We want to financially support activists with different opinions who fight against injustice in the world. We also need your support for this! Feel free to donate 1 euro, 2 euros or another amount of your choice. The activists really need the support to continue their activities.

Wij willen activisten met verschillende opinies die vechten tegen onrecht in de wereld financieel steunen. Hiervoor hebben wij ook uw steun nodig! Doneer vrijblijvend 1 euro, 2 euro of een ander bedrag naar keuze. Deze activisten hebben de steun hard nodig om hun activiteiten te blijven uitoefenen.

Nous voulons soutenir financièrement des militants aux opinions différentes qui luttent contre l'injustice dans le monde. Nous avons également besoin de votre soutien pour cela! N'hésitez pas à faire un don de 1 euro, 2 euros ou un autre montant de votre choix. Les militants ont vraiment besoin de soutien pour poursuivre leurs activités.

Wir wollen Aktivisten mit unterschiedlichen Meinungen, die gegen die Ungerechtigkeit in der Welt kämpfen, finanziell unterstützen. Dafür brauchen wir auch Ihre Unterstützung! Sie können gerne 1 Euro, 2 Euro oder einen anderen Betrag Ihrer Wahl spenden. Die Aktivisten brauchen wirklich die Unterstützung, um ihre Aktivitäten fortzusetzen.

Queremos apoyar económicamente a activistas con opiniones diferentes que luchan contra la injusticia en el mundo. ¡También necesitamos su apoyo para esto! No dude en donar 1 euro, 2 euros u otra cantidad de su elección. Los activistas realmente necesitan el apoyo para continuar con sus actividades.

Queremos apoiar financeiramente ativistas com diferentes opiniões que lutam contra as injustiças no mundo. Também precisamos do seu apoio para isso! Fique à vontade para doar 1 euro, 2 euros ou outra quantia à sua escolha. Os ativistas realmente precisam de apoio para continuar suas atividades.


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zaterdag 30 juni 2018

Anarchic update news all over the world - Part 2 - 30.06.2018

Today's Topics:

   1.  Greece, [Patras] Solidarity gathering in Heran-Pericles and
        Turgut Kaya By APO (gr) [machine translation] 




of 31/5) ---- A typical case of state conspiracy and repression is that of Heranas B. and 
Pericles M. In the summer of 2017 he was sentenced to 13 years in prison for their 
personal relationship with an accused for participation in the "Kernels of Fire" 
organization and even though he was acquitted! Still, the Appeals Council has repeatedly 
rejected their prison sentence on the grounds that they are likely to commit new offenses. 
Recently, the Court of First Instance has launched the second instance of the case. The 
final ruling of the Appellate Court will be on 28 June. ---- Within this repressive 
context includes the prosecution of communist Turgut Kaya who has been persecuted and 
imprisoned (in arbitrary arrests, torture and detention in special F-type prisons) 
repeatedly by the Turkish state for his participation in the games and policies beliefs. 
Turgut Kaya was arrested in February by the Greek authorities according to Interpol's "Red 
Alarm" at the request of the Turkish regime.

Opposite the world of power to raise the struggle communities, to organize our social and 
class fronts and our political presence to overthrow the plans of the political and 
economic elites. Let us fight to break the regime of political prisoners, oppose state 
repression and attempt to enlarge it, highlight the fate of state struggles at the expense 
of militants, fight state revival, and let none of us alone hands of the state.



anarchist group "dignified horse" / APO. and comrades


Anarchic update news all over the world - Part 1 - 30.06.2018

Today's Topics:


1.  US, black rose fed - I AM ACTION: PRAXEDIS GUERRERO,
      1882-1910 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

2.  [Spain] The CNT calls to rebel against the patriarchal state
      and its courts of injustice, By ANA on June 26, 2018 (pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

3.  Turkey,  yeryuzu postasi: We do not accept! (tr) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

4.  Czech, afed: The struggle for workers' rights is not an
      extremism [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

5.  Germany, fau: Solidarity with the J20 defendants! -
      Solidarity with the US anti-fascists (de) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

6.  Greece, anarchist federation: Microphone Solidarity for
      Heran and Pericles, Wednesday 27/6 (gr) [machine translation]

      FAU'S "HUERTA GRANDE" (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


Message: 1

Courtesy of AK Press and editor/translator Javier Sethness-Castro, we share part of the 
introduction to the forthcoming I Am Action: Literary and Combat Articles, Thoughts, and 
Revolutionary Chronicles by Praxedis G. Guerrero, a Mexican anarcho-communist militant, 
journalist, and organizer. Javier's biographical introduction is followed by translations 
from the volume of three of Guerrero's most moving writings. ---- Praxedis G. Guerrero, 
1882-1910 ---- The militant Mexican anarchist and revolutionary martyr Praxedis G. 
Guerrero arguably merits his comrade Ricardo Flores Magón's laudatory characterization of 
him as a "sublime figure in the revolutionary history of the world."[1]This self-described 
"warrior, apostle, and philosopher," born in 1882 to an aristocratic family in the 
highlands of Guanajuato State, was "destined to be one of the principal precursors" of the 
Mexican Revolution, according to his biographer Ward S. Albro.[2]During his short but 
highly illuminating life, Guerrero participated as a central figure in the transnational 
revolutionary network established by the Organizational Council of the Mexican Liberal 
Party (PLM), which was dedicated firstly to deposing the tyrant Porfirio Díaz and 
thereafter to promoting anarchist revolution throughout Mexico according to the slogan 
Tierra y Libertad ("Land and Freedom").

