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dinsdag 21 mei 2024
WORLD WORLDWIDE US USA BALTIMORE - care2PETITIONS - The treatment the Dali crew is facing is simply unethical, and more must be done
WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE BELGIUM BRUSSELS - BRUZZ International - News from Brussels - 21-05-2024
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WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, FDCA, Cantiere #25 - Gianni Bosio and Mario Lodi - Acquanegra sul Chiese, 5 November 2023 on the centenary of Bosio's birth (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
In addition to Acquanegra sul Chiese, where Bosio was born and lived, I
believe there is only one other center in which his influence operated
in such a profound way that it continues today, over fifty years after
his death, to initiate initiatives and stimulate reflection on the past
and current events. I'm referring to Piadena. ---- The beginning of the
relationship between Bosio and Piadena coincides with that between the
intellectual from Mantua and Mario Lodi and can be traced back to a very
specific date: 20 June 1959. It is on that day, in fact, that Lodi
writes a letter to Bosio, director of Edizioni Avanti!, to propose the
publication of Cipì. The letter is proof that the two did not know each
other personally, despite their common membership of the Socialist Party
and the closeness between Piadena and Acquanegra.
Bosio's response was not long in coming. Three days later, he said he
was available to discuss it on the occasion of his imminent trip to
Acquanegra.
The two met and Lodi spoke to him about Cipì and about a diary in which
he was collecting his teaching experiences, but also about the first
"notebooks" of the Biblioteca Popolare di Piadena founded by Lodi in
1945, a few months after the Liberation, as part of of the reconstituted
consumer cooperative.
Bosio had immediately understood the value of that "true" fairy tale
written by Lodi together with his students and of the revolutionary
scholastic experience underway in the small school of Vho, but certainly
what had struck him most was discovering that that teacher from Piadena
was not a isolated, that around him operated a group engaged in an
original and lively work of research and basic cultural production from
within the working and peasant class. A work that made use of oral
sources, the tape recorder, photography and the camera; a set of
activities that started from the recognition of the dignity and value of
the "other" culture, the one expressed by the subordinate classes.
A close correspondence and frequent contact began between Bosio and Lodi.
In 1956 the left-wing list was defeated in the Piaden municipal
elections, due to divisions within the Communist Party. It was a
traumatic event, which was barely overcome thanks to work on a cultural
level focused on the activities of the Popular Library and in particular
on the publication of the first notebooks.
In the introduction to I quaderni di Piadena, published in 1962 by
Edizioni Avanti!, edited by Lodi and Morandi, a book which collected six
of the first notebooks of the People's Library and which was seized by
the authorities for contents deemed obscene, Mario Lodi wrote:
"[...]If the first notebooks coincided with the effort of the workers'
movement to find itself and escape from a state of prostration, from now
on they will have to be affected by the new role of the working class in
the small country, in which it has today managerial tasks, and in the
largest country called Italy. To new perspectives, therefore, to
different, more in-depth work: to new tasks, new means, which contribute
to making the people aware, through an education to be achieved on their
own, of their role as protagonists of history."
In the short passage I have just read, I underline the passage in which
it is said that the people must become aware of their role, "through an
education to be achieved on their own". Lodi certainly did not mean
outside or against workers' parties and organizations, but that "alone"
somehow tended to reduce their role while accentuating the weight and
value of the autonomous pressures coming from the base.
At the end of the 1950s, Lodi, and with him the group of young people
from the Biblioteca Popolare, among whom Giuseppe Morandi was beginning
to stand out, was already fully aware both of the extraordinary
experiences gained in the Piadeno laboratory and of the profound
transformations taking place, at the same time consequence and cause of
the economic boom, which in the space of a few years would inexorably
lead to the end of the culture of the peasant world.
The announcement to his collaborators about the intention to create the
children's book series was given by Bosio in a meeting held at Edizioni
Avanti on 5 January 1961.
The first organizational meeting was held in Piadena on 11 June 1961 at
the Biblioteca Popolare.
