Today's Topics:
1. União Popular Anarquista - UNIPA: STOP WAR AGAINST
ZAPATISTS! IMDIATLY! (ca, fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
ZAPATISTS! IMDIATLY! (ca, fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. URUGUAYAN ANARCHIST FEDERATION: PERMANENT IMPUNITY TO DEEPER ADJUSTMENT (ca, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group: Anvil Vol 9 No 4, NO
WAR ON CHINA! (ca, it, pt) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
WAR ON CHINA! (ca, it, pt) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Belarus, pramen: elarus: Rebellion Against Dictatorship
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. UK, AFED: REBELLION IN SLOVENIA AND BELARUS -
2 RECENT ANARCHIST PODCASTS (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Czech, AFED: At the age of 34, the well-known Russian
anarchist Alexei Sutuga, Socrates, died. [
anarchist Alexei Sutuga, Socrates, died. [
machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. UK, AFED, organise magazine: Great Anarchists | Review
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
We reproduce below a Pronouncement signed by more than 450 people and 140 organizations from 22 different countries, to which Unipa is added
in solidarity. No more war against the Zapatista communities! For the self-defense and self-determination of peoples by their territory and
their life! ---- Declaration ---- On the 22nd of August 2020, paramilitaries from the Regional Organization of Coffee Farmers in Ocosingo
(ORCAO), looted and set fire to the New Rainbow Dawn Commerce Centre, which is located at a site known as the Cuxujlá crossroads in the
autonomous municipality of Lucio Cabañas (part of the official municipality of Ocosingo). This violent act follows another, on the 24th of
February 2020, in which members of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) were assaulted and kidnapped by the ORCAO, along with the
recognised a paramilitary group the "Chinchulines" (or "Chitterlings"), and regional members of the political party MORENA. This event took
place during activities related to the defence of indigenous territories and the Madre Tierra "We are all Samir" event, organised by the
EZLN and the CNI. All inform
ation related to this violent incident is described and documented in a report published by the Zapatistas: (see:
https://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2020/02/27/pronunciamiento-ante-el-secuestro-de-miembros-del-cni-en-chilon-chiapas-por-su-participacion-en-las-jornadas-samir-somos-todas-y-todos/).
This new act of aggression forms part of an intensification in the war of attrition against the Mexican state of Chiapas and is
characterized by increasing violence perpetrated by paramilitary groups and organized criminal gangs. For more information, see recent
documentation collected by the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Centre for Human Rights (https://frayba.org.mx/agresiones-armadas-en-aldama/).
An increase in the dissemination of slanderous propaganda related to the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) forms part of this
move towards counterinsurgency which is furthermore being carried out in a number of different ways: both directly and indirectly; openly
and covertly, and through the media, as well as through political, economic and military means. This war-like scenario is not exclusive to
the state of Chiapas. As is already well-documented on the webpage of the National Indigenous Congress (see:
https://www.congresonacionalindigena.org/category/denuncias/), reports of violence carried out by criminal gangs as well as state and
state-affiliated groups are currently extremely high among indigenous communities and organizations. This violence leads to a breakdown in
community relations and has the effect of exhausting collective struggles against land dispossession and megaprojects in Mexico.
Those of us who have signed this document are calling on Mexican and international civil society to join us in denouncing recent aggressions
against indigenous communities. We demand an end to the aggression and hostility aimed at the Zapatista support bases and the malicious
destruction of essential community spaces and resources, which are not only the result of collective work, but within a context of multiple
crises, have also shown themselves to have hugely important heritage sites. We ask those reading this declaration to take note of and be
attentive to what we believe is a new and very worrying escalation of violence against the EZLN and the CNI; organizations that are
world-leading in their defense of life (vida) and their universal struggle to create a better word.
SIGNATORIES:
https://uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com/2020/09/01/pare-a-guerra-contra-os-zapatistas-ja/
------------------------------
Message: 2
It is 26 years since the massacre of the Filter Hospital, that harsh repression that cost the lives of Fernando Morroni and Roberto Facal.
Repression that so viciously punished the solidarity of the Uruguayan people with a group of Basque exiles. Hundreds of wounded -some
seriously- and detained and the verification that the repression was there, 9 years after the end of the dictatorship, crouched for when it
was necessary to use it to defend the interests of those above. ---- Also impunity. There was not a single defendant for these events, it is
known who shot Fernando Morroni and nothing has happened; Erode Ruiz -one of those in charge of the operation- is today the Chief of Police
of Montevideo. They are signs that speak clearly that impunity reigns in this country, even in a fact where the truth is visible to all.
In addition, the government of the time was in the hands of Luis Alberto Lacalle, father of the current President, and the direct and main
person responsible for this repression and the assassinations of Morroni and Facal.
We must continue in this fight, because memory is the basis of the Resistance. Accompany Norma Morroni, a companion with exemplary dignity
and integrity.
Impunity reigns: the Military Party advances "putting the weight"
It is not a new fact, but the public campaign of the Cabildo Abierto against everything that tries to judge the crimes against humanity
committed during the military dictatorship has increased in recent weeks. Nobody can say that the Open Council is not a Military Party that
strictly defends military interests.
Since the dismissal of Manini Ríos at the head of the General Command of the Army - precisely because of these issues such as the defense of
Gavazzo and the Caja Militar - his public statements - of purely bourgeois and fascist origin - have increased and are already part of a
concrete policy. The objective of the Cabildo Abierto is to bury the issue of human rights, "turn the page" as they say and place the
military discourse as valid.
The defense of genocidal victims such as that of Lawrie Rodríguez, who tortured and murdered our colleague Iván Morales, has been
highlighted. That "old man", or "octogenarian" as Manini says today, 50 years ago he tortured, raped and murdered under the protection of a
State policy. Like the indicted soldier and that Manini defends because "he was following orders." Killing a detainee from behind and
handcuffed, applying a kind of "escape law" seems to be a fact that exalts certain "Orientals." He points out that in 1972 "democratic
institutions" were in force; therefore, for Manini and the "military party," assassinating in this way is part of the "democratic" practices
of the rule of law. He forgets to say that it was in the middle of the "State of Internal War" and the least there were were "democratic
guarantees." It was the prelude to the dictatorship.
Manini and other notorious representatives of the Cabildo Abierto have attacked the trials and prosecutions of the military, but also
against the prosecutor Jorge Díaz, in whom they personalize this policy of "revenge" and also against "certain magistrates." "In the country
the rule of law is being trampled on by certain actors of the Justice who have prosecuted and convicted innocents based on false
testimonies," said Manini and with this he argues for the "reinstatement" of the Expiry Law that he had succeeded in "pacifying" the
country. The Expiration Law has only been interpreted lukewarmly by Parliament and not repealed, if so, hundreds of military personnel would
have been parading through the courts since 2011 and other types of reparatory measures and historical memory would have been taken.
"Reinstall it" is nothing more than a restorative game,
Manini also maintains that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights is a "foreign" body and to accept it is "that they rule us from the
outside" and vindicate "national sovereignty." And she sustains all this speech in defense of the Constitution that is being "systematically
violated."
If the sayings and events that are happening weren't serious, they should be laughed at. It is precisely the one who commanded the
institution most closely linked and subjected to the imperial powers (such as the Army with the National Security Doctrine and the constant
dispatch of military personnel to the School of the Americas during the period prior to the dictatorship), is the champion of "national
sovereignty." Just that institution that participated in the Condor Plan, a genocidal plan designed by the United States.