As Magón writes in his reminisces about Guerrero following his death early in the 
Revolution, there was little immediate indication from the childhood of Praxedis, whose 
father was a local indigenous chief and whose mother was the daughter of a Spanish count, 
that he would be anything other than bourgeois. His family's hacienda in Los Altos de 
Ibarra, Guanajuato, comprised thousands of acres that were worked by hundreds of 
farmhands. Yet Praxedis was privileged to have developed an "exceptional sensitivity" and 
an "exceptional brain" that led him to adopt the revolutionary proletarian cause upon his 
maturation.[3]At eighteen, he left with his brother for San Luis Potosí, where they worked 
for a number of months in a brewery and smelter. Thereafter he returned to Guanajuato to 
work in the family business for some time before enlisting in the Second Military Reserve 
under General Bernardo Reyes, Díaz's minister of war and appointed governor of Nuevo León 
State. Rising to the rank of Second Lieutenant of cavalry, Praxedis received the military 
training that would later serve the PLM's cause. He resigned his post after the 2 April 
1902 massacre in Monterrey ordered by Reyes against Liberal protesters who were mobilizing 
in favor of another gubernatorial candidate. Around the same time, Guerrero became 
acquainted with Mexico's Liberal oppositional press, including the satirical newspaper El 
Hijo del Ahuizote ("The Son of the Ahuizote"),[4]edited by Juan Sarabia from August 1885 
until July 1902, when Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón rented out the press, and 
presumably Regeneración ("Regeneration"), founded by Jesús and Ricardo Flores Magón in 
August 1900.[5]After resigning his military post, he returned to Guanajuato to attend to 
his ill father and manage the family's hacienda, and it was from his father's bookshelf 
that Praxedis first encountered the writings of Victor Hugo, Maxim Gorky, Lev Tolstoy, 
Mikhail Bakunin, and Peter Kropotkin.

In 1904, consummating the dream Tolstoy had envisioned but could never effect, Guerrero 
definitively abandoned his aristocratic upbringing. With his comrades Francisco Manrique 
and Manuel Vázquez, he left Mexico for the U.S., where he sold his labor as a miner in 
Colorado, a lumberjack in Texas, a longshoreman in San Francisco, and a copper and coal 
miner in Arizona. He founded the newspaper Alba Roja ("Red Dawn") with Francisco and 
Manuel while in San Francisco, and it was likely in this way that he brought himself to 
the attention to the newly established Organizational Council of the Mexican Liberal 
Party, founded in St. Louis in 1905 by the exiled radicals Ricardo and Enrique Flores 
Magón, Juan and Manuel Sarabia, Librado Rivera, Antonio I. Villarreal, and Rosalío 
Bustamante. In Douglas, Arizona, Praxedis met and befriended Manuel Sarabia and requested 
successfully to affiliate himself with the PLM. Days after the suppression of the June 
1906 Cananea strike in the desert of Sonora, which had been launched by thousands of 
Mexican miners demanding an eight-hour work day and higher wages, Praxedis founded the 
organization "Free Workers" with his comrades toward the end of propagating the Liberal 
ideal among the miners of the region. He also established a local PLM group in Morenci 
counting some fifty members, as a counterpart to the Liberal Club of Douglas. The failure 
of the Council's plans for an insurrection against the dictatorship in the border towns of 
Ciudad Juárez, Nogales, and Jiménez-a plot that was organized to coincide with 
Independence Day, 16 September 1906-and the subsequent arrest of Ricardo, Antonio, and 
Librado in Los Angeles for having violated existing neutrality laws between the U.S. and 
Mexico launched Guerrero into the position of principal responsibility for the cause. 
Indeed, as Albro argues, Praxedis effectively led the PLM's struggle during the three 
highly significant years of 1907 to 1910, corresponding to the time that the Council's 
better-known organizers were imprisoned, and ending with his death in the Revolution.[6]

Praxedis was named a "Special Delegate" of the PLM's Organizational Council in June 1907, 
and the next month he distributed a public call for justice in the case of Manuel Sarabia, 
his comrade and roommate in Douglas, Arizona, who had been kidnapped, deported, and 
imprisoned in Hermosillo, Sonora, at the hands of Díaz's henchmen. This crime sparked an 
international outcry that resulted in Sarabia's release following a show trial that 
acquitted the militant's captors. Then, following the arrest of another exiled Liberal, 
Lázaro Gutiérrez de Lara, Guerrero moved to Los Angeles to collaborate with Sarabia and 
Enrique Flores Magón in editing and publishing the newspaper Revolución, which began its 
run in June 1907. Sarabia was soon arrested on the very same charges as Magón, Villarreal, 
and Rivera, but was subsequently rescued by Elizabeth Trowbridge, a socialist activist and 
heiress from Boston, who paid his bail, married him, and escaped with to England. Although 
Praxedis cut off communication with Manuel over this decision to elope, Sarabia 
nonetheless would circulate Guerrero's writings throughout much of the European 
continent.[7]Praxedis had his first meeting with Ricardo, Antonio, and Librado in the Los 
Angeles jail in November 1907; the next month, he was named Second Secretary of the 
Organizational Council. Revolución was subsequently shut down, its press destroyed and its 
editors incarcerated by L.A. police acting on behalf of the Mexican State. Whereas 
Praxedis and Enrique saw the light of day thanks to the efforts of their co-editor Modesto 
Díaz died in prison.[8]

Seeking to relaunch the Revolution against Díaz, Praxedis left Los Angeles with Francisco 
Manrique for El Paso, where they organized a widespread insurrection in Mexico, set for 
24-25 June 1908. Guerrero commanded some sixty armed Liberal groups divided across five 
geographical zones comprising Mexico that were prepared to revolt.[9]Nonetheless, as in 
the case of the uprising organized two years prior, this new revolutionary plan was 
largely foiled by the two States' transnational spy network: hundreds of conspirators were 
arrested and sent to the San Juan de Ulúa prison in Veracruz, where many perished. Still, 
Liberal forces managed to engage in three battles against federal troops during this time: 
in Las Vacas, Coahuila, a village which the Liberals likely would have taken, had they not 
run out of ammunition during the firefight; Viesca, Coahuila, where the insurgents 
liberated the local jail, expropriated State funds, and proclaimed the PLM's program, but 
were driven out by Díaz's forces; and Palomas, Chihuahua, an attack that Praxedis 
personally led, but which led to the death of his comrade Francisco. Guerrero commemorates 
these three revolutionary episodes in heroic chronicles translated in this volume. The 
pathos permeating the "Palomas" chronicle celebrates Francisco's martyrdom, serving both 
to foreshadow Guerrero's own end and to laud the revolutionary commitment of his childhood 
friend, who, like Praxedis, had been born into wealth but who had repudiated such 
privilege to dedicate himself wholeheartedly to the struggle.

