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donderdag 26 april 2018
Anarchic update news all over the world - 26.04.2018
Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #282 - Marseille: Social
Bastion you lose your cool (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. US, black rose fed: OUTLINE OF US LABOR HISTORY WITH A FOCUS
ON THE ROLE OF THE LEFT (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. London Anarchist Federation: Event: May Day social 5th May,
6pm at Decentre (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. [Spain] 1 st of May: Taking the streets By ANA (ca, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. London Anarchist Communists PDF of No.8 of Rebel City
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Greece, INTERVENTION OF SOLIDARITY IN REFUGEES AND
IMMIGRANTS AGAINST POLICE VIOLENCE AND CONDUCT
Posted by dirty
horse APO (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Even before the opening of a new local extreme right in Marseille, fafs of all kinds
threaten and act. Let's close ranks. ---- To pronounce the word " Bastion " inevitably
means " fortress Europe ", dear to Hitler. A bastion, so-called social, where the
identity frailties, the petty-bourgeois fears of the other, where nothing but hatred,
ratonnades, and calls to murder are filled. Libertarian alternative has already denounced
the violence against activists, places of culture, or homosexuals beaten which the Social
Bastion of Lyon was guilty ... ---- The hideous phoenix of the GUD, allied to what the far
right has more enlightened (royalists), more reactionary (PNF and other identities), never
ceases to be reborn from the ashes, and makes small in Aix, in Marseille.
On the model of the Italian Casapound, invoking values of autonomy, of identity, of "
social justice " - but for the " French of stock " only - or saying to oneself, as in
Chambéry " social, national, radical ", Bastions continue to expand in several cities,
with little response from " public authorities ".
In Aix, the fascists have been installed for two months, rallies have gathered their
hundreds of activists. But in a city that allows torchlighting in the historic artery, to
the sound of patriotic songs, and in the name of an alleged " pride of Aix ", it does
not change much. And the offended speeches of the LDH, flanked by the PCF, calling on the
Republican state to take its responsibilities, will never worry the fachos.
On March 24, the social movement in Marseille demonstrated against the implementation of a
new BS. A towing of the Action Française had already made a first injured. Supported by
Steven Bissuel, former leader of the GUD in the absence of Logan Djian serving a prison
sentence for aggravated violence, the AF wanted that the antifas " know that one defends
itself very well ". A police on the teeth, forbidding the surroundings of the local BS to
the demonstrators, and fafs in faction formed the backdrop of the demo, at the call of
Visa (vigilance and union and anti-fascist initiative) and gathering some 29 political
organizations and trade unions.
Fachos out of our neighborhoods
This unitary demonstration, unlike that of Aix, demanded nothing from the state or a
hypothetical sense of republican responsibility, which we know is never invoked except to
endorse unjust and antisocial decisions. The motto was to get the fachos out of our
neighborhoods by our own means, from the neighborhood, on the markets, in the street,
without expecting anything from a town hall business, right, and which has 2 elected FN.
The Marseilles demonstration had been preceded by a tug in the neighborhoods crossed, to
sensitize the population to take in hand the means to get rid of this gangrene.
Because once anchored in Strasbourg, Chambéry, Lyon, Marseille ... the Social Bastion will
be trivialized and his pseudo-social confusionist speech will reveal his racist theses,
and his ultraviolet conclusions as viable alternatives, to which Wauquiez and other
Dupont-Aignan will be able to make echo, in the tone of evidence. In Marseille, as
elsewhere, our libertarian vocation is to support the immigration districts, workers,
relegated, against the foul beast, to make work of popular education. Still and always.
Until popular self-defense.
Cuervo (AL Marseille)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Marseille-Bastion-social-tu-perds-ton-sang-froid
------------------------------
Message: 2
This draft document attempts to present a brief decade by decade outline of labor and the
labor movement in the US with an emphasis on the role and relation of the left. First
published in 2009. ---- By Adam Weaver ---- Colonial Through Pre-Civil War Period ----
Indentured servants, sailors and slaves organize minor labor protests and rebellions, and
local level proto-union organizations. Some of these efforts included both white
indentured servants and slaves cooperating together. Fearful elites grant privileges to
whites servants and enshrined a harsh system of chattel slavery for Africans such as
through the Naturalization Act of 1790 which granted citizenship only to "free white
persons." Also during this period sexual division of labor would produce laws, culture and
practices of unpaid work for girls and women that would last for centuries.
