maandag 9 november 2026
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE PARIS - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, OCL CA #363 - EDUCATION FILE: NO TO THE MILITARIZATION OF YOUTH (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
The government is making schools, this is not new (1), the central relay of militarist propaganda - "the rearmament of minds begins at school" (Minister of Foreign Affairs, JN Barrot, March 2025). --- The re-militarization of minds is in full swing, and that's to be expected... --- Government measures to bring the army into schools are linked to a discourse on the intensification of conflicts on the international stage and the emergence of powers hostile to the European space and its "democratic" values, with a strong emphasis on the Russian threat. But they also correspond to a sharp rightward shift in society, which sees a collapse of authority that must be restored, among other things, through schools.
From the "we are at war" (against Covid) of March 2020 to "accept losing our children," a large-scale propaganda campaign is underway, with young people on the front lines, and in particular those from the working classes, who are being asked to be good little citizen-soldiers ready to enlist to "defend the nation"... that is to say, the State and the interests of capitalists.Educational guidelines, according to the needs of the time, respond to balances deemed essential to the interests of capital and the maintenance of social order (Box 1). With "defense needs" currently being strongly emphasized, schools are reconnecting with the militaristic spirit of J. Ferry, who, in 1882, ordered teachers to instill in students a love for "France and the motherland"...
The Collective Against the Militarization of Youth and Schools has identified no fewer than 150 programs or structures used by the armed forces to reach out to young people and recruit them in the short or long term.
Links between the Armed Forces and National Education since the end of compulsory military service in 1997.
2000s: development of academic partnerships (teachers, military personnel, IHEDN - Institute for Advanced Studies in National Defence) and defence classes, relaunched after their creation in 1982. Introduction of the mandatory Defense Preparation Day (JAPD).
2005: creation of Defence and Global Security Classes (CDSG) in the Nice academy.
2007: integration of defence education into school curricula, with the mandatory Defence and Citizenship Day (JDC, more militarized than the former JAPD).
2011: widespread implementation of Defence and Global Security Classes (CDSG), governed by an interministerial agreement.
2015: Signing of a framework agreement between the Ministry of National Education and the Armed Forces, strengthening partnerships and opening military high schools and preparatory classes for the prestigious military academies.
2016: Official integration of the CDSG (Defense Cadets) into the protocol between the Ministries of the Armed Forces and National Education.
2018: Launch of the Universal National Service (SNU), organized by the Ministry of Youth and Sports, attached to the Ministry of National Education.
2020s: Expansion of programs (defense cadets, youth air squadrons, etc.) and increase in the number of CDSG classes.
2025: End of the SNU and announcement by Macron of a voluntary military service (November 27, 2025).
Defense and Global Security classes, one of the flagship projects of the Armed Forces-National Education system
While there were 160 of these classes in 2016, with 3,700 students, there were approximately 1,200 during the 2025-26 school year, involving some 32,000 students. They have grown significantly in 10 years, but they are far from reaching the 5.6 million young people in secondary education.
What are these CDSGs (Defense Classes for General Security), and how do they work?
The academic partnership between the Ministry of National Education, the Armed Forces, and the Institute for Advanced Studies in National Defence (IHEDN) allows middle and high school classes to be sponsored by an entity within the Ministry of the Armed Forces (Defense Classes, with military personnel), or another ministry (Global Security, with police, firefighters, riot police, etc.).
The objective is threefold: "To contribute to national cohesion, to promote the spirit of defense, and to guarantee the attractiveness of careers in the armed forces." "This is ideological preparation, designed to legitimize war, prepare young people for a warlike order, and aim to enlist them in the army as soon as they finish middle or high school.
Last March, Education Minister E. Geffray announced that the duration of these classes would be extended from one to three years, that they would be renamed 'defense and national cohesion classes' in high school, and that participation would be noted on the baccalaureate exam and valued on the Parcoursup university application platform.
Throughout the year, students in these classes meet with military personnel or members of the 'law enforcement' forces, visit facilities, and internalize military 'values.' Ultimately, don't these values obedience, discipline, respect for hierarchy, competition, conformity share common ground with those taught in schools?"