Of course, Manini attempted a renewal of the military discourse by supporting a Peronist thesis by the political scientist Marcelo Gullo,
widely read by some soldiers and by Fernández Huidobro. Even Manini was interviewed in uniform about this conception, in a very friendly
interview and dissemination of his thought by the magazine Caras y Caretas. It would seem a tragic reissue of the immense confusion that
occurred within the left with Communiqués 4 and 7 in February 1973.
The institution that trampled on the bourgeois Constitution now claims to defend it. Manini brings out the "theory of the two demons" to
justify this persecution of his "comrades in arms." The corporate defense of the military caste is one of the express purposes of Cabildo
Abierto as a political formation. At times it seems the only one, but it is not. This is just the tip of the iceberg of what is to come.
Finally, Manini graduated from the Military School during the dictatorship. Where were you during that entire period? Where did he "perform
functions"? What role did it play in the repression? Or did he not participate in it? You don't know anything about that period? Nobody saw it?
The coup plotters now have their own political party, the retired military command in it and clearly play inside the barracks. For
something, the Undersecretary of Defense is Rivera Elgue, one of the main members of CA. And it is to be hoped that these advances will
continue. It does not matter if within the "multicolored coalition" or not, if they play in their favor or against them, if the other
right-wing parties worry or become concerned about what CA does ... Manini and his "subordinates" are going to play strong with its own
approach and independently of the rest. For that you have to prepare ...
Town meeting
This party, which has a considerable volume of parliamentary representation, is a party with military roots, as we mentioned. Its backbone
are military retirees, including its agencies such as the Military Center and others. It had the ability to bring together practically all
reactionary sectors of Uruguayan politics, formerly disseminated in the Colorado Party and the National Party. Thus, there are figures such
as García Pintos, Nazi groups that were in the ranks of the PN, but also more traditional sectors such as Manini themselves, a long-standing
conservative family, whom Manini were linked to the JUP (youth fascist organization in previous years dictatorship), at the level of his
leadership.
In the Cabildo Abierto, the riverist sectors (created by Manini's grandfather to counterbalance Batlle and Ordóñez and stop their reforms)
and pachequistas from the Colorado Party, the «ruralistas» from the National Party, heirs of Benito Nardone, the military as we have already
said. , but also a good part of the union sectors of the field nucleated in a single Uruguay. It is the first time in the history of the
country that these sectors are united in a single party, which makes them more dangerous. The possible internal confrontations for various
interests are less, and above all they have managed to unite their base with an anti-left discourse, even if that left is the FA. Here are
the conservative and fascist sectors united under Manini's leadership. These sectors had not disappeared, they were waiting for their
opportunity and their "leader."
Its press organ is La Mañana, a historic fascist daily that supported Pacheco and the coup d'état and was founded and directed by the Manini
family itself. His recent comeback is no accident.
Whoever thinks that the Open Council and its leader are going to respect the game of bourgeois legality, may be in for a few surprises.
These are the sectors that have carried out the coup in 1973. The extreme right had no other option, in this period, but to regroup under
the cloak of bourgeois legality, and later on, try to do what they always do: trample that same mantle.
You cannot be naive with these sectors. They will surely continue to play parliamentary and government work, there they have to grow and
accumulate; but at the same time, the reactionary discourse will be more and more incisive and it will be necessary to be attentive to the
changes that may take place at certain junctures, which allow these sectors to take bolder actions. Since they have a place in a sector of
Uruguayan society, unfortunately. It is a discourse of order, of authority. Dangerous speech when there is confusion and there are no clear
orientations from the popular and left field.
We must also point out that this is not met with washed-out, faded discourses and policies. It faces a clear, firm, forceful position and
solid popular organizations and in struggle.
Today's struggles
The growth of these sectors is proof that those from above come for everything. They come to destroy the rights won by the people with
struggle. They come for a higher percentage of wealth. The PITCNT decided to approve the government guidelines and sign an agreement in
which it accepts the loss of wages until January 2022. Loss of wages that will be at least 3%. An immense error involves this conception
that prioritizes employment over salary, since both go hand in hand. This agreement has not stopped the multiple layoffs in different
branches of activity.
And approved this agreement, the bosses go for more. Case of the taximeter employer, which proposes to eliminate the payment of overtime,
among other things. In order to "mediate" the government makes a proposal that even violates the law, since it proposes to pay the extra
hour at 50%, reduces the per diem, legalizes the 12-hour day. All of this has been met with struggle by SUATT.
It has been in the transport sector where the employer's scythe was felt since the beginning of the pandemic and continues with a major
restructuring with the endorsement of the municipal and national governments. SUNTMA has also faced layoffs in the fishing loading and
unloading sector.
On the other hand, the mobilization of the Bodies Coordinating Union Table on July 29 and the mobilization of the Intersocial against the
LUC the following day has been important. This clearly shows that there is courage and will to mobilize and fight. A combative orientation
is necessary that places the people on the streets, surrounding the struggles and with a view to deepening the struggle in this period. We
are a few days before the Budget enters Parliament and almost nothing is known about its conformation, and mobilizations are expected, since
this will be the budget of the LUC and the cut. Already the government is cutting at least 15% of the budgets of all ministries and public
companies, affecting above all social policies and the development of public services.
At the neighborhood level, popular pots have been promoted and continue to be supported by social groups, an activity that, in addition to
alleviating the misery that some sectors of our people are experiencing, have resulted in resistance and organization from neighbors.
Do not forget
On August 23, 1927, Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti were assassinated in the electric chair. The international campaign against this
crime was immense and had a major source of agitation in our country. The North American upper class was determined in its execution,
punishing Anarchism and its militants for the high degree of development that our Idea was having in that country that was already emerging
as an imperial power.
Like the Martyrs of Chicago, that thousands of workers who suffered persecution in those years, as well as thousands suffer it today also
for their militancy and their ideas, for their social or ethnic condition, throughout the planet. , Sacco and Vanzetti are a symbol of the
fight against injustice.
They live today in those persecuted and in the struggles that illuminate a different tomorrow. Today we remember that slogan of our
Organization: "From Sacco and Vanzetti to Morroni: the crimes of a class, the validity of a struggle!"
TO FACE THE RIGHT AND THE FASCIST!
THE ADJUSTMENT WILL NOT PASS!
UP THOSE WHO FIGHT!
URUGUAYAN ANARCHIST FEDERATION
https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/carta-opinion-agosto/
------------------------------
Message: 3
The capitalist media in Australia are full of news and opinion designed to create fear and suspicion of China and its so-called "communist"
government. To advance this agenda, many real and alleged instances of bad behaviour by Beijing are cited. This is having the desired
effect. Public opinion is shifting against China and giving the Liberal Government (aided and abetted by the Labor "Opposition") more room
to join the United States in its anti-China military manoeuvres. ---- And here is the link to the bigger picture. The United States has
taken an increasingly anti-China stance in recent years because it is afraid of losing its global dominance. The US remains the single most
powerful country by a long way, despite receding from its overwhelming superiority in the 1950s and facing a declining position in recent
decades. The USSR collapsed in 1991. Other potential imperialist rivals rose to a threatening position, but their challenges faded away.
The great size of the US, its control of world institutions, its multi-national corporations and its massive rent from intellectual property
forced first Germany, then Japan and finally the European Union to concede a subordinate position. Germany and Japan, being substantially
smaller in population and stuck on a lower GDP per capita figure, have no prospect of overtaking the US. The EU, though a promising project
which had the necessary scale to compete with the US, has fallen victim to intractable conflicts between its constituent capitalist classes.