In that meeting Lodi clearly said that it was now time to move from a
position of criticism towards the tendentious, historically inaccurate
or even falsifying production of bourgeois publishing for children, to
the production of cultural tools which, with new contents, spoke an
adherent language to the psychology of the child and stimulated him to
think with his own head and to form a critical habit.
Most of the manuscripts were based on the concept of the child-doll
without problems or reasoning, a creature to be amused with the silliest
words.
The coordination of the series, which it was decided to call "Universale
Ragazzi", was entrusted to Lodi who had a very clear idea of what
objectives should be set, as emerges from this speech: "publishing
should be called popular not only for the low prices of books, but for
the power of penetration and ideological education that they
contain.[...]the function of Edizioni Avanti! it should be to relaunch
the ideological and class principles of socialism on all levels,
starting with children and gradually up to the university and research
level."
The need to further reduce costs soon led to the Series being put to an
end. With its closure, Lodi's collaboration ceased, "also for health
reasons".
In the two years of life of the "Universale Ragazzi", only six titles
were published, but in the flat panorama of literature of the early
Sixties, these were proposals that clearly broke with tradition and had
a strong non-conformist and provocative charge, even for certain areas
of left: just think of How children are born, a sexual education booklet
for children according to a secular and modern approach, but also of The
little soldier of the pim pum pà, a sort of short story, written by Lodi.
The stimuli offered by Lodi and the influence exerted by Bosio during
his frequent visits to Piadena opened up new avenues of work and new
horizons to the group that revolved around the Biblioteca Popolare and
the Quaderni. And it was precisely as a consequence of the birth of the
Nuovo Canzoniere that the idea of establishing a popular singing group
took shape in Piadena. It was Sergio Lodi who took the initiative by
gathering around him Bruno Fontanella and, later, Delio Chitò and Amedeo
Merli. The "Gruppo Padano di Piadena", this is the name of the new
formation, after an initial phase of re-proposing the songs recorded in
the "Dischi del sole", began, stimulated by the work of Bosio and Leydi,
an intense field research work which Mario Lodi also actively contributed.
The Group participated in the Festival dei Due Mondi in Spoleto in the
performance of the Nuovo Canzoniere Bella Ciao which triggered, as is
known, the angry reaction of the military, bourgeois and right-thinking
people, followed by complaints and parliamentary questions.
In the first months of '67 different points of view on cultural and
political action began to appear within the Biblioteca Popolare.
Shortly afterwards, on 14 April, Morandi and Gianfranco Azzali (Micio)
gave life to the Cultural League, in the wake of what had already
happened in Acquanegra in September of the previous year with the birth
of the Cultural League. It was the second separation from the Biblioteca
Popolare after the choice of Delio Chitò and Amedeo Merli, early
exponents of the Padano Group, to embark on a professional career with
the name of "Duo di Piadena".
The birth of the League was preceded, accompanied and followed by
tensions, discussions and exchanges of letters.
Relations between the League of Culture and Lodi gradually became colder
until they reached open conflict with no holds barred and with a
consequent impact on the relations between Lodi and Bosio which became
increasingly sporadic.
We know well about Bosio's political formation, his internal positioning
with his membership of Lelio Basso's left and the action taken to orient
the political line of the Party. And we know well, also thanks to his
work as a historian, what idea of socialism he was inspired by: a
libertarian, non-dogmatic socialism, with a marked adherence to basic
struggles and demands.
And what do we know about Lodi's socialism, which left very few writings
on the subject?
He was the son of a socialist, who had also been a cooperator and
administrator of the Municipality of Vho, included, during fascism,
among the subversives. Following in his father's footsteps, Mario joined
the PSI, then Psiup, in 1946. He left it in 1965, following his
adhesion, not shared by the Party, to the antimilitarist manifesto, the
definitive text of which was written by Lodi himself, posted on the
occasion of the passage of the Bersagliere Monument from Piadena to
celebrate the 50th anniversary of Italy's entry into the war.
His political activity took place entirely within the Piadenese section,
without ever holding positions at provincial level. On behalf of the
Party he ran 5 times, out of 8 in total, in the municipal elections,
always being elected and holding the position of councilor several
times; he was section secretary, participated in meetings and
gatherings, wrote and spoke publicly. We also know that during the 1964
elections the Party would have wanted him to be elected mayor.