The activities offered by the CDSG illustrate the bellicose orientation: "defense and citizenship rallies," laser pistol shooting sessions, visits to military sites, participation in commemorative ceremonies, searches of reconstructed prison cells and simulations of clashes with inmates, mock suppression of demonstrations with all the gear of the mobile gendarmerie, "zero tolerance" workshops... All the elements thought to appeal to young people are deployed: high-powered cars, uniforms, violent "role-playing" games, weapons, even the distribution of promotional keychains "the army is recruiting"...
When officers speak at conferences, they often use propaganda booklets financed by arms dealers as teaching materials (box 2).
The CDSG (Centres de Développement de la Sécurité et de la Sécurité) are deployed in rural areas, working-class neighborhoods, and priority education network (REP and REP+) schools (2), rather than in city-center schools or more affluent neighborhoods. Young people from working-class backgrounds are undoubtedly considered the primary target group to be supervised and disciplined. The aim is to try to recruit first and foremost the segment of the population that schools tend to discard under the guise of "academic difficulties." The military, for example, seeks to recruit students from vocational programs in particular. For instance, the French Navy offers "naval-focused" baccalaureate programs in over 100 high schools, while the army has created "specialized military training periods" within its units, aligned with the mandatory work placements for students. When it comes to recruiting the future workforce and cannon fodder, these young people are on the front lines. Whether through the "discovery" of careers in the police and the army, or the promise of a salary of 800 euros, with room and board provided, a 75% discount on SNCF (French National Railway) tickets, and "integration into the professional world," the government is dangling the prospect of a way out of precariousness before the new "volunteers" of military service (3), even at the cost of their lives.
Meanwhile, arms dealers are seeking to recruit the engineers they need from higher education. The benefits they are prepared to offer are far superior (see box 3); it's a matter of social class hierarchy...
As for how these defense classes operate, it is far from clear: is it voluntary or mandatory? Normally, it is up to each participating institution to decide. However, for the past year or two, Defense and Security Education Centers (CDSG) have been opened and imposed without consulting school boards and despite opposition from teachers, parents, and students. Or, they operate with a complete lack of transparency: agreements are rarely open for discussion, the content of the activities is not always presented, thus depriving parents, teachers, and students of any oversight. Participation is not always voluntary for students and their parents; and while it is supposed to be voluntary for teachers, many report pressure from their superiors to create these types of classes. In practice, therefore, there are significant disparities: in some cases, families are asked to volunteer, while in others, all students in a class are involved without prior notification to parents. And if a parent refuses to have their child "indoctrinated" into defense, they are simply told they can always change schools...
The lack of resources plays a role in the creation of these defense classes. While educational and cultural budgets are stagnating or decreasing and military budgets are increasing (4), the CDSG (Defense and Security Education Centers) are funded and supported by the Directorate of National Service and Youth (DSNJ) and the Directorate of Heritage, Remembrance and Archives of the Ministry of the Armed Forces (DPMA). Teachers say they are practically forced to sign a partnership agreement with the Ministry of the Armed Forces to carry out projects with their students, such as school trips. Thus, rather than fighting for adequate funding, the military is allowed to sponsor outings, disseminate its pro-war propaganda in schools, and create divisions among staff.
A militaristic propaganda booklet: "My First Military Ceremony."
Released in 2020 and distributed free of charge starting in primary school, this booklet is aimed at children aged 4 to 15. It was written by the wife of the former Chief of the Defence Staff, François Lecointre. It received funding from the Common Good Fund, created by the far-right billionaire Édouard Stérin, and was also sponsored by major French arms manufacturers: Dassault, Safran, Airbus, MBDA Missiles, Arquus, Naval Group, TechnicAtome, and others. This booklet covers the military ceremonies of July 14th and November 11th. It glorifies the "martial spirit" and death "for the fatherland"; it promotes the various military professions as well as the "modern and effective" military equipment of the French armed forces. This militaristic booklet proudly highlights those who benefit from wars: capitalists, arms manufacturers, right-wing and far-right ideologues, and those who govern in their interests...
One more measure: a mandatory November 11th ceremony in schools
Patriotic and military ceremonies, previously confined to outside the school and involving only a few students on a voluntary basis, are now widespread and mandatory.