China is a different kettle of fish. With a population more than four times that of the US, it can surpass the United States without
becoming as rich. Even if its GDP per capita hits a ceiling of half that of the US, China's total GDP would be more than double the US.
Apart from exerting a stronger economic influence on the world economy than the US, it could build a stronger military with a lower share of
GDP devoted to paying for it. The advantages which enabled the US to defeat previous challengers may not be enough to prevent this scenario.
This prospect is, of course, intolerable to the US capitalists. As a result, they have united against China. While US Congress is bitterly
divided under the Trump regime and is stalemated on virtually every other question, the Democrats and Republicans have repeatedly combined
to pass anti-China resolutions almost unanimously. This is not just one of Trump's solo frolics.
It is necessary to step back and take in the entire international picture. In order to preserve its global dominance, US imperialists are
attempting to prevent China becoming a developed country and its people acquiring the standard of living that goes with that. To force China
deliberately to stay underdeveloped, and so to keep the bulk of its people in poverty, would be a crime of staggering proportions. It is an
objective which would probably require war. All the actions of the US and Australia, as well as the actions of China, have to be examined
from this perspective.
USS Carl Vinson, flagship of Carrier Strike Group 1 of the US Navy Third Fleet, a key instrument of US imperialism in the Pacific Ocean
(Credit: US Navy via Wikipedia)*
Complaints from Australian politicians and in the media about China's behaviour have mostly fallen into two categories: complaints about
genuinely poor behaviour by the Beijing Stalinists, and complaints about their violation of the rules-based international order. The
repression of the Uighurs and the Tibetans have to be Beijing's worst crimes. In both cases Beijing is swamping the local population with
ethnic Han migrants who have immense privileges and establish dominant economic positions. In the case of the Uighurs, the repression
amounts to an attempted cultural genocide. A somewhat lesser crime, though a total disgrace in itself, is the suppression of civil liberties
in Hong Kong. Beijing's violation of the "one country, two systems" agreement isn't designed to integrate Hong Kong into the People's
Republic, but to give Hong Kong the worst of both worlds - to combine Beijing's political tyranny with a billionaires' free market paradise.
In the process, of course, they are blowing away any chance of a voluntary reunification with Taiwan, the province which the Kuomintang
dictatorship retained in 1949 and which has subsequently had its own political evolution.
Beijing's violations of the rules-based international order are more complex. This order didn't arise in a vacuum. It expresses the
institutionalised power of the United States, both in its rules and its mechanisms for enforcement. It is particularly galling to see the US
complaining that China is violating the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea with its fortifications in the South China Sea, given that the
US is one of only a handful of States that have refused to sign, let alone ratify, it. China's alleged theft of intellectual property is no
crime at all. Property is theft and intellectual property is perhaps the worst kind of theft, since it is the legal protection of an
unnatural monopoly that impoverishes the world so that capitalists can collect rent. Finally, although many of China's alleged cyber-attacks
are genuinely objectionable, we need to consider what we're not being told. Anyone who thinks the United States isn't doing the same, or
worse, to China is so naive they should never buy a used car. Beijing just keeps quiet about it all so that the US doesn't find out how much
Beijing knows.
Certain complaints from the Australian media, though, have revealed the real agenda. China's Belt and Road initiative has been attracting
many beefs from capitalist politicians and pundits, with very thin justifications. And recently Australian media published objections to
China's aid to South Pacific countries to fight the coronavirus. What they're complaining about is not China's misbehaviour, but China's
development and growing international prominence.
China (Credit: ChinaTravelGuide.com)*
What should Anarchists do?
The Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group believes that the US objective of preventing the development of China is indefensible. Anarchists
oppose the US war drive and the anti-China campaign of which it is part. In Australia, the media are demonising Chinese capitalists for
being Chinese rather than for being capitalists and Anarchists must oppose this. And crucially, we fight the Australian Government's
participation in US provocations against China such as their military exercises in the South China Sea.
There is more. Unlike Stalinists (and certain Trotskyists), we don't manufacture excuses for the crimes of the Chinese so-called "Communist"
Party. The MACG takes the side of the Uighur and Tibetan peoples in China who are struggling against Beijing's national chauvinist
repression and the people of Hong Kong struggling against political tyranny. We point out, though, that their only road to liberation is to
ally with the Chinese working class. Appealing to US imperialism is worse than useless. This would only support the US war drive against
China and invite their own destruction in the process.
The Chinese working class are the primary victims of the Chinese so-called "Communist" Party and have the most to gain from its overthrow.
Their liberation requires an iron commitment to democratic rights and the rights of national minorities. Only the Chinese workers have the
ability to defeat the "Communist" Party - and only they have the right to say what succeeds them.
As Anarchists, we argue for workers' revolution across the world and take as our primary duty the fight against the capitalists where we
live. Here in Australia, we must fight against the Australian Goverment's military alliance with the US, including the ANZUS Treaty, the 5
Eyes intelligence group and the spy base at Pine Gap. And we must fight to build a labour movement that can link up with the working class
across the region to make revolution against both the capitalists and the Chinese so-called "Communist" Party. There is no other way.
FOR WORKERS REVOLUTION
https://melbacg.wordpress.com/2020/09/01/no-war-on-china/
------------------------------
Message: 4
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/podlove/file/187/s/webplayer/c/website/belarus_august_2020_en.mp3 ---- As the Anarchist Radio Berlin, we
gladly present this interview with an anarchist in Belarus on the current situation in the country. Since weeks people are in the streets in
the aftermath of the last election. ---- In the interview, recorded on the 31st of august 2020, we learn about underlying reasons and the
built up to the current protest movement, as well as the role of alternative media and the current state repression. ---- Links mentioned in
the interview: ---- ABC Belarus: ways to donate to support anarchists (add note "STREET FUND" to direct money towards actions instead of
repression costs) ---- Pramen: news from an anarchist perspective (also in english) ---- Belarus97.org: support people detained in general
Support people who lost their job because of their political views (Caution: links to Facebook!)
https://pramen.io/en/2020/09/belarus-rebellion-against-dictatorship/
------------------------------
Message: 5
Anarchistisches Radio Berlin (A-Radio Berlin) spoke recently to a comrade from the Federation for Anarchist Organizing (FAO) in Slovenia and
Croatia. Amongst the topics discussed were the ongoing social uprising in Slovenia, the dynamics and challenges of such a movement in the
Covid-19 context, state repression and neonazi attacks as well as a comparison to the 2012/2013 uprising. Last but not least our comrade
offers an analysis of the tactics used in the struggle and how to possibly go forward. ---- You'll find the audio, to listen online or
download, here (Length: 27½ mins, 12 August 2020): ----
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/slovenia-tactics-and-challenges-in-the-ongoing-social-uprising/ ---- or play from here (in English after a
short intro to the internet radio station in German) ... ----
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/podlove/file/177/s/webplayer/c/website/A-RadioBerlin_Slowenien_Aufstand_2020_EN.mp3
Interview transcript available: https://i-f-a.org/2020/08/24/slovenia-tactics-and-challenges-in-the-ongoing-social-uprising/
Belarus
A-Radio Berlin conducted another interview about Belarus with a comrade from there on 31 August, 2020. Here is the audio link (56¼ mins):
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/belarus-rebellion-against-dictatorship/ or you can play from here
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/podlove/file/187/s/webplayer/c/website/belarus_august_2020_en.mp3
0:00
/ 56:14
Transcript here: https://i-f-a.org/2020/09/02/a-radio-interview-with-anarchist-comrade-about-belarus-radio-podcast-and-full-transcript/
http://afed.org.uk/rebellion-in-slovenia-and-belarus-2-recent-anarchist-podcasts/
------------------------------
Message: 6
On the morning of September 1, 2020, Alexei Sokrat Sutuga, a former political prisoner and one of Russia's most famous Antifa activists,
died of his injuries. For more than a week, he lay in a coma in one of Moscow's hospitals, where he arrived with a serious head injury. This
was caused by the attackers on the night of August 23, who are currently in custody. However, the circumstances of the attack are not yet
clear and it was probably not a politically motivated attack. ---- Twenty years ago, Alexei co-founded the Autonomous Action movement ,
first in Irkutsk, where he came from, then in Moscow. He has been involved in a number of social and environmental projects. He always took
the fight against the Nazis very seriously - and twice in prison (ie officially for street rioting) he was imprisoned.