Race and Labor
Race plays a key role in US labor history whereas early white servants and later workers
were granted privileges, access to land, and the right to vote (far before male suffrage
was granted in most western countries). Leading into the Civil War period, many white
workers cling to the ideology of "free labor," seeing themselves as free whites and
wanting to return to an imagined golden era of artisans, small farmers and shop keepers
which they hold in contrast to unfree, slavish and permanently proletarianized workers of
color. Because of this, much of the history of unionism has been of white, skilled male
workers (though the definition of who was considered white changed over time to
incorporate various European immigrants such as Germans, Irish, Eastern Europeans, etc)
protecting their privileges against the unskilled, women and non-white workers. Also a
much smaller current of homespun labor radicalism emerges, which is sometimes called a
"proto-marxism" by historians.
Civil War is a defining conflict in US history over what type of labor system the country
will have with Northern elites eventually imposing free labor in contrast to Southern
plantation owners who wished to maintain race-based chattel slavery. Following the
collapse of Reconstruction after Civil War, white elites impose the laws and customs
associated with Jim Crow that creates an apartheid system that lastes into the 1960's and
making blacks the most exploited segment of workers. Laws created across the country
during the Jim Crow era, such as for vagrancy, apply for all poor and non-white.
1870's, Post Civil War and Knights of Labor
The Knights of Labor emerged in the 1870's from a small secret society as a mixed bag of
radicalism and grew rapidly (with close to 10% of industrial workforce as members) as an
alternative to the largely conservative, craft based and segregated National Labor Union.
The Knights embraced all manual workers, women, Latinos, African-Americans and even small
employers in joining their local assemblies, though campaigned against immigration and the
Chinese on the West Coast. Upholding an ideology of "producerism," the union opposed the
wage system, believed in the replacement of capitalism with worker and consumer
cooperatives and its rank and file members led a number of strikes though the official
policy as set by its Grand Master Workman Terence Powderly was generally opposed to
strike. Many socialists and radicals joined the Knights, including the many of the
Haymarket anarchists, as an alternative to the craft unions.
1880's, Haymarket and the Eight Hour Day Movement
In the 1880's the movement for the eight-hour day became a central demand of the labor
movement nation-wide with Chicago acting as the center of the movement. Here the city's
vibrant anarchist movement, organized around the International Working People's
Association (IWPA), based in European immigrant communities, mainly among Germans, led
the Central Labor Council (which the 11 largest unions in the city were affiliated to and
passed resolutions calling for workers to arm themselves for self-defense) and published a
German daily newspaper and weekly papers in several languages. In 1886 Eight-Hour Leagues
and unions across the country called for a nation-wide strike for eight hours on May 1,
which involved over 300,000 workers, though some won their demands simply by threatening
to strike. This led to the notorious Haymarket square bombing incident- where Chicago
police attacked a peacful rally on May 4 protesting the killing of several workers the day
before and an unknown person threw a bomb into the crowd.
Following this the authorities initiated the first US red scare, shutting down newspapers,
closing halls, arresting radicals and unionists nation-wide and later executing several of
the anarchist leaders (known as the Haymarket Martyrs or more often as the Martyrs of
Chicago in Latin America). The repression essentially destroyed the radical labor movement
and marked a decline in a distinctive anarchist influence on the labor movement, but
served as important inspiration and influence for an entire generation of labor radicals
in the early 20th century. Also popular during this period were several other
anti-capitalist ideas, such as the novel Looking Backwards by Edward Bellamy, which
imagined America in the future as a utopian socialist society. Influential in the
socialist movement, it was the third most popular novel at the time of its release in 1888
and inspired Bellamy Clubs across the US.