After leaving the PSI, Lodi joined the MAS, or MDSA (Movement of
Autonomous Socialists), the small group that broke away from the Lombard
left when unification with the Social Democrats was decided. As a member
of the MAS he ran for the Chamber in the 1968 political elections on the
PCI list and in the 1970 administrative elections.
His was a socialism of a humanitarian and libertarian nature, tinged
with romanticism and a strong ethical motivation from which the
influence of his mother's humble and simple religiosity was probably not
unrelated. Certainly, he was far from a dogmatically Marxist vision and
a Leninist conception of the Party, with respect to which he always
maintained broad autonomy of judgment and choice.
Within the Party he recognized himself in the positions of the left
current and the unity of workers and class forces was what was closest
to his heart.
This is enough to be able to state that Lodi and Bosio had an idea of
socialism with many affinities.
But there are other aspects, not secondary, in which it is possible to
trace strong common features. One of these is the theme of participation
and the relationship with power.
For Lodi it was essential to stimulate and encourage the direct
participation of citizens and workers in every area, a participation
that reached its peak in the first half of the seventies, with the
decision-making Popular Assembly, an institution he proposed, desired
and supported with all his energies and which ended only after the PCI
believed that that experience represented an obstacle to the
implementation of the policy of historical compromise.
Lodi proposes to the left-wing coalition to present itself in the
municipal elections of 7 June[1970]with the proposal to establish the
popular assembly. In the electoral leaflet distributed to citizens, the
proposal is motivated with a writing, certainly attributable to Lodi,
which says: "Piadenesi, in recent years new ideas from workers and
students have circulated around the way of being free and managing the
power. As far as the Municipality is concerned, old concepts have gone
into crisis.
For example, it was understood that calling citizens every five years to
elect twenty men to represent them, even if these were chosen by local
political parties, is not participation in public affairs, it is not
real democracy. In fact, limiting ourselves to delegating others to
administer for us is essentially an act of renouncing an interest in the
problems that arise day by day in the small country as well as in the
larger reality that is Italy.
The whole life of our society is practically based on delegation, upon
receipt of which those elected can even govern against the interests of
the same citizens who voted for them. The demonstration is that the
majority of citizens are workers but governments have until now made
laws in favor of the bosses.
Even in small countries, where power is limited, elected representatives
sometimes behave as if they had been called to command, while they
should "serve" the base, that is, interpret the needs and will of the
citizens and decide after having consulted the population on every
underlying problem.
Thus it can happen that the councilors feel like small masters in the
context of small power and the mayor becomes the tactician who keeps the
group of small masters in a precarious balance.
[...]The Municipality must be at the service of the citizen who has the
right-duty to control and direct it for his purposes. The assembly open
to all is the means by which the citizen will intervene directly in the
management of the Municipality."
It is surprising how Nenni, the elderly socialist leader, in his youth a
libertarian agitator and protagonist of the "Red Week" in 1914, Bosio,
attracted in his studies by the first anarchist and socialist
organizations, and Lodi, refractory to any form of delegation and
critical of the superposition of the parties on the citizens, remain
linked by the same reading of the struggles of the late 1960s and by the
same idea of direct participation, beyond the profound gaps created
between them due to the political choices made by each of them.
Due to its radical nature, intensity and duration, the Piadena People's
Assembly represents to date the most advanced experiment in direct
democracy carried out in Italy.
On the idea that Lodi had of parties and their role, an interview from
1978 is interesting, in which, reflecting on the causes that had
determined the end of the experience of the decision-making Popular
Assembly, he stated:
"a) It was not possible to have the method of the popular assembly with
decision-making power in the Municipality and, at the same time, still
have a hierarchical structure within the parties.
b) In a broader picture, the historical compromise would lead to an
encounter with forces that would not accept it. Therefore in this
difficult and delicate situation everything is at a standstill and there
is a tendency for those in charge to make top-level agreements instead
of discussing everything at the base."
The cultural and political ferment that has characterized the Piadeno
microcosm for decades was largely the result of the happy meeting
between these two great personalities.