In addition to activism, he played in punk Oi! band Working Boys, devoted himself to theater and recently published his book Conversations
about Prison .
In recent years, he has lived in Moscow, earning a living as a construction worker, publishing Avtonom magazine and organizing anarchist
lectures. He was involved in a solidarity campaign in the Network case .
Alexei's friend wrote about him: "Such a big, strong, promising and good boy from Siberia, an anti-fascist, anarchist, a true working-class
hero who could listen, think, decide and act..."
He was survived by his son Nestor.
Source:
https://avtonom.org/news/skonchalsya-nash-tovarishch-aleksey-sutuga
We wrote about Alexei Sutug:
https://www.afed.cz/text/3362/ruce-pryc-od-ruskych-antifasistu
https://www.afed.cz/text/5978/proti-statnim-represim-v -rusku
https://www.afed.cz/text/6180/nase-solidarita-je-silnejsi-nez-vase-vezeni
https://www.afed.cz/text/6462/1-10-7-2016 -days-of-solidarity-with-prisoners
https://www.afed.cz/text/6719/zelezna-pata-vychodu-ii
https://www.afed.cz/text/7219/smrt-alexeje-sutugy
------------------------------
Message: 7
Anarchism, despite being a rich historical tradition with theorists and thinkers from all over the world, and which has influenced a great
many social movements, is unfairly maligned at times. Some pigeon hole it as an anachronism, based on the worship of a prelapsarian past; a
mindset of the small-society and essentially obsolete today. Others malign it as overtly and centrally European, unequipped to deal with the
struggles faced by people of colour and colonised peoples today who may demand a nationalism of their own for the sake of safety. Beyond
this, some - often of the more traditionally Marxist stripe - tend to label it utopian and divorced from material change: too busy focused
on what could be to deal with what is.
Given that these criticisms are some of the most common that anarchists, and Anarchism more broadly, face, there is always a concern when a
book with a historical angle crosses the desk, and has a focus on the thinkers of the past. While it is unquestionably valuable for a modern
movement to be aware of the thoughts and struggles of those who came before, is this not just re-affirming some of those critiques above to
centralise them in a book of this kind? The pivotal issue of a work such as Ruth Kinna and Clifford Harper's new Great Anarchists is whether
it manages to avoid the trappings of simply repeating and glorifying those of the past, becoming a project of immediacy and relevance, or
whether it becomes mired in celebrating long dead men.
Immediately the question is answered: in the introduction, they establish the important principal that, ‘although these contexts were
special, many of the issues the anarchists wrestled with still plague our lives', and that the purpose of the investigations in the book are
‘not just interesting archaeological exercises', but instead opportunities to examine how classical anarchists thinkers influenced modern
movements and offer insight into lessons that apply to modern living. From the very beginning, the project is set up with a powerful
motivation towards a useful and ultimately successful goal.
Originally published as a series of pamphlets, Great Anarchists serves as a crash course through individual prominent anarchists and
thinkers of influence to the anarchist movement, and to this extent each segment is dedicated to a single individual. Further, Clifford
Harper's beautiful illustrations begin each segment, showing an artful and striking portrait of the subject. The heavy, stark lines and
strongly textured designs draw on images of classical woodcuts but without the clutter that can often confuse and bury less expert attempts
at the style, and compliment the book in a unique manner. Addition of art such as this breaks up the text, and transforms Great Anarchists
from a piece of raw educational material into a singular project, a kind of didactic art-book, fusing the theory with an aesthetic quality
that calls to mind the aesthetic and joyful narratives implicit in so much of anarchist thinking.
Comprised of ten miniature biographies of thinkers associated with anarchism, one of the strengths of the project lies in the selections
themselves. It would be tempting to approach a project such as this with the desire to nail down all of the ‘canonical' thinkers, and it is
precisely this temptation that Kinna and Harper avoid. While prominent names such as Kropotkin certainly appear, and it can be somewhat
disconcerting to see a list of ‘great' anarchists that doesn't include Emma Goldman, the choice to include early pre-anarchist figures such
as William Godwin, mavericks such as Max Stirner, and those with legacies which have been largely depoliticised by history and education
such as Oscar Wilde, allows an image of anarchism to be built more broadly. Further, it implies a vital piece of information: anarchism is
somewhat unique among ideological traditions in that while it invariably draws from thinkers in the past, there is no name-giving origin
point or presumed ‘central' figure of authority. Anarchism can be found in any number of places, drawn out from any number of thinkers, and
there are more of them around than you might think.
Kinna's clear and concise style provides a great sense of ease to the reading. Never difficult, there is an almost conversational tone to
much of the writing which can allow a reader to almost miss exactly how much information is being presented. Further, and perhaps most
importantly to avoid the curse of hagiography, Kinna is never afraid to present critiques of the figures contained in the book: whether it
is highlighting Kropotkin's infamous views on the First World War, Bakunin's anti-Semitism, or the long-standing tension between Stirner and
much of the general anarchist movement, there is always room for nuance in Great Anarchists, and it is precisely this care that avoids the
book sliding into myth-making.
All of this is extremely positive, however, that does not mean that Great Anarchists is without some degree of concern. To begin with, there
is the first and obvious issue of the selection covered. While it is absolutely true that, shy of writing a tome thousands of pages long,
Kinna and Harper would always be forced to make decisions to exclude certain thinkers in a project of this kind, the choice of who to
include is worth examining. Inclusions of Oscar Wilde and William Godwin are certainly appreciated, and as mentioned earlier, open up the
world of anarchism more broadly than simply focusing on the anarchist ‘canon' might have, however the limitations of the figures selected do
seem evident: other than Lucy Parsons, every figure discussed in the text is white, and with no exception at all, every figure is either of
European or North American origin. Given the generally European flavour of most early anarchist theory, it is difficult to critique Kinna
and Harper themselves for this issue, but in a text in which they are willing to include figures who pre-date the anarchist movement (as
typically thought of) itself, it seems slightly strange that no figures from Asian, African, or South American anarchism are discussed.
It must be emphasised that this is not a damning criticism, and does nothing to impact the valuable nature of the work that is included in
Great Anarchists, nor is it intended to downplay the significance of any thinker who has been included. Instead, it simply must be stated
that the anarchist movement is broad and multifaceted one, and it might have been nice to see an inclusion of a figure such as Ito Noe (to
give but a single example) in order to reflect that and also to combat the idea of anarchism as being a Eurocentric concept.