1890's, AFL and Gompers
Following the Haymarket affair, which sunk the Knights of Labor as well, this paved the
way for the emergence of the American Federation of Labor. The AFL represented the
conservative wing of the labor movement, based on skilled craft unionism (many with racial
exclusion clauses) and a narrow vision of protecting the privileges of members over other
workers. AFL President from 1886-1924 was Samuel Gompers who ruled the federation with a
heavy hand and collaborated with the government to oppose radical unionists such as the
IWW. A former socialist, he embraced the image of a respectable labor leader loyal to the
government and rejecting any notion of class struggle. His form of conservative,
pro-capitalist and exclusionary unionism represented the arch-type of "business unionism."
Still ideas of worker control on the job and producerism persisted and unions such as the
Western Federation of Miners, radicalized through a number of bloody strikes in the
frontier West, would come to embrace anti-capitalist ideas and attempt unsuccessfully to
organize a new national federation of unions.
1910's, IWW
The Industrial Workers of the World was formed in 1905 through the merger of various
currents of radicalized unionists (such as the Western Federation of Miners) and left wing
socialists and radicals as an alternative to the AFL. The IWW could best be described as
revolutionary syndicalist in outlook, though had a strong affinity and some connections
with the trend of anarcho-syndicalism that was playing a strong role in many countries
around the world at the time. Anarcho-syndicalist unionism developed in countries where
the anarchist movement was stronger and the unions they created proclaimed specifically
anarchist beliefs, whereas revolutionary syndicalist unions while proclaiming
revolutionary goals did not specifically align themselves with anarchism and sometimes
included larger numbers of radical socialists in their leadership. They were larely the
same in practice though. Both currents emerged in Europe, though played a leading role in
early unionism in much of Latin America, Mexico and in China and Japan as well. Led
largely by anarchists and other radical socialists, this form of unionism stressed class
solidarity, the use of strikes to win workplace and political demands, fluid and
democratic organization, and somtimes included mutualist ideas such as worker cooperatives
and mutual-aid societies. These unions actively promoted anti-capitalist ideas and the
idea of the "general strike," where workers would replace the government and capitalism
and usher in a new order based on the control of workers over the economy. In the US a
number of the Haymarket anarchists and the IWPA promoted what they called the "Chicago
Idea," which promoted unions as the nucleus of a future society and could be seen as an
early or proto form of anarcho-syndicalism.
Advocating "One Big Union" the IWW embraced all workers, believed in industrial instead of
craft organization, and advocated an explicitly anti-capitalist ideology. Though never
large in numbers (perhaps 80-100,000 at its peak), the influence of the IWW was widespread
and the union led a series of dramatic strikes and campaigns while building an important
legacy of labor radicalism and culture still felt in the US labor movement today. Poised
to make major inroads after over a decade of highs and lows, the union was brutally
repressed during the WW I red scare during 1917-1919 and severely weakened after an
internal split in 1924. Largely a mix of both native and white ethnic immigrants the IWW
never completely overcame the color line of US unionism, though did appeal to white
workers to place class solidarity above racial exclusion and included a number of notable
leaders of color in its ranks as well as women. The IWW also undertook several notable
examples of interracial unionism such as in the Southern timber industry, East Coast
longshore and in California agriculture.
Much of the left remained divided over the existence of the IWW, with the moderate and
conservative wings of the left (such as the majority of the Socialist Party) basically
denouncing the effort from the IWW's onset and preferring to work within the AFL. Many
important figures on the left and labor militants of the 1920's and 30's were former
members. Also during the 1910's and 20's a legacy of ethnic based independent unionism and
working class mutual-aid societies emerged among Asian and Latino workers in the West
Coast, the Southwest and Hawaii. These labor organizations were largely openly rejected by
the AFL and sometime formed alliances with radical unionists such as the IWW.
1920's, the Communist Party, TUEL and TUUL
The 1920's were a low point for US labor. The IWW conducted some of its most mature
organizing in the early 1920's in agriculture, lumber, longshore, and led the first
organizing attempts and sit-down strikes in auto, steel and rubber. But with the
repression of radicalism generally, the weakening of the IWW, and attraction of the
successful Russian Revolution, many leaders began drifting over to the Communist Party.
The CP's sponsored Trade Union Education League (TUEL), which brought together left
unionists inside the AFL and was led by both former IWW and anarchist William Z. Foster.
