Today's 5 Topics:
1. Chile, periodico-solidaridad: In the UDP: from a new form of
politics we build a new society By Natalia Riquelme Campos, a
member of The Lump-Feminist Action Libertaria (ca) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - policy, Youth: The
mobilization is increasing and repression! (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Britain, Glasgow AF: The Hunger Games & Revolution: a
dystopian society & revolution to learn from? Tues 22nd
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. i-f-a.org: Congress of the International of Anarchists
Federation (IAF). (ca, fr) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Zabalaza News - African Anarchist Collective Tokologo #5/6:
"Seek Ye First the Political Kingdom"? Learning from Kwame
Nkrumah's Failures in Ghana" (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
2014 were held the first elections of the Federation of Students of the University Diego
Portales in which new Chilean left alternatives reached the main space college student
representation. This victory promised not only breathe new life into student politics of
the UDP, but also brought with it the promise of talk about feminism as what it is: the
way of understanding life in which women, trans, lesbians and homosexuals deserve to live
free of stereotypes and violence. Thus, in an unprecedented attempt to start talking about
gender and sexuality from the federation, it is an open space, horizontal, autonomous and
sisterly participation, Gender and Sexualities Investigation Board of FEDEP is formed.
---- Due to its characteristics, it was expected that this project confluyeran and diverse
opinions on issues that would play VOGESEX met. After meetings open space not only
students participated base, so did militants of a wide range of political organizations.
We had only a few months to make urgent, discuss what concrete slope and formal
materialization of space within the institution and students. Thus, split into three
levels work that would make the VOGESEX: install a dissident and classist feminism by
discussions of patriarchy as a structural axis of domination, achieve concrete and
material you earned on when sexuality and non - sexist education for and college students,
and generate dialectical relations with student organizations and workers '
representation. Finally, most of our efforts were turned over to the discussion, training
and self - training he had as objective empower and free from bias feminism from which we
fight.
But undoubtedly the greatest lesson for us to have participated in the VOGESEX is to build
a revolutionary new way of doing politics; a policy where participants it left behind the
door the interests of their militancy if they had, where no posicionábamos our positions
but with genuine humility learned from each other, where what really mattered was to
feminism. We were not looking to reach consensus but to create a whole. It was gaining
strength a personal and honest dialogue where not only respected the views of others, we
understood and embraced from the everyday violence that we live as women and sexual
dissidents. Since that sisterhood is achieved only by interpreting policy critically and
our personal experiences and those of our partners, understanding the importance and the
liberating potential of feminism in our political activities and our lives. There was no
time for tactical disputes, reception and feminism in students and up to then had
subestimado- social reach us so busy and excited generating debate about gender violence,
non - sexist education, sexual and reproductive health and sexual dissidence, that we did
not realize that in our hands and before our eyes was a feminist praxis of student
politics that from the wisdom of experience that gives us the everyday content endowing
our political work.
This year we organize ourselves to further promote horizontal discussion between
revolutionary feminist currents, to present proposals for a non-sexist, inclusive and
respectful of differences university, and to build relationships of mutual support with
the federation, councils, student centers and unions all this again from a more human,
more subjective political and from a forged by all and all knowledge. Implement because
feminism is right and necessary, and because there is still a long road ahead. Today, we
understood that it is not enough only recognized feminist; through the de-masculinization
of politics we can transform our interpersonal relationships and with them, our insertion
space, our environment and our society.
We move when we organize!
Put up fighting!
http://www.periodico-solidaridad.cl/2016/03/20/en-la-udp-desde-una-nueva-forma-de-hacer-politica-construimos-una-nueva-sociedad/
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Message: 2
This weekend, the first National Student Coordination takes place at Paris-VIII. The
mobilization is yet to massify in the universities but new militant teams already
emerging, it is also the case in high schools or self-organization is at work. In
parallel, the striking font: mourns more than 30 arrests across France and many and many
injured in Nantes, Rennes, Paris, Marseille ... ---- Thursday, March 17, mobilization of
youth against the labor law entered a new phase. These are 150,000 "young people" who took
to the streets, backed by salarié.es delegations The big battalions was this time provided
by high schools, nearly 200 were blocked early, more than twice the March 9th. ---- The
mobilization in the universities and high schools is amplified in a week. It is structured
and massifies gradually.