Further, there is a single note worth making, which is that while the downsides of various thinkers as individuals is a subject of
discussion - anti-Semitism, or personal views on war, as mentioned earlier - there is fairly little critique of their thought itself in the
broader sense. As Great Anarchists is more of an introduction to thinkers on their own terms than a text of theory in its own right, this is
not truly an issue in my view. However, it is easy to imagine an anarchist coming from an anti-civilisational or primitivist perspective
taking issue with the discussion of Louise Michel's support for scientific and technological advancement in an uncritical tone - addressing
only potential ‘deeply unscientific practices' - as if these views were in a state of firm consensus amongst the anarchist community in general.
Neither of these downsides counteract or deny the useful and overall very fun nature of Great Anarchists, which manages to achieve its
stated goal of balancing historical education with an emphasis on shared struggle with the present almost effortlessly, and is an enjoyable
read.
The question for someone new to the world of radical leftist thought - particularly anarchist thought - is often where to start learning. It
can be incredibly difficult without any particular guide to know where to begin, both in terms of which thinkers one should approach first,
but also the texts they wrote and which ones should be considered the most urgent to read. Perhaps the most commonly suggested classical
anarchist work among modern radicals is Kropotkin's The Conquest of Bread, and while still a fantastic work filled with powerful explanation
and convincing argument, there is some truth to the claim that the style can be challenging for people with little background in reading
older texts. By contrast, many of the attempts that have been made to write modern groundings and introductions to the radical movements of
anarchism take an altogether different route and, while they do provide an overview of common perspectives, it is fairly normal for them to
avoid delving too deeply into the history of anarchism. Preferring to give modern day examples, and discuss modern day events, this strategy
can be very useful but for a number of new readers it can be frustrating: where did these ideas come from, the question is asked?
Kinna and Harper's new collection strikes a delicate but vital balance between the two approaches. Maintaining constant connections with the
movements and struggles of revolutionary groups and radical thinkers of today, they draw a line directly between historical writers and
activists without entangling themselves too deeply in what might be intimidating theory for the newcomer; their language is clean and
concise, and they refrain from approaching the topic with the assumption that any given reader will already know what they seek to discuss.
Given this mixture of the present with the past, as well as the brilliant use of illustrations throughout the book, Great Anarchists takes a
centre stage as one of the most useful and beautiful introductions to the history and, more importantly, the present of radical thought.
While not without potential nitpicks, the next time you are pressed to show a curious individual something to get them tumbling into the
radical movement, Great Anarchists should be near the top of the suggestions. ?
Jay Fraser
Jay is an anarchist, poet, amateur philosopher, and basketball fan. He did his degree in English at the University of Lincoln, and is a fan
of animals, good coffee, and horror movies. You can find him on Twitter @JayFraser1, or trying to find his face mask for the millionth time.
Great Anarchists by Ruth Kinna and Clifford Harper is available now from Dog Section Press for £6. Visit www.dogsection.org/press to buy,
and read online.
Ruth Kinna is a professor of Political Theory at Loughborough University, and is currently the editor of Anarchist Studies. Clifford Harper
is a radical illustrator, whose work can be found in a number of radical publications.
http://organisemagazine.org.uk/2020/09/02/great-anarchists-review/
------------------------------
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
We reproduce below a Pronouncement signed by more than 450 people and 140 organizations from 22 different countries, to which Unipa is added
in solidarity. No more war against the Zapatista communities! For the self-defense and self-determination of peoples by their territory and
their life! ---- Declaration ---- On the 22nd of August 2020, paramilitaries from the Regional Organization of Coffee Farmers in Ocosingo
(ORCAO), looted and set fire to the New Rainbow Dawn Commerce Centre, which is located at a site known as the Cuxujlá crossroads in the
autonomous municipality of Lucio Cabañas (part of the official municipality of Ocosingo). This violent act follows another, on the 24th of
February 2020, in which members of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) were assaulted and kidnapped by the ORCAO, along with the
recognised a paramilitary group the "Chinchulines" (or "Chitterlings"), and regional members of the political party MORENA. This event took
place during activities related to the defence of indigenous territories and the Madre Tierra "We are all Samir" event, organised by the
EZLN and the CNI. All inform
ation related to this violent incident is described and documented in a report published by the Zapatistas: (see:
https://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2020/02/27/pronunciamiento-ante-el-secuestro-de-miembros-del-cni-en-chilon-chiapas-por-su-participacion-en-las-jornadas-samir-somos-todas-y-todos/).
This new act of aggression forms part of an intensification in the war of attrition against the Mexican state of Chiapas and is
characterized by increasing violence perpetrated by paramilitary groups and organized criminal gangs. For more information, see recent
documentation collected by the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Centre for Human Rights (https://frayba.org.mx/agresiones-armadas-en-aldama/).
An increase in the dissemination of slanderous propaganda related to the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) forms part of this
move towards counterinsurgency which is furthermore being carried out in a number of different ways: both directly and indirectly; openly
and covertly, and through the media, as well as through political, economic and military means. This war-like scenario is not exclusive to
the state of Chiapas. As is already well-documented on the webpage of the National Indigenous Congress (see:
https://www.congresonacionalindigena.org/category/denuncias/), reports of violence carried out by criminal gangs as well as state and
state-affiliated groups are currently extremely high among indigenous communities and organizations. This violence leads to a breakdown in
community relations and has the effect of exhausting collective struggles against land dispossession and megaprojects in Mexico.
Those of us who have signed this document are calling on Mexican and international civil society to join us in denouncing recent aggressions
against indigenous communities. We demand an end to the aggression and hostility aimed at the Zapatista support bases and the malicious
destruction of essential community spaces and resources, which are not only the result of collective work, but within a context of multiple
crises, have also shown themselves to have hugely important heritage sites. We ask those reading this declaration to take note of and be
attentive to what we believe is a new and very worrying escalation of violence against the EZLN and the CNI; organizations that are
world-leading in their defense of life (vida) and their universal struggle to create a better word.
SIGNATORIES:
https://uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com/2020/09/01/pare-a-guerra-contra-os-zapatistas-ja/
------------------------------
Message: 2
It is 26 years since the massacre of the Filter Hospital, that harsh repression that cost the lives of Fernando Morroni and Roberto Facal.
Repression that so viciously punished the solidarity of the Uruguayan people with a group of Basque exiles. Hundreds of wounded -some
seriously- and detained and the verification that the repression was there, 9 years after the end of the dictatorship, crouched for when it
was necessary to use it to defend the interests of those above. ---- Also impunity. There was not a single defendant for these events, it is
known who shot Fernando Morroni and nothing has happened; Erode Ruiz -one of those in charge of the operation- is today the Chief of Police
of Montevideo. They are signs that speak clearly that impunity reigns in this country, even in a fact where the truth is visible to all.
In addition, the government of the time was in the hands of Luis Alberto Lacalle, father of the current President, and the direct and main
person responsible for this repression and the assassinations of Morroni and Facal.
We must continue in this fight, because memory is the basis of the Resistance. Accompany Norma Morroni, a companion with exemplary dignity
and integrity.
Impunity reigns: the Military Party advances "putting the weight"
It is not a new fact, but the public campaign of the Cabildo Abierto against everything that tries to judge the crimes against humanity
committed during the military dictatorship has increased in recent weeks. Nobody can say that the Open Council is not a Military Party that
strictly defends military interests.
Since the dismissal of Manini Ríos at the head of the General Command of the Army - precisely because of these issues such as the defense of
Gavazzo and the Caja Militar - his public statements - of purely bourgeois and fascist origin - have increased and are already part of a
concrete policy. The objective of the Cabildo Abierto is to bury the issue of human rights, "turn the page" as they say and place the
military discourse as valid.