An official circular, announced by Macron on July 2nd, just before the summer holidays, mandates that, starting in the 2026 school year, every elementary school (from CM1 onwards), middle school, and high school will hold an "annual commemorative ceremony honoring all those 'who died for France'"; it will be held "at the school's discretion, within the four days preceding or following November 11th." This is intended to glorify a "sacrifice for the homeland"... which, as in all wars, was a vast slaughter designed to defend the interests of capitalism and imperialism.
In a context of militarization, the ceremony honoring those "who died for France" is part of the ongoing process of bringing young people into line. This recent additional initiative complements the state's forced march toward "acculturing young people to war" (Box 4).
The circular concerning November 11th specifies that "national cohesion" is all the more necessary "in an international environment marked by renewed forms of conflict." It is not so much a tribute to the dead that is being paid, but rather the preparation for the next war, without questioning the interests at stake or the responsibility of those in power. Furthermore, this ceremony provides yet another opportunity to bring the armed forces into schools: school principals and heads of institutions can "mobilize teachers," but also call upon reservists, veterans' associations, local elected officials, and so on.
The military and higher education: advantages for future engineers.
In France alone, 1.3 million jobs will need to be filled in the defense industry over the next ten years, across all sectors: aeronautics, cybersecurity, space technologies, artificial intelligence, robotics, etc. As defense bosses seek to attract young graduates, they offer them numerous advantages: high salaries (an embedded electronics engineer with less than two years of experience can demand up to EUR45,000 gross per year, an AI engineer EUR50,000, a cybersecurity architect EUR80,000 - Le Monde), eleven weeks of vacation, housing and tuition assistance, etc. Quality of life, work environment, and non-work environment are all integrated into the employment proposals made to prospective employees.
What resistances?
Programs promoting exchanges between the armed forces and students, seen as a means of indoctrination and militarization of youth, are criticized by teachers' unions (with the exception of UNSA and SNALC) and by the FCPE (Parents' Federation), which are calling for their abolition.
However, these criticisms are primarily expressed through press releases, petitions, and other means, without any significant response. It is true that organizing collective action against these school-military programs is difficult, as they are being implemented piecemeal across different regions and timeframes and do not involve all schools. For the time being, however, if the Blanchet Law (sponsored by the Democrats), passed quietly by the National Assembly on March 26, receives Senate approval, mandatory "structured courses in comprehensive defense" will be established from 6th grade through 12th grade (5), relying on reservists. "It is about preparing the rear lines that help the military to wage war - it is the duty of every citizen." (Blanchet)
There have been some sporadic mobilizations.
The khaki-colored guide, "Acculturating Youth to a Spirit of Defense,"
published by the Ministry of National Education in November 2025, contains a host of supposedly educational proposals that are, in reality, patriotic indoctrination. The state presents schools as spaces for conditioning and indoctrinating students. The Ministry of National Education thus clearly demonstrates that it is a core government ministry closely subservient to the political powers that dictate its approach in all areas to mold young people.
Parents are worried and denounce the conditioning of students in a political and geopolitical climate dominated by bellicose rhetoric. In late 2025 and early 2026, some parents mobilized in middle schools to refuse to allow their children to participate in the CDSG (Centre for the Defense of the Military). A rally was held on October 23, 2025, in Paris, called by several organizations (the movement of single mothers, SNAP CGT, CGT unemployed rebels) to denounce the army forum organized by France Travail. In some high schools, the army is no longer invited to the career fair due to staff opposition. Students often judge the activities organized by the military negatively: "They did this without asking us"; "The army in the schoolyard is scary"; "They make war seem cool. But war isn't a game, people die or end up traumatized." It sometimes happens that teachers who, in isolated instances, protest the presence of military personnel in schools face pressure, and even repression, from their superiors.
In a few high schools in Rennes, Le Mans, Marseille, and Grenoble, blockades have prevented army recruitment drives; students in Nantes demonstrated in front of the law school to prevent a lecture by a general...
But aside from a few examples of protest, there is a noticeable lack of resolute opposition from the educational community.
What is needed is collective resistance, like in Germany where thousands of young people took to the streets to oppose the return of compulsory military service, or in Italy where mass, class-based actions against war and militarism took place. It is essential that workers and young people, whom their leaders ultimately intend to use as cannon fodder, oppose rearmament and the race towards militarization, and refuse to serve the interests of employers and states.
