionary political organization and mass organization. While organizations interviewed in this survey may identify to a greater or lesser extent with a particular historical framework-most commonly platformism or especifismo-all hold the organizational dualist principle as a central tenet.
https://www.blackrosefed.org/platform-100-interviews-vol-1/#introduction
_________________________________________
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE US - news journal UPDATE - (en) US, BRRN: IV. Black Rose Anarchist Federation - Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (USA) IV. (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
1. What is the history of Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation (BRRN)? When and how was it formed?
BRRN: BRRN was officially founded in 2013 and announced publicly in 2014 following several years of discussion and debate between existing regional anarchist communist organizations in the United States. This began with a series of invitational Class Struggle Anarchist Conferences (CSAC), a multi-year process of building relationships and sharing our organizing work which then resulted in what was called the rapprochement process, which was a formal series of debates and discussions by delegates from each group.Most organizations participating in conferences were new formations, though some, like Workers' Solidarity Alliance, had been around since the 1980s. For nearly everyone involved, the dissolution of Love & Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation (1993-1998) and the anti-globalization movement were fresh in memory. While participants drew a range of lessons from these events, most were in agreement that the substitution of loose networks for formal political organization was a dead end, as was the activist orientation to summit hopping protests rather than long-term deep organizing within social movements. Widespread pain and immiseration amid the aftershocks of the 2008 financial crisis-and popular upheavals such as Occupy Wall Street and the Arab Spring kicking off around the world-meant fertile ground for critiques of both capitalism and the state. The time was right for a renewed push for organized revolutionary anarchism.
Coming out of the 2010 CSAC meeting in Seattle, WA, a number of participating organizations established a framework to formalize the process for exploring unification. This included: Worker's Solidarity Alliance (National), Common Struggle/Lucha Común[Formerly known as North Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists], Four Star Anarchist Organization (Chicago, IL), Miami Autonomy and Solidarity (Miami, FL), Wild Rose Collective (Iowa City, IA), Rochester Red & Black (Rochester, NY), First of May Anarchist Alliance (Upper Midwest), Amanecer (California), Common Action (Pacific Northwest), and Prairie Struggle (Canada).
By 2012, the question was called: was it now time to formalize the merger? At this point some organizations, such as Workers' Solidarity Alliance and First of May Anarchist Alliance, withdrew from the process. Along the way other organizations, such as Amanecer, Common Action, and Prairie Struggle dissolved, though many of their members would go on to join BRRN.
In November 2013, delegates from each participating organization met in Chicago for the founding convention of Black Rose/Rosa Negra. Early the following year the organization made its public debut.
2. In recent years BRRN has developed its program-'Turning the Tide'-which the organization describes as a 'living document'. Why has this become a focus for BRRN? Why call it a 'living document'?
BRRN: Having a shared program is essential for putting shared principles into practice. It's a reflection of our theoretical and tactical unity and a tool for collective responsibility that ensures that we are, as the Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (FARJ) said, "rowing the boat in the same direction."
The effort we undertook to construct our program, beginning in 2021, profoundly reshaped BRRN as an organization. In our first 7 years we tended to place a large emphasis on ensuring ideological alignment within the organization, using our mostly unchanging 'points of unity' as a sort of checklist of political positions that we believed put everyone on the same page. This was not the case.
We now center our unity around the program, which guides our analysis, strategy, and tactics. But the program is not a static document, it is remade on a yearly basis through the required participation of every member, local, and committee in the organization. Its much more holistic vision and framework guide our collective work in all aspects of the organization. Moreover, through its maintenance we generate the kind of organic unity (instead of prescribed unity) necessary for a political organization to function. Indeed, we've come to realize that in the early years of Black Rose, though we referred to ourselves as a political organization, we were functionally closer to a network. We see now that a political organization without a program is like a sailor without a compass.
As to being a living document, there are aspects of our program, such as the structural analysis, that tend to have a longer shelf life but can change over time depending on our evolving understanding of these questions. Other aspects, like our conjunctural analysis and limited term strategy, are updated every year following discussion at our convention, so we are regularly trying to think about and examine how the conditions and political terrain are evolving.
3. BRRN is widely recognized as an especifista organization, though the organization's earlier public documents mention that it also draws on the "tradition of platformism." Is this still the case and If so, how? Further, is 'platformism' still a relevant framework 100 years after the publication of the document?
BRRN: Especifismo has had a major influence on our ideas and practice, especially given that it is a living tradition with more continuity than "platformism." Beyond the starting point of the need for political organization and social insertion (which conceptualizes the role of anarchists in mass movements), many of the key concepts of especifismo have also profoundly shaped our thinking. This includes the sectoral approach to organizing and the concepts of transversal issues/organizing, the social vector of anarchism, and that of popular power. While not exclusive or specific to especifismo, through its influence we've incorporated methods of conjunctural analysis and concepts such as actors of struggle and the mass, intermediate and political levels.