The defense of genocidal victims such as that of Lawrie Rodríguez, who tortured and murdered our colleague Iván Morales, has been
highlighted. That "old man", or "octogenarian" as Manini says today, 50 years ago he tortured, raped and murdered under the protection of a
State policy. Like the indicted soldier and that Manini defends because "he was following orders." Killing a detainee from behind and
handcuffed, applying a kind of "escape law" seems to be a fact that exalts certain "Orientals." He points out that in 1972 "democratic
institutions" were in force; therefore, for Manini and the "military party," assassinating in this way is part of the "democratic" practices
of the rule of law. He forgets to say that it was in the middle of the "State of Internal War" and the least there were were "democratic
guarantees." It was the prelude to the dictatorship.
Manini and other notorious representatives of the Cabildo Abierto have attacked the trials and prosecutions of the military, but also
against the prosecutor Jorge Díaz, in whom they personalize this policy of "revenge" and also against "certain magistrates." "In the country
the rule of law is being trampled on by certain actors of the Justice who have prosecuted and convicted innocents based on false
testimonies," said Manini and with this he argues for the "reinstatement" of the Expiry Law that he had succeeded in "pacifying" the
country. The Expiration Law has only been interpreted lukewarmly by Parliament and not repealed, if so, hundreds of military personnel would
have been parading through the courts since 2011 and other types of reparatory measures and historical memory would have been taken.
"Reinstall it" is nothing more than a restorative game,
Manini also maintains that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights is a "foreign" body and to accept it is "that they rule us from the
outside" and vindicate "national sovereignty." And she sustains all this speech in defense of the Constitution that is being "systematically
violated."
If the sayings and events that are happening weren't serious, they should be laughed at. It is precisely the one who commanded the
institution most closely linked and subjected to the imperial powers (such as the Army with the National Security Doctrine and the constant
dispatch of military personnel to the School of the Americas during the period prior to the dictatorship), is the champion of "national
sovereignty." Just that institution that participated in the Condor Plan, a genocidal plan designed by the United States.
Of course, Manini attempted a renewal of the military discourse by supporting a Peronist thesis by the political scientist Marcelo Gullo,
widely read by some soldiers and by Fernández Huidobro. Even Manini was interviewed in uniform about this conception, in a very friendly
interview and dissemination of his thought by the magazine Caras y Caretas. It would seem a tragic reissue of the immense confusion that
occurred within the left with Communiqués 4 and 7 in February 1973.
The institution that trampled on the bourgeois Constitution now claims to defend it. Manini brings out the "theory of the two demons" to
justify this persecution of his "comrades in arms." The corporate defense of the military caste is one of the express purposes of Cabildo
Abierto as a political formation. At times it seems the only one, but it is not. This is just the tip of the iceberg of what is to come.
Finally, Manini graduated from the Military School during the dictatorship. Where were you during that entire period? Where did he "perform
functions"? What role did it play in the repression? Or did he not participate in it? You don't know anything about that period? Nobody saw it?
The coup plotters now have their own political party, the retired military command in it and clearly play inside the barracks. For
something, the Undersecretary of Defense is Rivera Elgue, one of the main members of CA. And it is to be hoped that these advances will
continue. It does not matter if within the "multicolored coalition" or not, if they play in their favor or against them, if the other
right-wing parties worry or become concerned about what CA does ... Manini and his "subordinates" are going to play strong with its own
approach and independently of the rest. For that you have to prepare ...
Town meeting
This party, which has a considerable volume of parliamentary representation, is a party with military roots, as we mentioned. Its backbone
are military retirees, including its agencies such as the Military Center and others. It had the ability to bring together practically all
reactionary sectors of Uruguayan politics, formerly disseminated in the Colorado Party and the National Party. Thus, there are figures such
as García Pintos, Nazi groups that were in the ranks of the PN, but also more traditional sectors such as Manini themselves, a long-standing
conservative family, whom Manini were linked to the JUP (youth fascist organization in previous years dictatorship), at the level of his
leadership.
In the Cabildo Abierto, the riverist sectors (created by Manini's grandfather to counterbalance Batlle and Ordóñez and stop their reforms)
and pachequistas from the Colorado Party, the «ruralistas» from the National Party, heirs of Benito Nardone, the military as we have already
said. , but also a good part of the union sectors of the field nucleated in a single Uruguay. It is the first time in the history of the
country that these sectors are united in a single party, which makes them more dangerous. The possible internal confrontations for various
interests are less, and above all they have managed to unite their base with an anti-left discourse, even if that left is the FA. Here are
the conservative and fascist sectors united under Manini's leadership. These sectors had not disappeared, they were waiting for their
opportunity and their "leader."
Its press organ is La Mañana, a historic fascist daily that supported Pacheco and the coup d'état and was founded and directed by the Manini
family itself. His recent comeback is no accident.
Whoever thinks that the Open Council and its leader are going to respect the game of bourgeois legality, may be in for a few surprises.
These are the sectors that have carried out the coup in 1973. The extreme right had no other option, in this period, but to regroup under
the cloak of bourgeois legality, and later on, try to do what they always do: trample that same mantle.
You cannot be naive with these sectors. They will surely continue to play parliamentary and government work, there they have to grow and
accumulate; but at the same time, the reactionary discourse will be more and more incisive and it will be necessary to be attentive to the
changes that may take place at certain junctures, which allow these sectors to take bolder actions. Since they have a place in a sector of
Uruguayan society, unfortunately. It is a discourse of order, of authority. Dangerous speech when there is confusion and there are no clear
orientations from the popular and left field.
We must also point out that this is not met with washed-out, faded discourses and policies. It faces a clear, firm, forceful position and
solid popular organizations and in struggle.
Today's struggles
The growth of these sectors is proof that those from above come for everything. They come to destroy the rights won by the people with
struggle. They come for a higher percentage of wealth. The PITCNT decided to approve the government guidelines and sign an agreement in
which it accepts the loss of wages until January 2022. Loss of wages that will be at least 3%. An immense error involves this conception
that prioritizes employment over salary, since both go hand in hand. This agreement has not stopped the multiple layoffs in different
branches of activity.
And approved this agreement, the bosses go for more. Case of the taximeter employer, which proposes to eliminate the payment of overtime,
among other things. In order to "mediate" the government makes a proposal that even violates the law, since it proposes to pay the extra
hour at 50%, reduces the per diem, legalizes the 12-hour day. All of this has been met with struggle by SUATT.
It has been in the transport sector where the employer's scythe was felt since the beginning of the pandemic and continues with a major
restructuring with the endorsement of the municipal and national governments. SUNTMA has also faced layoffs in the fishing loading and
unloading sector.
On the other hand, the mobilization of the Bodies Coordinating Union Table on July 29 and the mobilization of the Intersocial against the
LUC the following day has been important. This clearly shows that there is courage and will to mobilize and fight. A combative orientation
is necessary that places the people on the streets, surrounding the struggles and with a view to deepening the struggle in this period. We
are a few days before the Budget enters Parliament and almost nothing is known about its conformation, and mobilizations are expected, since
this will be the budget of the LUC and the cut. Already the government is cutting at least 15% of the budgets of all ministries and public
companies, affecting above all social policies and the development of public services.
At the neighborhood level, popular pots have been promoted and continue to be supported by social groups, an activity that, in addition to
alleviating the misery that some sectors of our people are experiencing, have resulted in resistance and organization from neighbors.