For Piadena we could speak of a true epic. In a town of not even 4,000
inhabitants, over the course of forty years or so, cooperatives have
flourished (in the 1950s the Piadena consumer cooperative had 8 shops in
the town), groups and cultural centres, the list of which is very long .
Since the Liberation, hundreds and hundreds of leaflets, posters,
newspapers, notebooks, publications, films, exhibitions, shows and sound
recordings have been produced. Consider that the League of Culture
leaflets alone, collected and published, form two substantial volumes.
The number of meetings and initiatives of all kinds was impressive,
which saw the participation of famous intellectuals, directors,
musicians, actors, journalists, writers, artists and politicians.
Piadena has been talked about in books, magazines, films, conferences
and television reports, to the point that some have begun to consider it
a sort of mythical place.
Well, all that excitement has long since died out, erased by the
desertification, not only metaphorical, which has hit the country of
Italy and which has not spared this plain land which also seemed to have
firm and deep roots in the struggles and first organizations of the
proletariat peasant and worker developed from the mid-nineteenth century.
-Mario Lodi
Piadena, 17 February 1922 Drizzona, 2 March 2014 was an Italian
teacher, pedagogist and writer.
His educational methodologies were initially inspired by those of
Célestin Freinet, following a direction that made him become an exponent
of the Educational Cooperation Movement. (On the MCE see "History of the
Educational Cooperation Movement" in "il CANTIERE" n.16 April 2023, page 28)
Gianni Bosio
Acquanegra on the Chiese,
October 20, 1923
Mantua, August 21, 1971
he was an Italian historian, publisher and editorial curator, music
researcher and exponent of the Italian Socialist Party.
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
believe there is only one other center in which his influence operated
in such a profound way that it continues today, over fifty years after
his death, to initiate initiatives and stimulate reflection on the past
and current events. I'm referring to Piadena. ---- The beginning of the
relationship between Bosio and Piadena coincides with that between the
intellectual from Mantua and Mario Lodi and can be traced back to a very
specific date: 20 June 1959. It is on that day, in fact, that Lodi
writes a letter to Bosio, director of Edizioni Avanti!, to propose the
publication of Cipì. The letter is proof that the two did not know each
other personally, despite their common membership of the Socialist Party
and the closeness between Piadena and Acquanegra.
Bosio's response was not long in coming. Three days later, he said he
was available to discuss it on the occasion of his imminent trip to
Acquanegra.
The two met and Lodi spoke to him about Cipì and about a diary in which
he was collecting his teaching experiences, but also about the first
"notebooks" of the Biblioteca Popolare di Piadena founded by Lodi in
1945, a few months after the Liberation, as part of of the reconstituted
consumer cooperative.
Bosio had immediately understood the value of that "true" fairy tale
written by Lodi together with his students and of the revolutionary
scholastic experience underway in the small school of Vho, but certainly
what had struck him most was discovering that that teacher from Piadena
was not a isolated, that around him operated a group engaged in an
original and lively work of research and basic cultural production from
within the working and peasant class. A work that made use of oral
sources, the tape recorder, photography and the camera; a set of
activities that started from the recognition of the dignity and value of
the "other" culture, the one expressed by the subordinate classes.
A close correspondence and frequent contact began between Bosio and Lodi.
In 1956 the left-wing list was defeated in the Piaden municipal
elections, due to divisions within the Communist Party. It was a
traumatic event, which was barely overcome thanks to work on a cultural
level focused on the activities of the Popular Library and in particular
on the publication of the first notebooks.
In the introduction to I quaderni di Piadena, published in 1962 by
Edizioni Avanti!, edited by Lodi and Morandi, a book which collected six
of the first notebooks of the People's Library and which was seized by
the authorities for contents deemed obscene, Mario Lodi wrote:
"[...]If the first notebooks coincided with the effort of the workers'
movement to find itself and escape from a state of prostration, from now
on they will have to be affected by the new role of the working class in
the small country, in which it has today managerial tasks, and in the
largest country called Italy. To new perspectives, therefore, to
different, more in-depth work: to new tasks, new means, which contribute
to making the people aware, through an education to be achieved on their
own, of their role as protagonists of history."