The TUEL and Foster's approach is seen to represent the "bore-from-within" approach of
working within to change or capture conservative unions that much of the Leninist
tradition draws from, in contrast to the "dual unionist" approach of the efforts like the
IWW to create competing radical or revolutionary unions.
1928-1935, The Third Period
In 1928 the Communist International, believing that revolution was around the corner,
changed its position and instructed all parties to abandon the "bore-from-within" approach
and launch their own communist-led unions. This era is known as the "Third Period" of the
Communist International. TUEL was reorganized into the Trade Union Unity League (TUUL) and
proclaimed itself an umbrella organization of industrial unions. Funded largely by the CP
(and thus Moscow as well), the TUUL led some successful efforts to create independent
unions and organize marginalized workers such African-Americans, agricultural workers and
the unemployed. In 1935 the Communist International shifted its position again and
embraced the Popular Front position of coalition with all non-right wing political forces.
The CP dissolved TUUL and began to work within the AFL and especially the CIO, attempting
form alliances with the leadership of various unions.
1930's, CIO
During the Great Depression, with between 25-30% unemployment, a militant wave of strikes
starting in 1932. Successful and militant general strikes were led in 1934 in west coast
longshore and Minneapolis and later the sit-down strikes in 1935-36. This wave of
militancy pushed leaders within the AFL (John L. Lewis of the United Mine Workers) to
break away and form the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) to organize industrial
unions in the industrial manufacturing sector. With many radicals and former IWW's playing
roles at the base and many CP's as staff organizers, the CIO channeled the worker
insurgency into its ranks. They were assisted by the passage of the 1935 Wagner Act (or
National Labor Relations Act), which granted unions rights to organize. This was an about
face by the government to quell the unrest, as previously "the national government smashed
emerging industrial unionism" and now "in the 1930's the national government sponsored them."
1940-50's, Labor-Capital Accord, Growth, Anti-Communism
The CIO embraced the labor-capital accord (sometimes called "social contract," or in
Europe "social partnership") and implemented no-strike contracts, a bureaucratic system of
grievance resolution, solidified their leadership, supported the war effort by signing
no-strike pledges (which is supported by the CP, though wildcat strikes are widespread)
and sitting on industrial mediation boards with government and corporate leaders. In 1947
the Taft-Hartley Act passes, putting restrictions on unions and initiating the purge of
CP's and other radical from unions. Several unions are expelled from the CIO (including
the still existing independent union UE) and they merge with the AFL in 1955. Amid
economic prosperity which produced perhaps the highest standards of living in US history,
the reunited federation reaches a height of 35% of the workforce. Still though nearly
one-third of the US is left out of this prosperity and lives in poverty.
1960's, UFW
The AFL-CIO largely bypasses the social upheaval of the 1960's and staunchly supports the
war in the Vietnam. The UFW, led mainly by Cesar Chavez, emerges out of both the
traditions of independent unionism among Mexican and Filipino agricultural workers in the
Central Valley and Saul Alinsky influenced community organizing models. Their efforts gain
the support of social democratic labor leaders, such as Walter Ruether of the UAW whose
funding support made the grape boycott campaign possible. Further, UFW is able to utilize
effective boycott and secondary picketing tactics, which are illegal under Taft-Hartely,
because farm workers fall outside of federal labor law. Their ‘social movement' style
organizing and campaigns also garnered widespread support from the left (with CP members
playing roles within the union) and especially the Chicano movement, though Chavez
remained at arms length from their radicalism and would later purge nearly all leftist
staffers and those he suspected of opposing his leadership in the 1980's. By the mid to
late 1990's the union is a shadow of it former self and many of the worst conditions they
managed to curtail begin to return to the fields.