Despite the failures of the 1908 uprisings, Guerrero continued organizing the Revolution 
unfazed. In early 1909, he traveled to central and southern Mexico on a mission authorized 
by the Council to coordinate a new simultaneous uprising on both sides of the border. 
During this trip, he also visited his family in Guanajuato for the last time, announcing 
to them that he had become a vegetarian because "it hurt him that animals were sacrificed" 
and that he renounced the inheritance left to him by his late father for being 
inconsistent with anarchism.[10]Upon return to the U.S., he undertook a tour of the 
Midwest to request support from the Socialist Party for the coming Revolution. By this 
time, U.S. and Mexican authorities had come to realize the threat posed by Guerrero, with 
the Mexican consul referring to him as the "revoltoso chief" and the Secretary of State 
identifying him as a "notorious revolutionist who is still at large."[11]In fact, in 
Houston in early 1910, the militant narrowly escaped capture at the hands of a U.S. 
marshal by reportedly climbing out a third-story hotel window.

Thereafter, in El Paso, Praxedis founded Punto Rojo ("Flash Point") as a successor to 
Revolución, and this periodical enjoyed an estimated weekly circulation of ten-thousand 
copies, primarily among Mexican laborers in the U.S. Southwest. Guerrero also founded the 
Pan-American Labor League in San Antonio in the summer of 1910. Once Ricardo, Antonio, and 
Librado were released from prison in August 1910, Praxedis left Texas for Los Angeles, 
where the Organizational Council was reconstituted and Regeneración relaunched. Guerrero 
had dozens of his most important articles published in this newspaper during the three 
months he spent with his comrades before his final departure, and several more were 
published in its pages posthumously.

Upon the proclamation of the Mexican Revolution in November 1910, as issued by Magón's 
reformist rival Francisco I. Madero, Liberal combat-units were activated throughout much 
of the country: in Sonora, Chihuahua, Tlaxcala, Morelos, Durango, Oaxaca, Tabasco, and 
Veracruz. Believing that his aloofness from the battlefield contradicted his anarchist 
principles, Praxedis departed Los Angeles for El Paso to join the Revolution, much to the 
consternation of Magón and other comrades on the Council. Leading a group of insurgents 
who flew the red flag emblazoned with the slogan Tierra y Libertad across the border into 
Mexico on December 19, Guerrero had planned to liberate a number of communities in 
Chihuahua before marching on the state's capital city.

After having attacked the Cruz González hacienda and taking the train south to Guzmán 
station, destroying bridges along the way, the rebels divided into two groups, with the 
column commanded by Praxedis attempting first to take Casas Grandes. Such a task appeared 
impossible due to the vast discrepancy in forces between the Liberals and federal troops, 
so the insurgents retreated northwest to the town of Janos, which they took on December 30 
after fierce fighting. Nevertheless, federal reinforcements arrived shortly after this 
victory, and it was during this battle that Guerrero and some eleven other militants lost 
their lives. Greatly moved by the deaths of their comrades, the Liberal troops repelled 
the reinforcements, though they ultimately had to withdraw and leave the bodies of 
Guerrero and the others behind. Thus ended the life of Praxedis, the revolutionary 
anarcho-communist whose existence "had given off such intense light."[12]

[1]See "A Letter from Ricardo Flores Magón" in this volume.

[2]Ward S. Albro, To Die on Your Feet: The Life, Times, and Writings of Praxedis G. 
Guerrero (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University, 1996), 2.

[3]See "A Letter from Ricardo Flores Magón."

[4]The ahuizote (from the Nahuatl ahuitzotl, "spiky aquatic thing") is a creature from 
Aztec legend that likely refers to the axolotl (Ambystoma mexicanum), an amphibian species 
that characteristically does not metamorphose upon maturation.

[5]Diego Abad de Santillán, Ricardo Flores Magón: El apóstol de la Revolución mexicana 
(México, D.F.: Editorial RedeZ, "Tejiendo la Utopía," 2011), 26; Claudio Lomnitz, The 
Return of Comrade Ricardo Flores Magón (New York: Zone Books, 2014), 83.

[6]Albro, 138.

[7]Ibid, 112.

[8]Ibid, 35-37.

[9]Benjamin Maldonado, "Biographical Sketch" in Dreams of Freedom: A Ricardo Flores Magón 
Reader, eds. Chaz Bufe and Mitchell Cowen Verter (Oakland: AK Press, 2005), 83.

[10]Eugenio Martínez Núñez, La vida heroica de Práxedis G. Guerrero (México: Instituto 
Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución, 1960), 51.

[11]Albro, 55-59.

[12]Ricardo Flores Magón, "Praxedis G. Guerrero," in this volume.

"Passivity and Rebellion," from Punto Rojo no. 3 (29 August 1909)
In the damp corners of miserable dwellings are produced dark, viscous beings, often 
clumsy, who also engage in the struggle for life, exploiting the environment that produces 
them-the infected, noxious, unwholesome mire-without which their existence would not 
provoke the disgust of beings who grew in different environments.

It is possible that the bug comes to believe itself, in good faith, the protector and 
savior of the black, humid corner and that it endeavors to prevent the sun and the broom 
from entering, revolutionizing, and transforming the medium by destroying it and its 
products. Doing so fulfills its duty of self-preservation, because where would it go 
without miasmas, darkness, and putrefaction? Passivity writhes in resistance to the 
progressive impulse of revolution.

The myriapoda[1]and the arachnids, the scorpions and burying beetles-the world of vermin 
living off the poverty of the people-practice postures and skillful slitherings to dodge 
and delay the blow of the broom and the rays of the sun.

They defend their environment of conventionalism and enervation, because it guarantees 
their vitality to the constant detriment of the mass of producers.

The quiescent ones raise an outcry calling themselves apostles of evolution, condemning 
everything that has any hint of rebelliousness; they appeal to fear and make pathetic 
patriotic calls; they resort to ignorance and go so far as to advise the people to let 
themselves be murdered and insulted during the next round of elections, to again and again 
peacefully exercise their right to vote, so that the tyrants mock them and assassinate 
them over and over. No mention of leaving the fetid corner, which they propose to improve 
by adding more and more filth, more and more cowardice.