In the short passage I have just read, I underline the passage in which
it is said that the people must become aware of their role, "through an
education to be achieved on their own". Lodi certainly did not mean
outside or against workers' parties and organizations, but that "alone"
somehow tended to reduce their role while accentuating the weight and
value of the autonomous pressures coming from the base.
At the end of the 1950s, Lodi, and with him the group of young people
from the Biblioteca Popolare, among whom Giuseppe Morandi was beginning
to stand out, was already fully aware both of the extraordinary
experiences gained in the Piadeno laboratory and of the profound
transformations taking place, at the same time consequence and cause of
the economic boom, which in the space of a few years would inexorably
lead to the end of the culture of the peasant world.
The announcement to his collaborators about the intention to create the
children's book series was given by Bosio in a meeting held at Edizioni
Avanti on 5 January 1961.
The first organizational meeting was held in Piadena on 11 June 1961 at
the Biblioteca Popolare.
In that meeting Lodi clearly said that it was now time to move from a
position of criticism towards the tendentious, historically inaccurate
or even falsifying production of bourgeois publishing for children, to
the production of cultural tools which, with new contents, spoke an
adherent language to the psychology of the child and stimulated him to
think with his own head and to form a critical habit.
Most of the manuscripts were based on the concept of the child-doll
without problems or reasoning, a creature to be amused with the silliest
words.
The coordination of the series, which it was decided to call "Universale
Ragazzi", was entrusted to Lodi who had a very clear idea of what
objectives should be set, as emerges from this speech: "publishing
should be called popular not only for the low prices of books, but for
the power of penetration and ideological education that they
contain.[...]the function of Edizioni Avanti! it should be to relaunch
the ideological and class principles of socialism on all levels,
starting with children and gradually up to the university and research
level."
The need to further reduce costs soon led to the Series being put to an
end. With its closure, Lodi's collaboration ceased, "also for health
reasons".
In the two years of life of the "Universale Ragazzi", only six titles
were published, but in the flat panorama of literature of the early
Sixties, these were proposals that clearly broke with tradition and had
a strong non-conformist and provocative charge, even for certain areas
of left: just think of How children are born, a sexual education booklet
for children according to a secular and modern approach, but also of The
little soldier of the pim pum pà, a sort of short story, written by Lodi.
The stimuli offered by Lodi and the influence exerted by Bosio during
his frequent visits to Piadena opened up new avenues of work and new
horizons to the group that revolved around the Biblioteca Popolare and
the Quaderni. And it was precisely as a consequence of the birth of the
Nuovo Canzoniere that the idea of establishing a popular singing group
took shape in Piadena. It was Sergio Lodi who took the initiative by
gathering around him Bruno Fontanella and, later, Delio Chitò and Amedeo
Merli. The "Gruppo Padano di Piadena", this is the name of the new
formation, after an initial phase of re-proposing the songs recorded in
the "Dischi del sole", began, stimulated by the work of Bosio and Leydi,
an intense field research work which Mario Lodi also actively contributed.
The Group participated in the Festival dei Due Mondi in Spoleto in the
performance of the Nuovo Canzoniere Bella Ciao which triggered, as is
known, the angry reaction of the military, bourgeois and right-thinking
people, followed by complaints and parliamentary questions.
In the first months of '67 different points of view on cultural and
political action began to appear within the Biblioteca Popolare.
Shortly afterwards, on 14 April, Morandi and Gianfranco Azzali (Micio)
gave life to the Cultural League, in the wake of what had already
happened in Acquanegra in September of the previous year with the birth
of the Cultural League. It was the second separation from the Biblioteca
Popolare after the choice of Delio Chitò and Amedeo Merli, early
exponents of the Padano Group, to embark on a professional career with
the name of "Duo di Piadena".
The birth of the League was preceded, accompanied and followed by
tensions, discussions and exchanges of letters.
Relations between the League of Culture and Lodi gradually became colder
until they reached open conflict with no holds barred and with a
consequent impact on the relations between Lodi and Bosio which became
increasingly sporadic.