Teachers have deemed it worthwhile to reactivate the "No to the SNU" collective, which, before the suspension of this universal national service in 2025, brought together staff, parents, and associations for joint actions. It has recently been transformed into the National Collective Against the Militarization of Youth and Society.
A collective movement could be launched around November 11th against the obligation to hold a ceremony of warlike and patriotic indoctrination, to express a widespread refusal to collaborate with the government's warmongering policies. There are only a few weeks left to make it known that schools do not want to participate in this patriotic charade...
Another opportunity for collective action would be to challenge the Blanchet bill (5), which seeks to establish compulsory indoctrination in militarism.
But above all, the fight against the militarization of schools could be part of a broader dynamic of renewed struggles against the armed forces.
Kris, September 18
A useful email address: antimilitarisme-education@framagroupes.org
Notes:
1- In 1982, under Mitterrand, following the establishment of a school-military partnership by Ministers Charles Hernu (Defense) and Alain Savary (National Education), other agreements were concluded by successive governments; while initially restricting defense education to civic and moral education (EMC) classes, they gradually extended it to the entire school curriculum.
2- Priority education networks and reinforced priority education networks
3- On November 27th, Macron presented the new voluntary "national service". The announced recruitment of 3,000 young volunteers (aged 18 to 25) starting in the summer of 2026 has been implemented, for a total of 10 paid months, with a target of 10,000 recruitments per year by 2030 and 50,000 per year by 2035. The hope is that a good percentage of these young people will ultimately make a long-term commitment.
4 - Total planned spending on armaments for the French state is EUR436 billion between 2024 and 2030. The military budget now exceeds that of the Ministry of National Education.
5 - Although the topics of "defense" and security have been integrated into Moral and Civic Education for 25 years, Blanchet wants even more, claiming that these hours are not actually taught, or are taught in a "too scattered" manner. "Do we love France enough to want to encourage our children to love it in turn with passion and fervor?" (Blanchet, February 25, 2026)
https://www.oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4778
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE - (en) IWA-AIT: IWA Week Against Unpaid Wages (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
October 12-18 is the International Workers' Association Week Against Unpaid Wages. The fight against unpaid wages is a permanent campaign of the IWA and the week is when we encourage the unions and other organizations to make some noise about this topic. --- We point out that unpaid wages can take various forms:
- complete lack of payment for work performed- underpayment of different kinds including forcing people to work overtime without extra payment, paying less than the agreed rate, paying less than the legal rate or less than required by a collective agreement, etc.
- forcing people to work on the wrong kind of contract so they are ineligible for statutory benefits, such as paid vacation or sick leave
- unjustified deductions from the salary
- illegal unpaid probationary periods, training periods and internships
... just to name a few of the ways that bosses rob the workers of the money they have earned.
You can participate in this Week in different ways - ranging from republishing our articles, to writing one of your own, from taking direct against a business where problems have occured to contacting workers in such a place and encouraging them to take action.
And, if you haven't read this yet, we recommend an article written by comrades from South Korea which talks about some of the issues with unpaid wages in that country. https://iwa-ait.org/content/iwa-campaign-against-wage-theft-korea We suppose a lot of people around the world will see that what they talk about occurs in many places. Our issues may sometimes differ in some details, but our problems with capitalist exploitation are very much the same.
Let's fight to create an international movement and encourage workers' direct action!
https://www.iwa-ait.org/content/iwa-week-against-unpaid-wages
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE GREECE ATHENS - news journal UPDATE - (en) Greece, APO, Land & Freedom: Thessaloniki, Anti-Fascist Rally 10 October | Kamara (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
On Thursday 8/10 evening, in Elefsina, a 32-year-old anti-fascist was attacked with a knife by a group of fascists. ---- Thirteen years have passed since the murder of Pavlos Fyssas and the reality is even more suffocating. Poverty, destitution, state violence, racism, social cannibalism, fascism. The nationalist noose tightens, racism finds a public platform again and the release of Kasidiaris reminds us that fascism can never be definitively defeated within the framework of bourgeois democracy, which, as much as it pretends to abhor it, is as necessary to it for the reproduction of the system that rules over us.