Do not forget
On August 23, 1927, Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti were assassinated in the electric chair. The international campaign against this
crime was immense and had a major source of agitation in our country. The North American upper class was determined in its execution,
punishing Anarchism and its militants for the high degree of development that our Idea was having in that country that was already emerging
as an imperial power.
Like the Martyrs of Chicago, that thousands of workers who suffered persecution in those years, as well as thousands suffer it today also
for their militancy and their ideas, for their social or ethnic condition, throughout the planet. , Sacco and Vanzetti are a symbol of the
fight against injustice.
They live today in those persecuted and in the struggles that illuminate a different tomorrow. Today we remember that slogan of our
Organization: "From Sacco and Vanzetti to Morroni: the crimes of a class, the validity of a struggle!"
TO FACE THE RIGHT AND THE FASCIST!
THE ADJUSTMENT WILL NOT PASS!
UP THOSE WHO FIGHT!
URUGUAYAN ANARCHIST FEDERATION
https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/carta-opinion-agosto/
------------------------------
Message: 3
The capitalist media in Australia are full of news and opinion designed to create fear and suspicion of China and its so-called "communist"
government. To advance this agenda, many real and alleged instances of bad behaviour by Beijing are cited. This is having the desired
effect. Public opinion is shifting against China and giving the Liberal Government (aided and abetted by the Labor "Opposition") more room
to join the United States in its anti-China military manoeuvres. ---- And here is the link to the bigger picture. The United States has
taken an increasingly anti-China stance in recent years because it is afraid of losing its global dominance. The US remains the single most
powerful country by a long way, despite receding from its overwhelming superiority in the 1950s and facing a declining position in recent
decades. The USSR collapsed in 1991. Other potential imperialist rivals rose to a threatening position, but their challenges faded away.
The great size of the US, its control of world institutions, its multi-national corporations and its massive rent from intellectual property
forced first Germany, then Japan and finally the European Union to concede a subordinate position. Germany and Japan, being substantially
smaller in population and stuck on a lower GDP per capita figure, have no prospect of overtaking the US. The EU, though a promising project
which had the necessary scale to compete with the US, has fallen victim to intractable conflicts between its constituent capitalist classes.
China is a different kettle of fish. With a population more than four times that of the US, it can surpass the United States without
becoming as rich. Even if its GDP per capita hits a ceiling of half that of the US, China's total GDP would be more than double the US.
Apart from exerting a stronger economic influence on the world economy than the US, it could build a stronger military with a lower share of
GDP devoted to paying for it. The advantages which enabled the US to defeat previous challengers may not be enough to prevent this scenario.
This prospect is, of course, intolerable to the US capitalists. As a result, they have united against China. While US Congress is bitterly
divided under the Trump regime and is stalemated on virtually every other question, the Democrats and Republicans have repeatedly combined
to pass anti-China resolutions almost unanimously. This is not just one of Trump's solo frolics.
It is necessary to step back and take in the entire international picture. In order to preserve its global dominance, US imperialists are
attempting to prevent China becoming a developed country and its people acquiring the standard of living that goes with that. To force China
deliberately to stay underdeveloped, and so to keep the bulk of its people in poverty, would be a crime of staggering proportions. It is an
objective which would probably require war. All the actions of the US and Australia, as well as the actions of China, have to be examined
from this perspective.
USS Carl Vinson, flagship of Carrier Strike Group 1 of the US Navy Third Fleet, a key instrument of US imperialism in the Pacific Ocean
(Credit: US Navy via Wikipedia)*
Complaints from Australian politicians and in the media about China's behaviour have mostly fallen into two categories: complaints about
genuinely poor behaviour by the Beijing Stalinists, and complaints about their violation of the rules-based international order. The
repression of the Uighurs and the Tibetans have to be Beijing's worst crimes. In both cases Beijing is swamping the local population with
ethnic Han migrants who have immense privileges and establish dominant economic positions. In the case of the Uighurs, the repression
amounts to an attempted cultural genocide. A somewhat lesser crime, though a total disgrace in itself, is the suppression of civil liberties
in Hong Kong. Beijing's violation of the "one country, two systems" agreement isn't designed to integrate Hong Kong into the People's
Republic, but to give Hong Kong the worst of both worlds - to combine Beijing's political tyranny with a billionaires' free market paradise.
In the process, of course, they are blowing away any chance of a voluntary reunification with Taiwan, the province which the Kuomintang
dictatorship retained in 1949 and which has subsequently had its own political evolution.
Beijing's violations of the rules-based international order are more complex. This order didn't arise in a vacuum. It expresses the
institutionalised power of the United States, both in its rules and its mechanisms for enforcement. It is particularly galling to see the US
complaining that China is violating the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea with its fortifications in the South China Sea, given that the
US is one of only a handful of States that have refused to sign, let alone ratify, it. China's alleged theft of intellectual property is no
crime at all. Property is theft and intellectual property is perhaps the worst kind of theft, since it is the legal protection of an
unnatural monopoly that impoverishes the world so that capitalists can collect rent. Finally, although many of China's alleged cyber-attacks
are genuinely objectionable, we need to consider what we're not being told. Anyone who thinks the United States isn't doing the same, or
worse, to China is so naive they should never buy a used car. Beijing just keeps quiet about it all so that the US doesn't find out how much
Beijing knows.
Certain complaints from the Australian media, though, have revealed the real agenda. China's Belt and Road initiative has been attracting
many beefs from capitalist politicians and pundits, with very thin justifications. And recently Australian media published objections to
China's aid to South Pacific countries to fight the coronavirus. What they're complaining about is not China's misbehaviour, but China's
development and growing international prominence.
China (Credit: ChinaTravelGuide.com)*
What should Anarchists do?
The Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group believes that the US objective of preventing the development of China is indefensible. Anarchists
oppose the US war drive and the anti-China campaign of which it is part. In Australia, the media are demonising Chinese capitalists for
being Chinese rather than for being capitalists and Anarchists must oppose this. And crucially, we fight the Australian Government's
participation in US provocations against China such as their military exercises in the South China Sea.
There is more. Unlike Stalinists (and certain Trotskyists), we don't manufacture excuses for the crimes of the Chinese so-called "Communist"
Party. The MACG takes the side of the Uighur and Tibetan peoples in China who are struggling against Beijing's national chauvinist
repression and the people of Hong Kong struggling against political tyranny. We point out, though, that their only road to liberation is to
ally with the Chinese working class. Appealing to US imperialism is worse than useless. This would only support the US war drive against
China and invite their own destruction in the process.
The Chinese working class are the primary victims of the Chinese so-called "Communist" Party and have the most to gain from its overthrow.
Their liberation requires an iron commitment to democratic rights and the rights of national minorities. Only the Chinese workers have the
ability to defeat the "Communist" Party - and only they have the right to say what succeeds them.
As Anarchists, we argue for workers' revolution across the world and take as our primary duty the fight against the capitalists where we
live. Here in Australia, we must fight against the Australian Goverment's military alliance with the US, including the ANZUS Treaty, the 5
Eyes intelligence group and the spy base at Pine Gap. And we must fight to build a labour movement that can link up with the working class
across the region to make revolution against both the capitalists and the Chinese so-called "Communist" Party. There is no other way.