We know well about Bosio's political formation, his internal positioning
with his membership of Lelio Basso's left and the action taken to orient
the political line of the Party. And we know well, also thanks to his
work as a historian, what idea of socialism he was inspired by: a
libertarian, non-dogmatic socialism, with a marked adherence to basic
struggles and demands.
And what do we know about Lodi's socialism, which left very few writings
on the subject?
He was the son of a socialist, who had also been a cooperator and
administrator of the Municipality of Vho, included, during fascism,
among the subversives. Following in his father's footsteps, Mario joined
the PSI, then Psiup, in 1946. He left it in 1965, following his
adhesion, not shared by the Party, to the antimilitarist manifesto, the
definitive text of which was written by Lodi himself, posted on the
occasion of the passage of the Bersagliere Monument from Piadena to
celebrate the 50th anniversary of Italy's entry into the war.
His political activity took place entirely within the Piadenese section,
without ever holding positions at provincial level. On behalf of the
Party he ran 5 times, out of 8 in total, in the municipal elections,
always being elected and holding the position of councilor several
times; he was section secretary, participated in meetings and
gatherings, wrote and spoke publicly. We also know that during the 1964
elections the Party would have wanted him to be elected mayor.
After leaving the PSI, Lodi joined the MAS, or MDSA (Movement of
Autonomous Socialists), the small group that broke away from the Lombard
left when unification with the Social Democrats was decided. As a member
of the MAS he ran for the Chamber in the 1968 political elections on the
PCI list and in the 1970 administrative elections.
His was a socialism of a humanitarian and libertarian nature, tinged
with romanticism and a strong ethical motivation from which the
influence of his mother's humble and simple religiosity was probably not
unrelated. Certainly, he was far from a dogmatically Marxist vision and
a Leninist conception of the Party, with respect to which he always
maintained broad autonomy of judgment and choice.
Within the Party he recognized himself in the positions of the left
current and the unity of workers and class forces was what was closest
to his heart.
This is enough to be able to state that Lodi and Bosio had an idea of
socialism with many affinities.
But there are other aspects, not secondary, in which it is possible to
trace strong common features. One of these is the theme of participation
and the relationship with power.
For Lodi it was essential to stimulate and encourage the direct
participation of citizens and workers in every area, a participation
that reached its peak in the first half of the seventies, with the
decision-making Popular Assembly, an institution he proposed, desired
and supported with all his energies and which ended only after the PCI
believed that that experience represented an obstacle to the
implementation of the policy of historical compromise.
Lodi proposes to the left-wing coalition to present itself in the
municipal elections of 7 June[1970]with the proposal to establish the
popular assembly. In the electoral leaflet distributed to citizens, the
proposal is motivated with a writing, certainly attributable to Lodi,
which says: "Piadenesi, in recent years new ideas from workers and
students have circulated around the way of being free and managing the
power. As far as the Municipality is concerned, old concepts have gone
into crisis.
For example, it was understood that calling citizens every five years to
elect twenty men to represent them, even if these were chosen by local
political parties, is not participation in public affairs, it is not
real democracy. In fact, limiting ourselves to delegating others to
administer for us is essentially an act of renouncing an interest in the
problems that arise day by day in the small country as well as in the
larger reality that is Italy.
The whole life of our society is practically based on delegation, upon
receipt of which those elected can even govern against the interests of
the same citizens who voted for them. The demonstration is that the
majority of citizens are workers but governments have until now made
laws in favor of the bosses.
Even in small countries, where power is limited, elected representatives
sometimes behave as if they had been called to command, while they
should "serve" the base, that is, interpret the needs and will of the
citizens and decide after having consulted the population on every
underlying problem.
Thus it can happen that the councilors feel like small masters in the
context of small power and the mayor becomes the tactician who keeps the
group of small masters in a precarious balance.
[...]The Municipality must be at the service of the citizen who has the
right-duty to control and direct it for his purposes. The assembly open
to all is the means by which the citizen will intervene directly in the
management of the Municipality."