A somersault within a cubic centimeter of slime, they say, represents a salvational 
evolution, a peaceful and necessary evolution-necessary, that is, to those who are in 
their element, in the medium that creates and nurtures them-but not for those of us who 
seek a pure, clean, and healthy environment, one that only the Revolution can create by 
destroying the existing despots as well as, very essentially, the socio-economic 
conditions that have produced them and that would cause new ones to sprout, if we were 
foolish enough to only end the effects and to allow the causes to remain-that is, if we 
were to evolve as do they, the inert ones, taking a dive in their cubic centimeter of mud.

True evolution that will improve of the lives of Mexicans, rather than their parasites, 
will come with the Revolution. The two complement each other, and the former cannot 
coexist with the anachronisms and subterfuges that the redeemers of passivity employ today.

To evolve we must be free, and we cannot have freedom if we are not rebels, because no 
tyrant whatsoever has respected passive people. Never has a flock of sheep instilled the 
majesty of its harmless number upon the wolf that craftily devours them, caring for no 
right other than that of his teeth.

We must arm ourselves, not using the useless vote that will always be worth only as much 
as a tyrant wants, but rather with effective and less naive weapons whose utilization will 
bring us ascendant evolution instead of the regressive one praised by pacifist activists.

Passivity, never! Rebellion-now and always.

[1]A subphylum of arthropods that includes centipedes and millipedes.

"Blow," from Regeneración no. 3 (fourth edition), 17 September 1910
The pacified multitudes made a noise like a flock at the shearer's shop; brutality, 
infamy, flattery, lies, and vanity surrounded me; my nerves exhausted me; I fled from the 
city because I felt imprisoned there, and I came to this solitary rock which will be the 
mausoleum of my frustrations. I am alone at last; the city and its noises remained very 
far away; I am free from them. I will breathe another environment; the murmur of nature 
will be the sweet song that my ears hear.

Standing atop the high ledge, the vagabond smiles.

A light breeze arrived; and into the vagabond's lungs something asphyxiating penetrated; 
he heard a strange voice moaning in his mop of coarse hair.

"From where do you come, light breeze, you who cause anxiety and mad sorrows?"

"I come from a long pilgrimage. I passed by the cabins of the peasants and I saw how these 
slaves are born and raised; with my subtle fingers I touched the coatless flesh of the 
little ones, the gaunt and droopy breasts of the ugly mothers, brutalized by poverty and 
abuse; I touched the features of hunger and of ignorance; I passed through the palaces and 
recovered the grunt of envy, the belching of excess, the sound of the coins counted 
feverishly by the greedy, the echo of the orders that kill freedom. I felt in my hand 
invisible tapestries, golden marble, and jewels that adorn to give worth to worthless 
people. I passed by the factories, workshops, and fields, and I was soaked with the 
saltiness of unrewarded sweat; I allowed myself the briefest peek into the mines and 
collected the tired breath of thousands of men. I went through the naves of churches and 
found crime and laziness moralizing; I took from there the acrid smells of evil incense. I 
slid through the prisons and I caressed childhood prostituted by the justice system, 
thought enchained in dungeons, and I saw how myriads of little insects eat the flesh of 
larger insects. I forced my way into barracks and saw in their quarters humiliation, 
brutality, repulsive vices, an academy of murder. I entered school classrooms and saw 
science befriending error and prejudice; I saw intelligent youth fighting to acquire 
certificates of exploiters, and I saw in the books the iniquitous law that gives the right 
to violate all rights. I passed through the valleys, through mountain ranges; I whistled 
in the tyrants' lyre, formed with the taut ropes of those hanged from forest branches. I 
carry pain, I carry bitterness, and for that reason I moan; I carry resignation, I come 
from the world, and for this reason I am asphyxiated."

"Go then, light breeze; I want to be alone."

The breeze left, but human anguish remained trapped in the coarse mane of the vagabond.

Another wind arrived then in strong gusts, intense and

"Who are you? Where do you come from?"

"I come from all the corners of the world; I carry the just future; I am the breath of the 

"Blow, hurricane; comb my hair with your terrible fingers. Blow, gale, blow over the cliff 
and valleys and in the abysses, and turn through the mountains; tear down these barracks 
and these
churches; destroy these prisons; shake that resignation; dissolve  those clouds of 
incense; break the branches of those trees from which the oppressors have made their 
lyres; awaken from that
ignorance; uproot those gold mines that represent a thousand misfortunes. Blow, hurricane, 
whirlwind, north wind, blow; lift those passive sands upon which camels' hooves and 
serpents' bellies
tread, and turn them into burning projectiles. Blow, blow, so that when the breeze 
returns, it does not leave the horrible anguish of human slavery imprisoned in my head."

"Darknesses," from Regeneración no. 4 (fourth edition), 24 September 1910
The shadow is a shroud for impostures, vanity, and glitter; it is for that reason that so 
many hate it.

The shadow kills the useless beauty of the precious stones that captivate primitive minds.

In the shadows are born the tempests and revolutions that destroy but also fertilize.

Coal, a dark rock that stains the hands that touch it, is strength, light, and movement 
when it roars in the fire of the cauldron.

The rebellion of the dark proletariat is progress, liberty, and science when this vibrates 
in its fists and shakes in its minds.

In the depth of the darkness, beings take form, and the palpitations of life begin.

In the belly of the furrow germinates the seed.

The darkness of the cloud is the fertility of the fields; the darkness of the rebel is the 
freedom of the people.

If you enjoyed this biographical piece on a historic anarchist figure then we recommend 
"Mikhail Bakunin, 1814-1876: Biography, Readings and Quotes" and "Brazilian Bakunin: 
Anarchist Militant Domingos Passos."



Message: 2

The CNT union showed its absolute "dismay and repugnance" at the performance of the 
Pamplona Tribunal, which decreed the provisional freedom of the members of "La Manada". 
"We share the anger generated and we call to convert the indignation into a permanent 
struggle against the patriarchal system that the State brings in its genes, " said the 
anarcho-syndicalist organization. ---- Likewise, the CNT warned that what happened around 
"La Manada" once again brings into focus an unquestionable reality: for what and for whom 
courts and prisons are made. " This same judicial system is what harasses and ruins the 
lives of eight young people in Altsasu thanks to a police setup, or also what persecutes 
rapists and criminalizes social protest, " the union stressed.