We anarchists do not expect institutions to protect us from the violence that they themselves reproduce. We organize collectively, we stand with those who are targeted and we actively resist the spread of fascism. Against fear, we oppose collectivism, self-organization and solidarity; against the world of power, we fight for a world of freedom and equality.NO SPOT OF EARTH TO THE ENEMIES OF MAN
NEITHER IN ELEFSINA NOR ANYWHERE
CRUSH THE FASCISTS IN EVERY NEIGHBORHOOD
FIGHT FOR LIFE AND FREEDOM
Collective for Social Anarchism - Black & Red member of the Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collectives
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/agones/2347-10-18-00
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY ITALIA ROME - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #27-26 - My family is in prison." Türkiye: Repression and resistance from LGBTQIAP+ movements (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
On the night between September 12th and 13th, Turkish police entered the homes of activists, searched the offices of LGBTQIAP+ associations, seized phones and computers, and raided their premises. The operation spanned fifteen provinces, involving 162 people, nine associations, and thirteen businesses. At the same time, a significant portion of the movement's digital space was blocked: association websites, media outlets, and accounts of activists, lawyers, and university groups.
The raid brings together very different entities: long-standing and internationally recognized organizations like Kaos GL, associations working on HIV, but also clubs and venues for queer social interaction and sexuality. The investigations focus on sex work, drugs, "obscenities," and other alleged crimes. Turkish activists we are in contact with interpret this overlap as a deliberate strategy to legitimize repression in public opinion: associating the LGBTQIAP+ movement with drugs, prostitution, and crime allows the raid to be presented not as a political attack on its organized structures, but as an operation to defend society, children, and the family. This interpretation is echoed in the authorities' own language: the Prosecutor's Office speaks of the need to prevent the "normalization" of these practices in the eyes of society, while the Ministry of Justice invokes the combined protection of minors, family, and "common moral values." The government calls the operation Ailem Güvende, meaning "My family is safe."The name isn't a propaganda detail. It speaks volumes about what's happening in Turkey and, at the same time, about a reactionary offensive we're familiar with even in this part of Europe. The family must be defended, children must be saved, the declining birth rate, "nature," "morality," gender, and queer and trans people transformed into a threat: these are words that have been circulating for years across borders, right-wing parties, governments, and anti-gender movements. In Turkey, this political grammar has gradually become state policy.
The repression of the movement has been a longstanding tradition. In Istanbul, Pride has been banned annually since 2015, yet each year the movement still tries to reclaim the streets. Similar bans affect Pride and LGBTQIAP+ initiatives in other cities, and the response has become almost ritual: police cordons, dispersed marches, violence, and arrests. Last June, the 24th Istanbul Pride was held in Kadiköy despite the ban: 65 people were arrested. During Pride Month itself, there were other arrests in Izmir, Ankara, and during the Istanbul Trans Pride. So, it's not that the LGBTQIAP+ presence in public spaces has disappeared: the price paid to make it visible has become increasingly high.
The current phase's shift toward family-centeredness, however, reached a crucial point in 2021, when Erdogan withdrew Turkey from the Istanbul Convention against Violence against Women. The government openly linked this decision to homosexuality, arguing that the Convention had been used to "normalize" it, detrimental to social and family values. It is no coincidence that the attack on women's rights and that on LGBTQIAP+ people converge precisely here. The family is constructed as a body under siege, to be protected simultaneously from feminism, women's self-determination, queer and trans subjectivities, and anything that undermines the naturalization of gender roles.
It is a construction that becomes increasingly organic in the following years. Campaigns against so-called "LGBT propaganda" intertwine with proposals to constitutionalize heterosexual marriage, pronatalist policies, and the attack on gender affirmation programs. A decisive step forward comes in 2024: with the Family Protection and Strengthening Vision Document and Action Plan 2024-2028, the protection and strengthening of the family becomes a multi-year state program, structured into five strategic objectives, fifteen targets, and one hundred actions, and entrusted to national and provincial bodies. This is followed by the "Year of the Family" in 2025 and, this year, the launch of the "Decade of Family and Population 2026-2035."
We don't have to make the connection with what's happening today: Justice Minister Akin Gürlek himself placed Operation "Ailem Güvende" within this policy. The family thus becomes not only the object to be protected, but the criterion by which to establish which bodies, relationships, and forms of life are legitimate and which can be surveilled, censored, and criminalized.