It is surprising how Nenni, the elderly socialist leader, in his youth a
libertarian agitator and protagonist of the "Red Week" in 1914, Bosio,
attracted in his studies by the first anarchist and socialist
organizations, and Lodi, refractory to any form of delegation and
critical of the superposition of the parties on the citizens, remain
linked by the same reading of the struggles of the late 1960s and by the
same idea of direct participation, beyond the profound gaps created
between them due to the political choices made by each of them.
Due to its radical nature, intensity and duration, the Piadena People's
Assembly represents to date the most advanced experiment in direct
democracy carried out in Italy.
On the idea that Lodi had of parties and their role, an interview from
1978 is interesting, in which, reflecting on the causes that had
determined the end of the experience of the decision-making Popular
Assembly, he stated:
"a) It was not possible to have the method of the popular assembly with
decision-making power in the Municipality and, at the same time, still
have a hierarchical structure within the parties.
b) In a broader picture, the historical compromise would lead to an
encounter with forces that would not accept it. Therefore in this
difficult and delicate situation everything is at a standstill and there
is a tendency for those in charge to make top-level agreements instead
of discussing everything at the base."
The cultural and political ferment that has characterized the Piadeno
microcosm for decades was largely the result of the happy meeting
between these two great personalities.
For Piadena we could speak of a true epic. In a town of not even 4,000
inhabitants, over the course of forty years or so, cooperatives have
flourished (in the 1950s the Piadena consumer cooperative had 8 shops in
the town), groups and cultural centres, the list of which is very long .
Since the Liberation, hundreds and hundreds of leaflets, posters,
newspapers, notebooks, publications, films, exhibitions, shows and sound
recordings have been produced. Consider that the League of Culture
leaflets alone, collected and published, form two substantial volumes.
The number of meetings and initiatives of all kinds was impressive,
which saw the participation of famous intellectuals, directors,
musicians, actors, journalists, writers, artists and politicians.
Piadena has been talked about in books, magazines, films, conferences
and television reports, to the point that some have begun to consider it
a sort of mythical place.
Well, all that excitement has long since died out, erased by the
desertification, not only metaphorical, which has hit the country of
Italy and which has not spared this plain land which also seemed to have
firm and deep roots in the struggles and first organizations of the
proletariat peasant and worker developed from the mid-nineteenth century.
-Mario Lodi
Piadena, 17 February 1922 Drizzona, 2 March 2014 was an Italian
teacher, pedagogist and writer.
His educational methodologies were initially inspired by those of
Célestin Freinet, following a direction that made him become an exponent
of the Educational Cooperation Movement. (On the MCE see "History of the
Educational Cooperation Movement" in "il CANTIERE" n.16 April 2023, page 28)
Gianni Bosio
Acquanegra on the Chiese,
October 20, 1923
Mantua, August 21, 1971
he was an Italian historian, publisher and editorial curator, music
researcher and exponent of the Italian Socialist Party.
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
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WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE SPAIN - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, OCL CA #339 - Feminism in the Spanish State, an example to follow... (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
In terms of advancing women's rights, the Spanish state has been a
pioneer for around twenty years. A model from which feminist movements
on the other side of the Pyrenees draw inspiration. ---- The Spanish
State is regularly cited as a model on a European and global scale for
the advancement of women's rights. For almost 20 years, it has been at
the forefront of feminist policies: gender violence, gender equality,
LGBT+ rights... How has this country with a macho reputation managed to
impose itself as a source of inspiration on the subject?
The Spanish State has become a reference for feminists from other
countries, "like a beacon in the night", in the words of Ilana Navarro
and Cécile Laffon, directors of the podcast documentary series on France
Culture "Feminism, the 'Spanish avant-garde'. With strong political
will, the Spanish government is defending, notably thanks to the former
Minister of Equality, Irene Montero, societal change through the
establishment of an effective legislative apparatus and substantial
budgetary funds. Making things happen, changing a patriarchal order,
reinventing relationships between women and men: these are particularly
driving objectives that inspire outsiders.
Menstrual leave, trans equality law or even paternity leave, at the
legislative level, the Spanish State is a pioneer. In 2004, he
established a framework law against "gender violence". A law against
sexist violence which illustrates the government's desire to make
femicide a state issue. In May 2022, the "only one yes is one yes" law,
known as the "complete guarantee of sexual freedom" law, was adopted.