Some universities had decided to close some sites, as at Tolbiac in Paris-I, Victory for
Bordeaux or Lyon. These administrative closures are aimed at emptying the facs and thus
prevent étudiant.es to organize it. Worse, the police intervened on several campuses in
Lyon-II, Strasbourg or to Tolbiac where she showed a particular violence. The state of
emergency as a pretext to university presidents and rectors to justify repression. This is
unacceptable and accounts should be made.
Police repression has also touched the demonstrations, with over 30 arrests across France
and many and many injured in Nantes, Rennes, Paris, Marseille ... But repression will not
impede the determination to fight against the draft criminal law. Witness the electric
atmosphere in the demonstrations yesterday, in large and small cities. An atmosphere of
movement that we had not felt in years!
This weekend, the first National Student Coordination takes place at Paris-VIII, occupied
since the beginning of the week. The mobilization is yet to massify in the universities
but new militant teams already emerging, it is also the case in high schools or
self-organization is at work.
A new day will be held on March 24 to us to make it a success for continuing to raise the
pressure to March 31, Interprofessional day strike.
AL demands the immediate release of protesters arrested es and abandonment of prosecution.
Alternative Libertaire, March 18, 2016
Photo: Demonstration on 17 March 2016 in Paris. DC John Paul Romani / Photo of the social
movement
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Jeunesse-La-mobilisation-s
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Message: 3
When I finally read the Hunger Games trilogy last year, I discovered that suddenly I was
having conversations about revolution with people I had never even discussed politics with
before. Positive, fun conversations. This talk and discussion will take a light-hearted
look at how the dystopian society in The Hunger Games resembles our own, and how it
doesn’t, and what is exciting about the revolution in the Hunger Games and what isn’t,
from (of course) an anarchist communist perspective. This will be full of spoilers, but
won’t contain full plot summaries, so if you haven’t got a clue what happens yet in the
Hunger Games, you might like to acquaint yourself with the books or films to participate
in discussion. Listeners are of course still welcome.
This event is hosted by Glasgow AF. We ask that all those attending this event read the
brief introduction to our safer spaces policy here:
https://glasgowanarchists.wordpress.com/2016/03/20/the-hunger-games-revolution-a-dystopian-society-revolution-to-learn-from-tues-22nd/
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Message: 4
The Tenth Congress of the International of Anarchists Federation (IAF) will be held from 4
to 7 August 2016 (Thursday to Sunday), in Frankfurt, Germany. ---- The last congress of
the IFA was held during the International anarchist Gathering in St-Imier (Switzerland) in
2012. This Gathering, initiated by the Anarchist Federation (FA), the Libertarian
Federation of Mountains (FLM) and Espace Noir (St-Imier) had brought together thousands of
anarchists around the world for discussions, concerts, films, exhibitions, workshops,
round tables, etc. ---- The success of the event is due to the strong investment of
members of the Anarchist Federation, Libertarian Federation of Mountains (FLM) and Espace
Noir (St-Imier) but also the involvement of the International of Anarchist Federations
(IAF) and the Anarkismo network. This involvement has allowed all the "families" of
anarchism are represented. Delegations came from all continents.
These meetings provided to structure knowledge networks and solidarity. They have given
rise to various projects.
Following this Gathering, the International of Anarchist Federations (IAF) participated,
supported and / or initiated Mediterranean anarchists Gathering (Tunisia, Greece), Balkan
anarchist Meeting (Greece, Slovenia), the Meeting of the anarchists radios (Slovenia ,
Germany), etc.
The International of Anarchist Federations (IAF) has supported the creation of the
Anarchist Federation of Central American and Caribbean (FACC), and anarchists of Cuba in
particular.
The International of Anarchist Federations (IAF) supports the revolutionary struggles in
Kurdistan (Rojava).
The International of Anarchist Federations (IAF) has maintained close relations with the
anarchists of Mexico, Brazil and Latin America in general. These relationships have helped
the initiation of a federal anarchist process in Brazil.
This translates into the demand for membership of the International of Anarchist
Federations (IAF) of the Liga anarquista of Rio de Janeiro (Liga-rj), the Anarchist
Federation of Mexico (FAM) and local Anarchist Federation Valdivia Chile (FALV). These
memberships will be validated at the next congress.
At that Congress, in addition to the reception of new memberships and reflections on the
development of the International of Anarchist Federations (IAF), it will analyze the
overall economic and social situation, the issues around the situation of refugees,
internal and external policies of war, nationalism.
Emphasis will be made to the feminist issue and particularly the implementation of safe-space.