Platformism at its core emphasizes that anarchism is a revolutionary social movement forged in the flames of class struggle, as opposed to an abstract or utopian philosophy conceived by individual philosophers or intellectuals. It is precisely because the Platform emerges from the direct experience of the authors in a massive revolutionary struggle that its lessons are so valuable. For us, the organizational principles named by the Platform continue to be guiding reference points for our organization: the need for political organization based around theoretical and tactical unity, collective accountability, and federalism.
Though especifismo does not come from the experience of participation in a revolutionary upheaval on the scale of the Russian Revolution, it similarly grows out of the real experience of organizing within mass militant social movements (including under dictatorship) in Uruguay.
Ultimately, though platformism and especifismo are each marked in unique ways by the social and historical contexts that produced them, both recognize organizational dualism as a core tenet. Traceable to Bakunin's effort to build the Alliance for Socialist Democracy within the 1st International, organizational dualism asserts the need for two mutually reinforcing levels of organization: the revolutionary political organization and mass organizations.
4. How has BRRN changed throughout its 10+ years in existence? What obstacles has it faced?
BRRN: Despite the lengthy process of unification that led to BRRN's founding, it's clear to us that the organization came together without the level of tactical and strategic unity necessary to function as a serious political organization. Some of this was due to many of the above referenced concepts and frameworks not being known to us at the founding while other aspects we needed to learn through experience. In the early stages of building the organization, we tended to place far too much emphasis on hammering out political consensus and failing to construct a common strategic framework and set of tactics to enact our politics in the world. This produced a fragile prescribed unity rather than a durable organic unity, as mentioned earlier.
Because of this we faced growing internal disagreement on what direction the organization should take. Questions with seemingly self-evident answers, such as whether the organization should have a national strategic framework at all, became highly contentious. These contradictions fed into related internal disagreements over organizational culture-including competing conceptions of revolutionary feminism-combining with external pressures during the revolts and repression of the summer of 2020, ultimately leading to the departure of members from several locals.
Though painful and difficult, the debates before and after those departures spurred a process of radical reform inside BRRN. Part of this reform process was structural and cultural, aimed at more equitably distributing organizational work. However, the most significant efforts were aimed at finally constructing a shared analytical, strategic, and tactical framework. This is the process that produced our program and which has made us into a far more effective and coherent organization today
5. What areas of mass work are members of BRRN embedded in?
BRRN: BRRN takes a sectoral approach to organizing, meaning that we engage in areas of mass organizing where there are identifiable actors of struggle who are similarly located within a structure of domination or exploitation, who share a common set of conditions, and who have the capacity to exert organized leverage toward the end of extracting concessions from those who oversee or benefit from their exploitation. Examples include workers in the workplace, tenants in the apartment complex, students on the campus, etc. Significantly though we see this approach in contrast to isolated efforts that lack a social base, animated by moral outage and cycles of protest, or activism driven by NGOs.
Members of BRRN are most active in the labor and tenant/territorial sectors. In the labor sector our members work in the building trades, public service, K-12 education, higher education, healthcare, food service, and others. Our approach to labor organizing centers around building a militant minority on the shopfloor. Where unions already exist we organize within them to advance our principles around rank-and-file democracy, class struggle, militancy, and internationalism. Where unions don't exist we seek to organize the unorganized into official or unofficial unions. Ultimately, our aim is to build the confidence, militancy, and self-organization of workers through successive campaigns of direct action. In this way, we work to orient ourselves and our coworkers toward the long horizon of self-management and the abolition of class society.
In the tenant/territorial sector our members mainly organize within tenant unions or other experimental formations aimed at building power within discretely defined geographies like neighborhoods or even certain city blocks. We seek to help build and strengthen independent, member-driven tenant union formations, especially those that are associated with the Autonomous Tenant Union Network (ATUN).
6. What relations does BRRN maintain with other anarchist communist organizations around the world?
BRRN: BRRN has long maintained strong ties with organizations around the world and this is especially true when it comes to our relations with organizations and groups in South America. In fact, one of the first major efforts we undertook as an organization was to arrange a national US speaking tour for Chilean anarchists.
Over the years we've sent BRRN militants to strengthen our relationships with sibling organizations on nearly every continent, participated in international conferences such as ELAOPA (a semi-annual conference of autonomous and anarchist influenced social movements in Latin America), coordinated cross-border organizing campaigns, and raised solidarity funds for comrades in Sudan, Turkey, Syria, Kurdistan, and elsewhere.
We recently participated in the founding of International Coordination of Organized Anarchism (ICOA) which brings together nearly two dozen especifista and platformist organizations around the globe. While the coordination is still in its early days, it represents a significant step forward for the international anarchist movement.
https://www.blackrosefed.org/platform-100-interviews-vol-1/#black-rose-anarchist-federation-federacion-anarquista-rosa-negra-usa
_________________________________________
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Abonneren op:
Posts (Atom)