" Justice is nothing more than injustice, and the state is nothing more than a gigantic 
macho, violent and patriarchal apparatus, " he said. In this context, the CNT also called 
for a " reflection " on the current system, " a system that engenders monsters like the 
members of La Manada and places machist and misogynist judges in the courts of 'injustice'.

The anarcho-syndicalist center showed its " support, support and affection " towards all 
the militants of the feminist movement that today take to the streets " to shout against 
this injustice and to defend their rights ". " You, sisters, are essential and 
indispensable to build another model of society, freer and more human, " he said.


Translation> Sol de Abril

>> Note:
Thousands of people demonstrated on Friday in different cities in Spain in repudiation of 
the release of "La Manada", five young women who sexually abused a young woman's group and 
who can return home waiting of the conviction at the second instance. The court in 
Pamplona, in charge of the case, ordered provisional release on bail of 6,000 euros for 
the five young Sevillans, who had already left the jail on Friday. The court had already 
caused scandal in April when it ruled at first instance. The judges ruled out rape in the 
acts committed by the accused, who successfully entered the prison at the San Firmino 
party gate in Pamplona in July 2016. Each of them was sentenced to nine years' 
imprisonment for "a continuing crime of sexual abuse",

Related Content:


anarchist-ana news agency


Message: 3

In the conditions set by the AKP-MHP alliance, the dominant 24 June elections, which were 
held at time and by rule, were concluded. We know very well that the election of 
democracy, even in its most ideal form, is a theater. But this time we are faced with a 
terrible production that has no credibility with its screenplay, its players, its 
decoration. ---- Thousands of people have been arrested for hundreds of journalists, 
students, lawyers, mayors and members of parliament for political reasons, hundreds of 
them have to go abroad, people have only to share in the social media, demand peace, 
criticize the president, we are talking about the conditions in which the media is taken 
almost entirely by the power, that it has been taken out of business and deprived of its 
fundamental rights, that there is no freedom of the press and freedom of expression.

This election has taken place under the oppressive conditions, which are becoming more and 
more severe with the OHAL, including the Kurds, especially the attacks against the 
independent observers and official observers, the attacks on the armed raids, the carrying 
of the polls, collective and repetitive voting and other acts. It is very clear that only 
a small fraction of the irregularities detected and recorded. Indications that the 
election is not legitimate even in the case of the election day in Suruc, where three 
people were killed by relatives of the AKP deputies a few days earlier.

However, as the AKP-MHP alliance began to celebrate without even knowing the results, the 
so-called opposition parties declared that they accepted the results without wasting any 
time. Despite the obvious results, the CHP candidate Muharrem Ince, despite such open 
irregularities, "I accept Erdogan won" he said. There was no objection from other parties. 
Recep Tayyip Erdogan said after the referendum on April 16th, "Üsküdar passed the horse." 
This time, "Bozacinin Sahidi Siraci." If the CHP or other so-called opposition parties are 
still waiting for a resistance step, they will be more disappointed. But if they accept 
the results, it does not change anything. We do not accept!

We said when the decision was taken; this mafia order in which they condemned us, the 
elections in this order are not legitimate, and these results are not legitimate either. 
There is no need for the AKP-MHP alliance to accept the results of the so-called 
opposition from the CHP. There is also no sign that the HDP participating in the election 
frenzy and the socialists trapped in the parliamentary area are succumbed to by 
parliamentary dignitaries. We do not accept!

We do not bow to this plane, which is required to be kept alive by lie, oppression and 
tyranny imposed on us. We will continue to endure poverty and hunger, to imbue the burden 
of the upcoming crises on the back of our laborers, to all kinds of national wars, to 
imperialist politics of racism, to the slaughter of women, to harassment, rape, child 
abuse and heterosexism. In TEKEL, in Greif, in Metal Storm, we see and show what we can do 
from our production. Despite the alleged opposition of the regime, we resisted the results 
of the fraudulent April 16 referendum, and we resisted in the street. On March 8th, on 
worst terms, we were on the street in the Onur Yursunlu. When we think of our silence, we 
are all Semih, we are all Nuriye. In front of the warriors of the war, we stood up, "We 
are occupied, our massacre is not a lokum."

We do what they do. We will continue to struggle for a world that is free, classes, no 
colonies of borders. We do not accept the darkness and the pessimism they want to drag us 
into, we will not!

Earth Post - Arahnia Black Flag



Message: 4

We are chatting with a collection of web-based bosses that serve as a database of dubious 
employers. ---- The Chiefs of Action project , the task of which is to monitor problematic 
employers, is an interesting revival in the context of Czech social activism. What are 
your short-term goals and long-term visions? ---- As far as the short-term goals are 
concerned, it is certainly the emergence of a database of problematic employers, because 
the start will be the most difficult. Once a number of articles are stacked, the project 
may work more or less spontaneously, but so far, the project needs to be promoted and 
created at least a certain database to build on, the project has been earnest and mainly 
spread among people who want to change jobs. In addition, we would like to create some 
guidance in the "Know Your Rights" section where people can simply learn what else the 
employer can do and when employees are abused who, for example, can not lose their jobs 
for reasons of existence, and so employers often allow too much. The long-term goals are 
not yet, we will be glad when the site will fulfill its purpose and people will share 
their experience.

What are you expecting from the project? Do you think that it is possible to build a 
really large database of "shambles", where there will be thousands of dubious employers?

We certainly think this is possible because we know very well from our own experience the 
working conditions in our regions. The only thing that needs to be broken is the social 
apathy for the current situation, when people tell you that it's just that nothing is done 
about it, and that we just live in such a world. Thanks to anonymity, people would not 
have to worry about sharing their experiences, and the public would have access to that 
information. The "shambles" themselves could at least kick a little to change, because the 
biggest problem is that they endlessly go through it when people do not have that information.