Anarchist greetings,
IAF Secretary
http://i-f-a.org/index.php/congress-document/750-congress-of-the-international-of-anarchists-federation-iaf
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Message: 5
CONTRIBUTORS: LUCKY, MTHAMBEKI, NKULULEKO, NONZUKISO, PITSO, SIXOKA, WARREN ---- Ghana,
West Africa, was a British colony called "Gold Coast" until 1957. It became the first
independent country in "black" Africa after reforms and struggles in the 1940s and 1950s.
The new president, the brilliant Kwame Nkrumah, and his Convention People's Party (CPP),
had fought for independence. Now they aimed at major changes in the society, even speaking
of socialism. And Nkrumah proposed a united African government for the continent:
Pan-Africanism. ---- But by the mid-1960s, hopes were fading. There were good reforms in
education and services and self- respect for Africans that helped remove colonialism's
damages. But the CPP has become a dictatorship, with a personality cult around Nkrumah.
Unions and struggles were suppressed. The economy was in trouble. A new elite hijacked
independence and resources. When the military seized power in 1966, people celebrated in
the streets. Today Ghana is one of the poorest African countries.
What went wrong and what can we, anarchists in Africa, learn from this experience?
Nkrumah's is the key model for African nationalists, and the test case showing the
strengths and limits of African nationalism as a project - a project based on building
multi-class parties, to capture the state, with the enemy seen primarily in terms of
imperialism, and colonialism, with the solution seen as an independent state.
So, the lessons of Ghana are essential and remain widely applicable to countries like
South Africa, where African nationalism has been and remains a very powerful current. We
can learn, most of all, that revolutions and struggles are easily hijacked by elites for
their own purposes. These purposes always go against the interests of the masses.
Using the state is the sure way to create a new elite. Nkrumah's slogan, "Seek ye first
the political kingdom and all things shall be added unto you," is not useful. We say
instead: All power to the working and poor people.
BRITISH COLONIAL GHANA
The “Gold Coast” colony included African societies like the Asante kingdom (empire), which
had class divisions, a ruling elite, and a history of slavery and slave trading. The
colony was ruled by British offficials, African kings and chiefs, and the small African
educated and business elite linked to mission and state schools.
But Britain was in charge. Society was top-down. There was no pretence of “democracy.”
Although the British provided railways and hospitals, there was much poverty and racism.
The economy was based on selling raw materials (metals and cash crops) to Britain. This
meant it depended on British prices, and these were often low and there was always
pressure by the British state to produce more.
DECOLONISATION
After World War Two (1939-1945) there was massive unrest by the unemployed in the in
Sekondi-Takoradi (“Tadi”) port zone and Accra, by farmers and black ex- soldiers.There
were riots in 1948 after 3 people were shot at a march in Accra. The Trade Union Congress
(TUC) formed 1945, called a general strike in 1950.
Britain started political reforms in the 1940s, allowing unions (1941) and then allowing
more elected representatives in the Legislative Council (1946) but these were elections by
chiefs
The elite-led United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) (1947) wanted electoral reforms, moving
the chiefs aside, so the businessmen who led UGCC would have more say. Like the ANC and
other South African parties, UGCC was formed and dominated by the frustrated African
elite. It kept its distance from the unrest, and from Nkrumah's calls to use mass action
("positive action") to win more radical changes. Nkrumah had 4 university degrees earned
in the USA, where he lived from 1935- 1945, and returned to his homeland in 1947 after 2
years in Britain.
This led to the formation of Nkrumah's breakaway CPP (1949), aiming to ride the mass
struggles to full state independence. In 1951 there were the first parliamentary elections
(the country was still ruled by Britain), which the CPP won, making Nkrumah Prime
Minister. After more elections, the CPP led Ghana into independence.
CONSOLIDATION OF NEW ELITE
But the new CPP government developed into a one-party state. The state became a hothouse
for a new elite. The old elite, the chiefs, were either marginalised or pulled into the
CPP. A law in 1958 allowed detention without trial. By 1962 the state controlled the main
newspapers, and could censor news.
Access to state power was key to the growth of the new African elite: frustrated under
colonialism, it used state salaries, contracts and corrupt deals to enrich itself. Reports
of wrongdoing were widespread.
The more that state wealth helped the elite, the more the elite clung feverishly to
office, suppressing rivals and protests, and pushing for more state ownership of resources.
1964 saw the CPP became the only legal party, centred on a personality cult and network
around Nkrumah, now President-for-Life. CPP party branches and related organisations like
youth groups enforced control across the country. The CPP ensured its people were in key
positions in various government agencies.