1970-80's, Breakdown of Labor-Capital Accord
The 1970's marks the beginnings of deindustrialization in the US and the neo-liberal era,
as standards of living start declining and the manufacturing sector begins to be exported
outside the US. The 1980's is an era of concessionary bargaining and set backs for labor,
with largely little resistance from top AFL-CIO leadership. This is best marked by
Reagan's spectacular mass firing of striking federal air traffic controllers in 1981. Out
of the late 1960's and early 1970's many new left and new communist movement activists
enter the labor movement as rank and file workers. Some attempt to gain leadership
positions and some agitate within contract campaigns and conduct propaganda efforts,
though little institutional impact can be found today except for the legions of
ex-radicals that now populate staff and officer positions of some unions. Some radical
extra-union organizations briefly emerge such as the Detroit Revolutionary Union Movement,
composed of black auto workers fighting against auto companies and the UAW. Other lasting
but more reform oriented movements emerge out of this era such as Teamsters For Democratic
Union and Labor Notes magazine, both in part launched by members of Solidarity (a
non-vanguardist Trotskyist organization).
1990's, 2000's, Shifts in the Crumbling House of Labor and Moves at the Grassroots
The US labor movement remains the weakest of all industrialized nations and with a strong
anti-union culture within the populace existing for decades. Within the AFL-CIO top ranks
though, crisis begins to brew as leaders react with bewilderment at the now undeniable
crisis of membership decline caused by assaults on unions by employers and the fleeing of
industry to the South and third world with the advent of neo-liberalism. This also tears
away at union leader's presumed partnership with employers and the Democratic Party. The
AFL-CIO's traditional alliance with the Democrats could not stop the passage of NAFTA by
Clinton and its confirmation vote by Congress in 1993 as well. This opened the way for
SEIU head John Sweeny to take the helm of the AFL-CIO in 1995 in the federation's first
contested election for its presidency, in what some have called a "palace coup" of sorts.
A member of Democratic Socialist of America, Sweeny promised to reinvigorate organizing
and was embraced by progressive activists and academics. By 2005, after ten years of
holding the reigns of power (the point at which he promised to step down), the excitement
that surrounded Sweeny had largely sputtered and has he been unable to offer a clear
alternative to malaise effecting mainstream labor.
Several important shifts in the AFL-CIO during this period are worth noting such as the
formal change in the AFL-CIO historic stance in opposing immigration and now embracing
organizing immigrant workers, some degree of opening of the leadership to women and people
of color, the shift of several unions towards (staff led) ‘organizing models' such as
SEIU, AFSCME, HERE-UNITE, and the creation of the Organizing Institute (OI). The OI
created the "Union Summer" program which aimed to expose college students (mostly coming
out of progressive student organizing) to the labor movement and the ‘organizing unions'
began to hire these progressive students and social movement activists, including
radicals, to serve in high turn over staff organizer positions. While the organizing
efforts are largely more efficient and well orchestrated versions of top down, staff
directed organizing focused on gaining legal recognition, it has drastically changed the
relationship of the left, especially with younger activists on the left, to mainstream unions.
Meeting of the CIW or Coalition of Immokalee Workers, an independent worker organization
of farm workers formed in 1993 and based in Florida.
Growing though mergers and organizing to become the largest union in the US over the past
10 years, SEIU has emerged as an important player within the Sweeny administration as many
high level staff were tapped to take roles with the AFL-CIO leadership. Over this time
through various internal restructuring endeavors such as 1999 New Strength Unity plan, the
leadership of the union centralized control and pioneered the creation of statewide ‘mega
locals.' As early as 2000 SEIU, now headed by Sweeny's former lieutenant Andy Stern, had
been circulating proposals to drastically reorganize the AFL-CIO into sectoral unions
focused on organizing and under greater central direction. By 2003 SEIU grouped several
union around its proposal (UNITE-HERE, UBC, LIUNA) to form the New Unity Partnership
coalition, which later expanded to the Change to Win (CtW) coalition with the addition of
IBT and UFCW in 2005. CtW pursued essentially a policy of brinksmanship leading up to the
2005 AFL-CIO convention, with a series of demands around structural and funding changes
that the convention largely agreed to, and then broke away to form a rival federation.
Many progressives and others on the left, again like with Sweeny in 1995, embraced the
effort with some comparing CtW to the CIO in the 1930. Though recent moves by Stern,
especially his very public clash with the leader of SEIU's California healthcare megalocal
leading to the leadership and staff of the local to spear a breakaway effort, have begun
to tarnish him.