Often, this is also the so-called "over-worked" work carried out by people from lower 
social strata who need work for existential reasons and, for various reasons, do not 
achieve specific professions. Nothing else is left to them, which these employers know 
well and cynically abuse their critical situations. Last but not least, we believe that 
something is found everywhere, because the relationship between the employer and the 
employee is never balanced, which employers often use.

How to get project information among people? Let's assume that mass media will be as 
extreme as the defense of workers' rights, ignorant of it.

We assume that people will say about the project themselves, and raising awareness will 
increase the awareness of the project. We do not think that the defense of workers' rights 
would be something extremist, but it is true that this is not a very popular subject in 
our country. Evidence is the recent documentary by Sasha Uhlová and Apolena Rychlíková, 
who recorded working conditions in the worst-paid positions. The journalists and the 
middle classes could catch up, but any of the precarious workers in these things knows 
very well and most of these people have experienced themselves. As for mass media, of 
course, they do not tend to write too much about working conditions, but with the 
increasing resistance of workers it can change. Evidence is to inform the media of the 
various strikes that will take place from time to time in our environment. If people are 
silent, then there is nothing to write about, but if they sound loud,

Similar topics such as Chiefs of Magic are already underway in the Solidarity Network. 
What do the Chiefs of the Magnificent Will Differ?

The crucial difference is that Chiefs of Action do not have the ambition to solve these 
problems, but only to inform them. It is also a purely internet project, so its impact is 
only for people with access to the Internet. The project should also motivate people to 
avoid worrying about bad working conditions. Writing your own story may be the first step 
to changing your mind and letting some things happen again. Solidarity networks are 
turning people who are already committed to confronting employers and changing things for 
their benefit. This is a thing that people need to learn to change so that working 
conditions in our country are not so bad.

Some employees will send their experience anonymously, and there is a risk that unverified 
information will be untrue. Did you also discuss this option?

Of course, it occurred to us that it could happen, for example, in a competitive fight. 
For the time being, the platform's reach is not so large as to have a significant impact 
on the employer, so there are so far no measures to prevent it. For the time being, it is 
possible to discuss in comments under the article where the accused can be defended and in 
case of doubt the article can be downloaded. In the future, articles can be ranked 
according to the degree of credibility, so the reader will have the opportunity to find 
out how much information is credible and to make judgment itself. Last but not least, the 
truth can be a very subjective notion, so it will be difficult to say whether the employer 
is aggressive or the employee too hypersensitive. After all, we do not have the ambition 
to seek the truth, but to provide room for sharing the experience of people who have had 
poor experience at work.



Message: 5

On 20 January, 2017, thousands of people travelled to Washington DC to protest Donald 
Trump's inauguration, and hundreds marched in an anti-capitalist, anti-fascist rally 
organized by Disrupt J20. Nearly 200 participants in the Disrupt J20 protest were charged 
with felony rioting, which would have seen them facing up to 60 years in prison for 
protesting. ---- The charges have been dropped against most of the J20 defendants, and it 
was recently revealed that federal prosecutors were withholding evidence from the defense. 
44 defendants are still awaiting trial, and they need international support. The IWW North 
America sent out an international call for pickets at US embassies and strikes to raise 
the profile of the J20 trial on June 25th, which the FAU answered with a solidarity 
gathering in Berlin.

"We live in an era when fascists and white supremacists can attack us in the streets 
without legal consequence, but antifascists face over 60 years in prison for a 
demonstration. Do whatever you can to raise the profile of our courageous comrades who are 
facing down the forces of reaction." Was the message from the North American IWW General 
Executive Board.

No to Trump, no to fascism, solidarity with the J20 defendants!



Message: 6

On June 1, 2017, bourgeois justice has proven for the first time that it is completely 
blinded by a 13-year prison sentence for Ireanne and Pericles. This is a scandalous 
decision that the only evidence that was based was a low-grade genetic material in a gun 
magazine (in the case of Ireanna), and in a footprint on a book cover (in the case of 
Pericles). "Attempts", which were challenged and abolished by a number of experts in the 
appeals before. In essence, the accusation relates to the friendly-personal relationships 
that he had with Konstantinos P., who had previously been accused of involvement, in the 
Kernels of Fire, who was eventually acquitted. ---- 13 years of imprisonment was the price 
to maintain personal contacts with people who did not like the state and its judicial 
staff ... This kind of decision not only does not ruin us but comes to complete the 
puzzles of repression, in a similar way, as in the earlier prosecution of the mother and 
partner of Gerasimos Tsakalos, with the charge of suspecting a criminal. The 
criminalization of human relations was essentially the real motivation of the state, and 
in the case of Pericles and Ireanna

Let us not forget the following: It was a revivalist decision, which came to rescue the 
lost prestige of anti-terrorism, which had suffered a great blow by the acquittal of 
Tassos Theophilus (of course, absurdity has no bottom since his acquittal has recently 
been revoked) , a few days before their conviction. The corpse of judges, demonstrating 
with great dedication its "independent" debt, once again condemned human lives, unleashing 
all its fate, only to suspect relations with "suspicious" individuals.

In the meantime, from 1 June to the Appellate Court, applications for suspended release 
were preceded and rejected. On 21 March 2018, the Court of Appeal of the Pericles-Hieranne 
case began, with a view to a final decision on 28 May. As anarchists, we have to stand 
together in Hieran and Pericles until this kafk scenario ends, until their total 
vindication. On June 28, we will be next to them, along with the whole world of the fight, 
demanding nothing less than their final release.



Microphone Solidarity, Wednesday 27/6 19:00 Monastiraki

Anarchist Federation, Athens



Message: 7

Image: Chilean Frente de Estudiantes Libertarios (FEL) marching in 2013 with banner "10 
years building popular power." ---- Huerta grande, or "Large Orchard," was written in 1972 
as an internal discussion document of the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya, after the 
Tupamaros, a Guevarist group, had failed in their armed strategy of foquismo and right 
before the brutal military coup of June, 1973.  The piece looks at the nature of theory 
and strategy asserts that an essential aspect of revolutionary political organization was 
having a deep understanding of material reality informed by practical theory and political 
praxis. This may not seem new or novel but the implications of this have since had a 
profound impact on Latin American anarchism and become a seminal document of the 
Especifismo current.