As anarchists we know the state cannot be used by the mass of the people. It is a top-down
institution that always puts power in the hands of a small elite. As the old British elite
and African chiefs moved out of the new state, the CPP-centred new elite moved in. The
nature of the state meant that the new elite, just like the old, looked on the people as a
source of labour, money, and taxes - and a threat to be controlled, with guns if needed.
MOVING TO STATE-CAPITALISM
Nkrumah correctly saw Ghana would remain an economic “colony” of Britain (or the USA) if
its economy did not change. He started efforts to industrialise the economy (building
factories and infrastructure) so it could move beyond raw materials and create jobs. At
first this meant encouraging foreign (mainly British and US) investment, but this left
colonial-era relations in place, and did not work.
The difference with the past was that the new Ghanaian political elite benefited more. But
the effects on industry were small.
So Nkrumah's CPP started to push state-led industrialisation. This included efforts like
setting up a massive hydro-electrical scheme at Volta dam, state-run industries, and trade
protection, called "import- substitution-industrialisation."
But although Nkrumah called the system "socialism" (and was partly inspired by the Marxist
system in Russia), the reality was the new state industries were, as elsewhere, just state
capitalism. They were based on wage labour and on producing goods and services for sale.
And, again, the new state elite milked the new projects for its benefit.
The growing role of the state was not socialism, it was just the expanding grab of the new
elite to access wealth and build capitalist industries. The top-down approach in state
industries was the same as the topdown system in the state and the
CPP.
WORLD ECONOMIC CHAINS
Also, independent national capitalist development in a world dominated by international
capitalism was unlikely. To fund the new system, the CPP-led state relied on money from
exports, especially cocoa. Cocoa prices boomed in the 1950s and early 1960s. The money
went to the state through "marketing boards." This meant farmers sold to state boards at
low prices, which then sold the goods overseas at much higher prices, making big profits.
But the price of goods like cocoa started to fall in the early 1960s, and the state lost
money. It then borrowed heavily, going into massive debt.
ATTACKING THE PEOPLE
The new system did not put power in the hands of ordinary people. The CPP-centred new
elite in the state controlled it, decided priorities and targets. The role of the working
class and peasantry was to provide labour, funds and raw materials. The radical language
and even the genuine socialist views of some CPP leaders (like Nkrumah who was himself
generally free of corruption, unlike his followers), did not change this.
The new elite exploited the people, and the new state relied on the repression and control
of the working class.
The 1958 Industrial Relations Act centralised unions into a single CPP-run body, with the
only negotiating and legal rights. Urban workers were increasingly called a selfish elite
("labour aristocracy"), sabotaging the nation with wage demands. Almost no legal strikes
were arranged by the CPP-run TUC. In many sectors all strikes were banned.
In 1961, a huge strike spread from Sekondi-Takoradi, including the railways, against
rising taxes and a "forced savings" scheme. It drew in the unemployed and the small
traders in the markets: the "common folk" against the CPP elite. After the strike, Nkrumah
arrested leaders and politicians involved.
END OF AN ILLUSION
Many people had great hopes in Ghana and Nkrumah. The victory over Britain was inspiring
and the "black star" of Ghana seemed to show the light to a new, prosperous Africa, free
of the legacy of colonialism, racism and strife.
But using the state and a political party led straight to the opposite: a new elite
captured decolonisation, for its own benefits.
Working class and poor Ghanaians continued to suffer while the new local elite and its
foreign partners (initially Britain and the USA, later the Marxist USSR and its colonies)
became wealthier. Mass support was built through a personality cult, with Nkrumah treated
as Superman.
In 1966, the military led a coup against Nkrumah. He was out of the country. There is no
doubt that the American CIA helped the military plot.
But this does not explain why people danced in the street with happiness when Nkrumah was
overthrown.
They included Sekondi-Takoradi workers, who had been staunch CPP supporters in the 1950s.
The masses had no more illusions and did nothing to stop the coup. Nkrumah left office in
disgrace.
Everything had become managed by the party and the state, not the people. And that was
where the problems started. Imperialism and the CIA played a role in undermining
independent Ghana, but the local elite, which hijacked the decolonisation struggle, is
just as guilty of destroying it.
And Nkrumah's nationalist vision, even in its Marxist phase, despite its heroic
intentions, helped pavetheway, with its statism, authoritarianism and multi-class
capitalist project.
https://www.facebook.com/zabalazanews/?fref=nf
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