Nor is it a Turkish exception. Over the past fifteen years, transnational anti-gender networks like the World Congress of Families have brought together the American Christian Right, Russian conservatism, and European right-wing movements. Putin's Russia has been a laboratory for the criminalization of so-called "homosexual propaganda"; Orbán has built a central part of his political project around family and birth rates; in Italy, the World Congress of Families itself met in Verona with the participation of the League. We have no evidence to support a direct organizational relationship between this network and Turkish family organizations. There's no need to invent it: the circulation of the same political grammar is already evident.
And in fact, the September crackdown doesn't stop at individuals. It affects the very possibility of organizing. According to the Istanbul Bar Association, 11 LGBTQI+ association websites and 419 social media accounts or addresses have been blocked, while another 107 have been requested to be blocked. Legal international funding, advocacy activities, publications, and fundraising efforts are being questioned. Associations that have been working for decades for LGBTQIAP+ rights and against HIV are being treated as potential criminal organizations.
And when the movement responded, the repression continued. In the days following the raids, people took to the streets in Izmir, Ankara, and Istanbul. The police also intervened against these demonstrations: 125 people were arrested and later released. In front of the Çaglayan courthouse in Istanbul, more than a hundred people were taken away and even the reading of the statement was prevented. It's important to distinguish these arrests from the arrests of the initial operation: those who took to the streets to demand the release of their comrade returned; many of those they were demonstrating for did not.
As of September 23, at least 83 people remain in pre-trial detention. And they aren't just people randomly rounded up in a raid. The crackdown is directly impacting the movement's memory, expertise, and organizational structures. Seven members of the governing and supervisory bodies of Kaos GL, founded in 1994 and a key part of Turkey's LGBTQIAP+ history, are in prison. Journalist Tugba Tekerek is also detained; among the evidence used against her is a 2024 article on the LGBTQIAP+ movement in Georgia published by Kaos GL.
Umut Derin Eroglan, Janset Kalan, and Nedime Erdogan are currently in prison. Nedime is a mother who has been working for years to ensure families understand and support their LGBTQIAP+ children: being incarcerated under the "My Family is Safe" operation almost brutally highlights the paradox of this policy. Janset Kalan, a longtime trans activist, from Sincan prison has instead asked that attention not remain focused solely on the people best known and most supported by the movement. She receives visitors, has lawyers, friends, journalists, and international networks who know where she is. Many other trans people in prison do not. Her appeal is simple: "Remember the trans people detained in Sincan and in all other prisons; make sure they are not left alone."
This is not an abstract appeal. Kaos GL reports forced strip searches, homophobic insults and threats, isolation, poor access to medication, and other ill-treatment from prisons. Approximately half of its detained members are reportedly held in solitary confinement. The reports were subsequently taken up by Amnesty International.
The response to the crackdown quickly spread beyond Turkey's borders. On September 21, more than 450 organizations from over 65 countries signed a joint appeal calling for the release of prisoners and against the criminalization of the LGBTQIAP+ movement. The signatories include queer, feminist, anti-violence, and human rights networks. The appeal explicitly denounces a broader anti-gender policy based on the patriarchal control of bodies, identities, and relationships, and the attempt to transform legal activities-association work, advocacy, publications, fundraising, and international funding-into elements of a criminal investigation. ( International Appeal "Stop the Criminalization of the LGBTI+ Movement in Turkey" )
On September 21 in Ankara, the movement reversed the government's name for the raids: "My family is not safe. My family is in prison, my family is in custody."
This is perhaps the most accurate way to describe what's happening. Because the family evoked by the government doesn't include the families who support queer and trans children, the chosen families, the networks of care and solidarity built by the movement. The repression seeks to break down precisely those relationships: by blocking the places where people meet, arresting organizers, isolating those who end up in prison.
But this also raises a question that concerns us. This roundup has received very little coverage in the Italian press so far, despite marking a turning point in the criminalization and repression of LGBTQIAP+ people in Turkey. Why does a repression of this scale struggle to make headlines? Our lives matter, but some Italian media outlets don't seem to give them the same weight. And silence also creates a narrative: it determines which lives deserve attention, which acts of violence become newsworthy, and which can remain invisible. This deafening silence, too, is propaganda.