Also occuring during the 1990's and early 2000's were the formation of worker centers that
organize largely low-wage segments of the workforce whom are non-union, especially among
immigrant workers. These organizations emerged largely as a critique of any meaningful
efforts of unions to engage or organize among these workers. Some function as proto or
non-legally recognized and non-majority unions, but many are similar to the service and
advocacy models of non-profits with some being aligned with local unions or the AFL-CIO
nationally such as the National Day Labor Organizing Network. Other developments were
totally unexpected and largely spontaneous response from Latinos in 2006 to a proposed
bill which would criminalize undocumented immigrant and their familes and supporters.
These led to massive marches in all major cities and even smaller ones on May 1, 2006,
which were the largest demonstrations in US history. The subsequent marches that have
continued in most cities each year since on May 1st, though much smaller, have revitalized
May Day as a working class tradition and a symbol of the immigrant rights movement; though
participation by AFL-CIO unions varies widely by city.
Sources:
In addition to advice from those who have studied labor history the following sources were
used in compiling this article or as general references.
Chip Smith, Cost of Privilege
Bill Fletcher Jr. and Fernando Gasapin, Solidarity Divided
Tomas Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines
Robert Lee, "The Coolie and the Making of the White Working Class" in Orientals: Asian
Americans in Popular Culture
Rick Fantasia and Kim Voss, Hard Work
Paul Avrich, The Haymaket Affair
Staughton Lynd, Solidarity Unionism, Rebuilding the Labor Movement From Below
For further readings on labor struggle we recommend "The Next 100 Days: May Day and Worker
Resistance Under Trump" and "Unionism From Below: Interview with Burgerville Workers Union."
http://blackrosefed.org/outline-labor-history-left/
------------------------------
Message: 3
Seen enough Stalin banners for one May Day? Tired of explaining the Haymarket affair to
Maoists?
Come to Decentre for a friendly social for anyone on the non-authoritarian left. There
will be drinks! There will be crisps!*
Facebook event here, invite yo' friends! https://www.facebook.com/events/1552914385016333/
------------------------------
Message: 4
For ten years we have lived in this crisis of the capitalist system, a crisis that is
nothing but another tool of the great employers, the multinationals and the bankers, with
the complicity of a corrupt political system, to increase their enormous profits always at
the expense of the rights of citizens, and especially the working class. This crisis is
really a big fraud. ---- We have been in a situation of social emergency for 10 years,
where not only are people without work below the poverty line, but that more than 14% of
people with work are poor as a consequence of the precariousness of the new employment
contracts, with partial contracts and survival wages, which is the new labor reality of
indignation. Added to this is the decline in the purchasing power of pensions, with one
out of three retirees below this poverty line, while increasing the gender wage gap, both
in wages and pensions.
We face an ideological and strategic attack that claims that what until recently were
rights are now business: education, health, pensions, etc. In short, everything that is
ours, of all, is becoming a dividend for the big business corporations. In return, we are
forced to rescue banks and roads, paying a debt that is not ours, which is illegitimate,
and which largely comes from corruption. They are cheating us.
Since the CGT (General Confederation of Labor) we say that we will not resign ourselves to
the fact that banks are more important than people; since the CGT we have rejected the
growing privatization and precariousness of public services; since the CGT we will not
allow the dismantling of the public system of pensions; in the CGT we do not accept that
the working class has reduced its rights every day with new labor reforms.
It is time to do a division of labor by reducing the work day, ending the overtime and
advancing the retirement age so that everyone can have work. Public services that have
been privatized must be recovered, where the most important is their efficiency in order
to have social protection that is public and universal. It is imperative to distribute
wealth through a tax reform that makes large fortunes and corporations bear most of the
expense, since it is they who have benefited from this crisis-fraud. We have to stop fraud
and tax havens.
For the CGT resignation is not an option, it is time to reoccupy the streets, it is more
necessary than ever for CGT to be present where social injustice takes place, a permanent
mobilization of the CGT against this corrupt system is necessary , summoning and
participating in all the mobilizations that are possible to achieve a self-organized,
antipatriarchal, ecologist, non-racist or xenophobic ... libertarian society.