The Federación Anarquista Uruguaya, known as the FAU, was founded in 1956 and was the 
first organization to promote the organizational concept of Especifismo (for more on 
Espeficismo see "Building a Revolutionary Anarchism" and "Especifismo: The Anarchist 
Praxis of Building Popular Movements and Revolutionary Organization in South America"). 
The FAU envisioned the purpose of their organization as the coordination of militants 
towards strategic "social insertion," which is the mobilization of militants to 
collectively with a common strategy building and within mass organizations and social 
movements towards the purpose of building a wide scale libertarian movement which could 
create a rupture with the state. In the decade of the 1960s the organization was crucial 
in the creation of the Uruguayan CNT, a national trade confederation which united 90 
percent of organized workers, the Worker-Student Resistance or ROE, a federation of 
militant workplace and student groups which numbered around 12,000 members, and the FAU's 
armed wing. the OPR-33. More recently in the last two decades the FAU has aided in the 
creation of several similar anarchist organizations in Brazil, Argentina, and Chile and 
has inspired other anarchist organizations around the world.

Note: The use of the term "party" here is consistent with how the term is used by Errico 
Malatesta: "by the word ‘party' we mean all who are on the same side, that is, who share 
the same general aspirations and who, in one way or another, struggle for the same ends 
against common adversaries and enemies."

Original English translation: Pedro Ribeiro (2009, Amanecer: For A Popular Anarchism, 
California), revisited translation by Gabriel Ascui (2018, SOL, Chile).

"Huerta Grande"
To understand what is going on (the conjuncture), it is necessary to think correctly. To 
think correctly means to order and adequately treat the data that is produced about 
reality in huge bulks.

To think correctly is an indispensable condition to correctly analyze what is going on in 
a country in a given moment of this or another country's history. This demands 
instruments. For our task, the instruments are concepts and to think coherently, a series 
of concepts coherently articulated between them is required. Thus, a system of concepts, a 
theory, is required.

Without a theory one runs the risk of examining every problem individually, in isolation, 
starting from points of views that can be different in each case, or examining them based 
on subjectivity, guesses or presentation, etc.

The party was able to avoid serious mistakes because we have been able to think based on 
concepts that have an important level of coherence. It has also made serious mistakes due 
to insufficient development of our theoretical thinking as an organization.

To propose a program, we must know the economic, political and ideological reality of our 
country. The same is necessary in order to create a political line that is sufficiently 
clear and concrete. If we have insufficient or incorrect knowledge, we will not have a 
program but only a very general line, difficult to implement at all the places the party 
is inserted. If there is no clear line, there is no efficient political practice. The 
political will of the party then runs the risk of getting diluted, "voluntarism" in action 
ends up becoming just doing whatever comes up out of sheer good will, but does not 
determine the outcome of events, based on its inaccurate previsualization. We are 
determined by them[the events]and by them we act spontaneously.

Without a line for the theoretical work, an organization, no matter how big it is, will be 
bewildered by circumstances that it cannot affect nor comprehend. The political line 
requires a program, understood as the goals to be achieved at each stage. The program 
indicates which forces are favorable, which ones are the enemy and which ones are only 
temporary allies. But in order to know this, we must know profoundly the reality of the 
country. Therefore, to acquire this knowledge now is a task of the highest priority. And 
in order to know, we need theory.

The party needs a clear picture in order to be able to think coherently about the country 
and the region and the struggles of the international workers movements throughout 
history. We must have an efficient framework to organize and rank the growing mass of data 
regarding our economic, political and ideological reality.

We must have a method to analyze this data, to see which is more important, which ones 
must come first and which ones later, in order to correctly marshal our forces in this 
insertion front. A conceptual scheme that allows us to connect one thing to another in a 
systematic and coherent order is vital to our goals as militants of our party. Such a 
scheme must be able to draw examples of how to act using these concepts for others that 
act in other realities.

But this work of knowing our country we must do it ourselves because nobody is going to do 
it for us.

We are not proposing inventing theoretical schemes from scratch. We are not going to 
create a new theory and all of its ramifications. The reason for this is the general 
backwardness of the milieu and its specialized institutions and our lack of availability 
to take on this task.

Therefore, we must take theory as it is elaborated, critically analyzing it. We cannot 
just accept any theory with blind eyes, without criticism, as if it was a dogma.

We want to realize a complete transformation of our country and will not adopt as a way of 
thinking theory created by the bourgeoisie. With bourgeois conceptions, we will think as 
the bourgeoisie wants us to think.

We want to study and think about Uruguay and the region as revolutionaries. Therefore, 
amongst the elements that are part of the different socialist currents, we will adopt 
always those elements that aid us in doing exactly that: to think and analyze as 
revolutionaries, the country, the region, and other regions and experiences.

We will not adopt a theory just because it is fashionable. To live repeating "quotes" that 
others said in other places, in another time, regarding other situations and problems is 
not theory. Only charlatans use it like this.

Theory is an instrument, a tool, that serves a purpose. It exists to produce the knowledge 
that we need to produce. The first thing that we care about knowing is our country. If it 
is not capable to produce new helpful knowledge for our political practice, theory is 
absolutely useless, it is only a theme for idle babble, for sterile ideological polemics.

Someone who buys a big modern machine instead of working on it, that spends all day 
talking about it, is playing a bad role, is a charlatan. Just like the one that, having 
the machine available and would rather do it by hand, because "that's how it was done 

Image: Rally of FUNSA members in circa 2004 , a tire workers union which FAU historically 
played a strong role and which participated in various general strikes and factory 
Some Differences Between Theory and Ideology
It is important to point out a few differences between what has commonly been called 
theory and ideology.

Theory aims for the elaboration of conceptual instruments used to think rigorously and 
profoundly understand the concrete reality. It is in this sense, that we can refer to 
theory as an equivalent to a science.

Ideology, on the other hand, is made up of elements of a non-scientific nature, which 
contribute dynamism to action based on circumstance that, although having something to do 
with the objective conditions, do not strictly emerge from them. Ideology is conditioned 
by objective conditions although not mechanically determined by them.