Babs Mazzotti
Editor's note: In this article, I chose to use the acronym LGBTQIAP+ because it speaks to different subjectivities and mobilizations. In recent days, the Turkish movement's press releases and appeals have mostly used the more concise acronyms LGBTI+ and LGBT, which I've retained when I directly reference their formulations.
https://umanitanova.org/la-mia-famiglia-e-in-carcere-turchia-repressione-e-resistenza-dei-movimenti-lgbtqiap/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE PARIS - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, CL-CGT: The FNAF is voting for Roussel and it makes perfect sense! by Jean-Yves (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
The CGT National Federation for the Agri-food and Forestry sectors has called for a vote for Roussel in a statement adopted on October 6 shortly before a meeting of the Confederal Executive Commission, whose reaction we are now awaiting... ---- This statement of support for the PCF violates the votes cast at the confederal congress. ---- While denouncing "Yankee" imperialism (a term that sounds a bit "boomer," though not inaccurate), the statement adopted unanimously, save for one brave abstainer says not a word about Russian, Chinese, or even French imperialism...
And the statement concludes, quite naturally, with a call to support the PCF and Roussel. Just like the good old days! Coming from a federation where leadership is passed down through family inheritance and which is frequently linked to murky financial dealings, this support acts more like a crutch than a springboard!
But then again, there are likely certain internal logics of Stalinism that escape us!
A message or a comment?
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https://www.communisteslibertairescgt.org/La-FNAF-vote-Roussel-et-c-est-coherent.html
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE PARIS - news journal UPDATE - en) France, UCL AL #375 - Trade Unionism - Museums: The Specter of a "France Télécom" Scenario Haunts the Natural History Museum (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
A wide range of professions can be found at the National Museum of Natural History in Paris. Currently, austerity compounded by the dismantling of staff representative bodies is causing significant unrest. When might we see a "grand theory" regarding the evolution of wages? ----
Following an initial victory, employees at the National Museum of Natural History in Paris are continuing the fight. The CGT FERC Sup union branch within the institution is working to re-establish its roots in these struggles. The Museum is an establishment for higher education and research; it is also perhaps primarily one of Paris's major tourist attractions[1]. Nearly 2,000 employees work there across a diverse array of roles not only in the cultural and research sectors, but also in numerous operational and manual trades (ticketing, security, maintenance, and the upkeep of gardens and zoos).For several months now, the staff has been in a state of struggle. An initial victory was secured regarding wages, with an exceptional allocation of 400,000 euros. Now, the mobilization continues both to push for further gains and to counter managerial abuse. The administration is sparing no effort to dismantle the long-standing teams within the museum sector, effectively accelerating the process of commodification and outsourcing to private firms. Among the staff, there is a wave of resignations and cases of burnout. Colleagues are left in tears, arriving at work with a knot in their stomachs, or even collapsing on the job. Furthermore, those identified as union members are being specifically targeted. Job insecurity is widespread, and many staff members are on fixed-term contracts a situation that exacerbates the crisis and diminishes the capacity for resistance.
CGT État (General Confederation of Labour - State Sector)
Beyond organizing the struggle and offering a vision for the future, union action also involves providing individual support to colleagues to prevent desperate acts; given the gravity of the situation, there are fears of suicide. It is also time to take a firmer stance: September 22nd was a day of strike action! A spirited and defiant picket line was set up on the forecourt of the *Grande Galerie de l'Évolution* (Great Gallery of Evolution). Despite the fear of retaliation from abusive managers, many Museum employees turned out to voice their anger. The press, present for an exhibition opening, were thus alerted to the grim reality behind the scenes of this institution. Management representatives, unable to bypass the picket line at the entrance, were confronted by the striking staff. Members of the public also showed their support for the strikers.
This successful step serves as a vital foothold, restoring hope and confidence among employees in their collective ability to resist. The next phase aimed at strengthening their leverage and forcing management to yield will be the demonstrations on September 29th. The goal is to build the largest possible contingent during this day of national strike action: to ensure we aren't worked to death, to secure decent wages, and to demand public services worthy of the name.
Felis Nigra (UCL Montreuil)
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Musees-Le-spectre-d-un-scenario-a-la-France-Telecom-hante-le-Museum
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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