For many, this law is revolutionary because the country legally
recognizes that consent must be at the center of relationships and
distinguishes a sexual relationship from an assault. The only one in the
European Union to have really tackled the issue of sexual violence head
on, Madrid devotes more than 200 million euros to it each year. In
France, the budget allocated to fight against violence is 32 million.
The gap is reflected in the facts: the number of feminicides in 2022
stands at 118 compared to 49 in the neighboring country, or more than
half as much. The Spanish state has 5,000 specialized accommodation
places, compared to 600 north of the Pyrenees.
The ambitious policy of the Iberian State inspires and influences many
associations. Last April, the French Association of the Council of
Municipalities and Regions of Europe brought together around ten
representatives of French local authorities in Madrid so that they could
learn about local initiatives against sexual and gender-based violence.
The collective of feminist associations in the Basque Country, gathered
around the coordination EBA - For real equality, exchanged on various
occasions with representatives of the Women's Houses on both sides of
the Bidasoa, in particular those of Tolosa and Donostia, in the prospect
of creating your own structure. For Élisabeth Charriau, founder of EBA,
"on the other side, there is a very militant feminism. The institutions
have adhered to a real policy of prevention and repression of violence.
At home, we wait for something to happen before we act." A troubling
discrepancy that these women would like to see disappear.
07 MAR. 2024, Flora Etienne and Nina Merle
http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4145
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
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pioneer for around twenty years. A model from which feminist movements
on the other side of the Pyrenees draw inspiration. ---- The Spanish
State is regularly cited as a model on a European and global scale for
the advancement of women's rights. For almost 20 years, it has been at
the forefront of feminist policies: gender violence, gender equality,
LGBT+ rights... How has this country with a macho reputation managed to
impose itself as a source of inspiration on the subject?
The Spanish State has become a reference for feminists from other
countries, "like a beacon in the night", in the words of Ilana Navarro
and Cécile Laffon, directors of the podcast documentary series on France
Culture "Feminism, the 'Spanish avant-garde'. With strong political
will, the Spanish government is defending, notably thanks to the former
Minister of Equality, Irene Montero, societal change through the
establishment of an effective legislative apparatus and substantial
budgetary funds. Making things happen, changing a patriarchal order,
reinventing relationships between women and men: these are particularly
driving objectives that inspire outsiders.
Menstrual leave, trans equality law or even paternity leave, at the
legislative level, the Spanish State is a pioneer. In 2004, he
established a framework law against "gender violence". A law against
sexist violence which illustrates the government's desire to make
femicide a state issue. In May 2022, the "only one yes is one yes" law,
known as the "complete guarantee of sexual freedom" law, was adopted.
For many, this law is revolutionary because the country legally
recognizes that consent must be at the center of relationships and
distinguishes a sexual relationship from an assault. The only one in the
European Union to have really tackled the issue of sexual violence head
on, Madrid devotes more than 200 million euros to it each year. In
France, the budget allocated to fight against violence is 32 million.
The gap is reflected in the facts: the number of feminicides in 2022
stands at 118 compared to 49 in the neighboring country, or more than
half as much. The Spanish state has 5,000 specialized accommodation
places, compared to 600 north of the Pyrenees.
The ambitious policy of the Iberian State inspires and influences many
associations. Last April, the French Association of the Council of
Municipalities and Regions of Europe brought together around ten
representatives of French local authorities in Madrid so that they could
learn about local initiatives against sexual and gender-based violence.
The collective of feminist associations in the Basque Country, gathered
around the coordination EBA - For real equality, exchanged on various
occasions with representatives of the Women's Houses on both sides of
the Bidasoa, in particular those of Tolosa and Donostia, in the prospect
of creating your own structure. For Élisabeth Charriau, founder of EBA,
"on the other side, there is a very militant feminism. The institutions
have adhered to a real policy of prevention and repression of violence.
At home, we wait for something to happen before we act." A troubling
discrepancy that these women would like to see disappear.
07 MAR. 2024, Flora Etienne and Nina Merle
http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4145
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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