The profound and rigorous analysis of a concrete situation, in its real and objective 
terms, is a theoretical analysis as scientific as possible. The expression of motivations, 
the proposal of objectives, of aspirations, of ideal goals - all of that belongs to the 
field of ideology.

Theory refines and defines the conditioning elements of political action, as ideology 
motivates, impulses, and configures its "ideal" goals and style.

Between theory and ideology there is a very tight connection, as the proposals of the 
second are founded and supported by the conclusions of the theoretical analysis. The 
efficiency of an ideology as a motor for political action is as much as it's firmly based 
in the conclusions of theory.

The Reach of Theoretical Work
Theoretical work is always a work that is based and supported in the real processes, in 
what goes on in the historical reality, in what happens. Nevertheless, since it is work 
that is located completely in the realm of thought, and therefore, there are no concepts 
there that are more real than others.

It is important to point out two basic propositions:

The distinction between the existing, concrete reality, between the real, historical 
processes and on the other hand the processes acquired from knowledge and understanding of 
that reality. In other words, it is necessary to affirm the difference between being and 
thought, between reality as it is, and what we can know about it.
The primacy of being over thought, of reality over knowledge. In another words, the 
sequence of events is more important - it weighs more as a determinant -in what actually 
happens in reality than what we think or know about this reality.
Starting from these basic affirmations, it is important to understand the precise reaches 
of theoretical work, that is, the effort of knowledge guided by the purpose of acquiring 
rigorous, scientific knowledge.

Theoretical work is always based in a pre-determined raw material.[Theory]does not come 
out of the real concrete reality as such, but comes out of information, data and notion of 
that reality. This primary material is treated, in the process of the theoretical work, by 
certain useful concepts and certain instruments of thought. The product of this treatment 
is knowledge.

In other words, there are only real, concrete and singular objects (determined by 
historical situations, determined societies, determined times). The process of theoretical 
work seeks to know them.

Sometimes theoretical work aims towards abstract objects that do not exist in reality, 
that only exist in thought, and however are indispensable instruments, a pre-condition in 
order to know real objects (for example the concept of social classes, etc.). In the 
production of knowledge, raw material is transformed (superficial perception of reality) 
into a product (a rigorous scientific knowledge about it).

The term "scientific knowledge" must be defined in its relationship with the social 
reality. Applied to reality, it alludes to its comprehension in rigorous terminology, the 
best approximation to reality as it is.

It must be said that this process of comprehending the social reality, as with any other 
real object of study, is susceptible to an infinite theoretical depth. As physics, 
chemistry and other sciences can infinitely deepen their knowledge about the realities 
that constitute their respective objects of study, in the same manner social science can 
indefinitely deepen knowledge about social reality. Therefore, it is inadequate to expect 
a "finished" knowledge of social reality in order to start acting on it in order to change 
it. Nor less inadequate is trying to change it without profoundly knowing it.

Rigorous scientific knowledge of social reality, of social structure, is only achieved 
through working with information, statistics data, etc., through the means of more 
abstract conceptual instruments, given and constituted in theory. Through practice of 
theoretical work we seek the production of these conceptual instruments, each time more 
precise and concrete, leading us to knowledge of the specific reality of our surroundings.

Only through an adequate theoretical comprehension, profound and scientific, can 
ideological elements be developed (aspirations, values, ideals, etc.) that constitute 
adequate means for the transformation of this social reality with coherence of principles 
and efficiency into political practice.

Political Praxis and Knowing Reality
An efficient political practice therefore demands: knowledge of reality (theory), the 
harmonious postulation of it with the objective values of transformation (ideology) and 
concrete political means for attaining such transformation (political practice). The three 
elements are fused in a dialectical unit that constitutes the effort for transformation 
that the party aims for.

One may ask: Should we wait for a finished theoretical development in order to start 
acting? No. Theoretical development is not an academic problem, it does not start from 
zero. It is founded, motivated and developed by the existence of ideological values and of 
a political practice. More or less correct, more or less incorrect, these elements exist 
historically before theory and motivate its development.

The class struggle has existed long before its theoretical conceptualization. The struggle 
of the exploited did not wait for the elaboration of a theoretical work. Its existence 
precedes knowledge about it, it was there before being known about, before the theoretical 
analysis of its existence.

Therefore, from this basic statement, it becomes fundamental and essential to act, to have 
a political praxis. Only through[praxis], through its concrete existence in the 
established conditions of its development, can we elaborate a useful theoretical 
framework. A framework that is not a worthless accumulation of abstract statements with 
some coherence in its internal logic, but without any coherence with the development of 
the real processes. To theorize efficiently, it is precise to act.

Can we do away with theory with the excuse of practical urgency? No. There may exist, 
shall we say, a political praxis founded solely in ideological criteria, thus, unfounded 
or insufficiently founded in adequate theoretical analysis. That is common in our environment.

Nobody can argue that, in our reality or the reality of our[Latin]America region, an 
adequate theoretical analysis exists, that is a sufficiently conceptualized comprehension, 
not even close. This ascertainment also applies to the rest of our reality. Theory is only 
in its initial stages. However, for decades and decades there have been struggles, a 
confrontation. This understanding should not lead us to disdain the fundamental importance 
of theoretical work.

To the question previously asked we must then answer: The priority is praxis, but how 
effective this praxis is depends on a more rigorous knowledge of reality.

In a reality like ours, in the social formation of our country, theoretical development 
must start, as in everywhere, from a group of efficient theoretical concepts, operating on 
data as massive as possible, that will constitute the raw material for theoretical 

Data on its own, examined in isolation, without an adequate theoretical conceptual 
treatment does not adequately represent reality. It simply decorates and dissimulates the 
ideologies in which service this data is functionalized.

The abstract concepts, in and of themselves, adequate background information, do not give 
further knowledge of reality either.

The theoretical work that exist in our country usually fluctuates between these two 
incorrect extremes.

For a related theory and strategy articles we recommend "For a Theory of Strategy by CAB 
(Brazil)," and "The Problems Posed by the Concrete Class Struggle and Popular 
Organization." For a contemporary analysis of the US by Black Rose/Rosa Negra we recommend 
"Below and Beyond Trump: Power and Counter Power" written in 2017.