FRAUD CONTINUES
We follow in the streets
Viva 1º de Maio
Source: http://cgt.org.es/1%C2%BA-de-mayo-hay-que-tear-las-calles
Translation> César Antonio Cázarez Vázquez
------------------------------
Message: 5
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/REBEL_CITY_No8.pdf
------------------------------
Message: 6
From intervention in the new harbor ---- On Saturday, April 21, we made a solidarity
response to the refugees and immigrants living in the abandoned factories in southern
Patras, opposite the new harbor. The Port of Patras, as a gateway to the "capitalist
paradise" of the West, has been for decades a permanent point of reference and
concentration for immigrants and refugees looking for a better future. For some time now,
some hundreds of people have been trying to organize their everyday life in this area,
while waiting for the opportunity to go to a ship heading for the capitalist West. Daily
chases, beatings, stabbing and torture, humiliation and humiliation, "broom" operations,
extensive or not, are the reality of the immigrants living there. ---- Documents from the
beatings of immigrants and refugees
We wrote slogans in the port mantra, from which hundreds of people are rushing
daily to the harbor, hoping to get on a ship leading to Italy. There are arrested by
dozens of cops and harbors who use murderous repressive instruments.As soon as we arrived
there, DIAS men chased the immigrants inside and outside the harbor with the glova in
hand, while a seken (and one with a glova in hand) also contributed to the manhunt. Of
course, when we saw our presence, the police and the securites confined themselves to
gesturing to the immigrants to leave the harbor. It is obvious that the disclosure of
what's happening there, as well as the presence of solidarity in the port, play a key role
in preventing the murderous attacks on immigrants.As the photographic material proves, the
assassins are not reluctant to use even knives to injure migrants and refugees and drive
them out of the harbor. Many times they are taken to the hospital with severe or minor
injuries, while others are arrested and led to various concentration camps across the country.
Today's civilian administration, having stepped on the cheap trade of hope to continue to
impose the plundering policies of the social basis, like all previous governments, has
just moved to the same anti-immigrant policy exercise in cooperation with the
international mechanisms (NATO, frontex, EU). Having ramped concentration camps for
refugees and immigrants everywhere in Greece, he continues to stack them there, even
attempting to reverse the reality by propagating the appropriateness of living conditions
in places where they are subjected to imprisonment, repression, humiliation of their dignity.
In Patras, a long-running "sweep" is being prepared at the expense of the migrants and
refugees of Avex and Ladopoulos. A company that is already underway with daily arrests,
which is expected to intensify in the next few years, and the recent announcements by the
deputy minister of repression, N. Tosca, to evacuate these sites.
Photos from intervention in Zarhouleica
After the intervention at the port, we moved to the neighborhoods of southern
Patras via the road to the workers' neighborhood of Zarhouleikon, where we wrote
anti-fascist slogans and tossed hundreds of triciks. It is clear that if various fascist -
racist groups or "resident committees" attempt to exploit the tough living conditions of
migrants and refugees to organize pogroms against them, they will find us facing them.
As anarchists, we stand against the criminalization of people and the prohibition of their
free movement. We do not recognize in any state the right to impose all sorts of
boundaries and segregation between people on the basis of gender, race, origin, religion,
and so on. Our response to the state and the bosses must be the collectiveisation of our
resistances, the realization of our common position - locals and immigrants - mutual
assistance and mutual respect, with no fake divisions (nation-race, legitimate-illegal).
Together with the immigrants, we will fight for a life of dignity, and we will not leave a
glimpse of land to every enemy of freedom. We will stand next to them against the
murderous attacks of the state and the police. The everyday life of migrants and refugees
will continue unhindered at ABEX, Ladopoulos and wherever they wish.
Against the attempt to fragment the oppressed, we must respond with class
solidarity. To create class and social relations between natives and immigrants and to
develop a collective struggle against our daily dynasties ... let's break the social
cannibalism and the mechanisms that give birth to it ... for a world of equality,
solidarity and freedom.
Against Fascism, Racism and Social Cannibalism
Against War, Border and Modern Totalitarianism
COMMON GAMES OF DOGS AND IMMIGRANTS FOR A WORLD OF EQUALITY, SOLIDARITY AND FREEDOM
anarchist group "dignified horse" / APO & comrades, companions
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