FOR WORKERS REVOLUTION
https://melbacg.wordpress.com/2020/09/01/no-war-on-china/
------------------------------
Message: 4
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/podlove/file/187/s/webplayer/c/website/belarus_august_2020_en.mp3 ---- As the Anarchist Radio Berlin, we
gladly present this interview with an anarchist in Belarus on the current situation in the country. Since weeks people are in the streets in
the aftermath of the last election. ---- In the interview, recorded on the 31st of august 2020, we learn about underlying reasons and the
built up to the current protest movement, as well as the role of alternative media and the current state repression. ---- Links mentioned in
the interview: ---- ABC Belarus: ways to donate to support anarchists (add note "STREET FUND" to direct money towards actions instead of
repression costs) ---- Pramen: news from an anarchist perspective (also in english) ---- Belarus97.org: support people detained in general
Support people who lost their job because of their political views (Caution: links to Facebook!)
https://pramen.io/en/2020/09/belarus-rebellion-against-dictatorship/
------------------------------
Message: 5
Anarchistisches Radio Berlin (A-Radio Berlin) spoke recently to a comrade from the Federation for Anarchist Organizing (FAO) in Slovenia and
Croatia. Amongst the topics discussed were the ongoing social uprising in Slovenia, the dynamics and challenges of such a movement in the
Covid-19 context, state repression and neonazi attacks as well as a comparison to the 2012/2013 uprising. Last but not least our comrade
offers an analysis of the tactics used in the struggle and how to possibly go forward. ---- You'll find the audio, to listen online or
download, here (Length: 27½ mins, 12 August 2020): ----
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/slovenia-tactics-and-challenges-in-the-ongoing-social-uprising/ ---- or play from here (in English after a
short intro to the internet radio station in German) ... ----
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/podlove/file/177/s/webplayer/c/website/A-RadioBerlin_Slowenien_Aufstand_2020_EN.mp3
Interview transcript available: https://i-f-a.org/2020/08/24/slovenia-tactics-and-challenges-in-the-ongoing-social-uprising/
Belarus
A-Radio Berlin conducted another interview about Belarus with a comrade from there on 31 August, 2020. Here is the audio link (56¼ mins):
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/belarus-rebellion-against-dictatorship/ or you can play from here
https://www.aradio-berlin.org/podlove/file/187/s/webplayer/c/website/belarus_august_2020_en.mp3
0:00
/ 56:14
Transcript here: https://i-f-a.org/2020/09/02/a-radio-interview-with-anarchist-comrade-about-belarus-radio-podcast-and-full-transcript/
http://afed.org.uk/rebellion-in-slovenia-and-belarus-2-recent-anarchist-podcasts/
------------------------------
Message: 6
On the morning of September 1, 2020, Alexei Sokrat Sutuga, a former political prisoner and one of Russia's most famous Antifa activists,
died of his injuries. For more than a week, he lay in a coma in one of Moscow's hospitals, where he arrived with a serious head injury. This
was caused by the attackers on the night of August 23, who are currently in custody. However, the circumstances of the attack are not yet
clear and it was probably not a politically motivated attack. ---- Twenty years ago, Alexei co-founded the Autonomous Action movement ,
first in Irkutsk, where he came from, then in Moscow. He has been involved in a number of social and environmental projects. He always took
the fight against the Nazis very seriously - and twice in prison (ie officially for street rioting) he was imprisoned.
In addition to activism, he played in punk Oi! band Working Boys, devoted himself to theater and recently published his book Conversations
about Prison .
In recent years, he has lived in Moscow, earning a living as a construction worker, publishing Avtonom magazine and organizing anarchist
lectures. He was involved in a solidarity campaign in the Network case .
Alexei's friend wrote about him: "Such a big, strong, promising and good boy from Siberia, an anti-fascist, anarchist, a true working-class
hero who could listen, think, decide and act..."
He was survived by his son Nestor.
Source:
https://avtonom.org/news/skonchalsya-nash-tovarishch-aleksey-sutuga
We wrote about Alexei Sutug:
https://www.afed.cz/text/3362/ruce-pryc-od-ruskych-antifasistu
https://www.afed.cz/text/5978/proti-statnim-represim-v -rusku
https://www.afed.cz/text/6180/nase-solidarita-je-silnejsi-nez-vase-vezeni
https://www.afed.cz/text/6462/1-10-7-2016 -days-of-solidarity-with-prisoners
https://www.afed.cz/text/6719/zelezna-pata-vychodu-ii
https://www.afed.cz/text/7219/smrt-alexeje-sutugy
------------------------------
Message: 7
Anarchism, despite being a rich historical tradition with theorists and thinkers from all over the world, and which has influenced a great
many social movements, is unfairly maligned at times. Some pigeon hole it as an anachronism, based on the worship of a prelapsarian past; a
mindset of the small-society and essentially obsolete today. Others malign it as overtly and centrally European, unequipped to deal with the
struggles faced by people of colour and colonised peoples today who may demand a nationalism of their own for the sake of safety. Beyond
this, some - often of the more traditionally Marxist stripe - tend to label it utopian and divorced from material change: too busy focused
on what could be to deal with what is.
Given that these criticisms are some of the most common that anarchists, and Anarchism more broadly, face, there is always a concern when a
book with a historical angle crosses the desk, and has a focus on the thinkers of the past. While it is unquestionably valuable for a modern
movement to be aware of the thoughts and struggles of those who came before, is this not just re-affirming some of those critiques above to
centralise them in a book of this kind? The pivotal issue of a work such as Ruth Kinna and Clifford Harper's new Great Anarchists is whether
it manages to avoid the trappings of simply repeating and glorifying those of the past, becoming a project of immediacy and relevance, or
whether it becomes mired in celebrating long dead men.
Immediately the question is answered: in the introduction, they establish the important principal that, ‘although these contexts were
special, many of the issues the anarchists wrestled with still plague our lives', and that the purpose of the investigations in the book are
‘not just interesting archaeological exercises', but instead opportunities to examine how classical anarchists thinkers influenced modern
movements and offer insight into lessons that apply to modern living. From the very beginning, the project is set up with a powerful
motivation towards a useful and ultimately successful goal.
Originally published as a series of pamphlets, Great Anarchists serves as a crash course through individual prominent anarchists and
thinkers of influence to the anarchist movement, and to this extent each segment is dedicated to a single individual. Further, Clifford
Harper's beautiful illustrations begin each segment, showing an artful and striking portrait of the subject. The heavy, stark lines and
strongly textured designs draw on images of classical woodcuts but without the clutter that can often confuse and bury less expert attempts
at the style, and compliment the book in a unique manner. Addition of art such as this breaks up the text, and transforms Great Anarchists
from a piece of raw educational material into a singular project, a kind of didactic art-book, fusing the theory with an aesthetic quality
that calls to mind the aesthetic and joyful narratives implicit in so much of anarchist thinking.
Comprised of ten miniature biographies of thinkers associated with anarchism, one of the strengths of the project lies in the selections
themselves. It would be tempting to approach a project such as this with the desire to nail down all of the ‘canonical' thinkers, and it is
precisely this temptation that Kinna and Harper avoid. While prominent names such as Kropotkin certainly appear, and it can be somewhat
disconcerting to see a list of ‘great' anarchists that doesn't include Emma Goldman, the choice to include early pre-anarchist figures such
as William Godwin, mavericks such as Max Stirner, and those with legacies which have been largely depoliticised by history and education
such as Oscar Wilde, allows an image of anarchism to be built more broadly. Further, it implies a vital piece of information: anarchism is
somewhat unique among ideological traditions in that while it invariably draws from thinkers in the past, there is no name-giving origin
point or presumed ‘central' figure of authority. Anarchism can be found in any number of places, drawn out from any number of thinkers, and
there are more of them around than you might think.
Kinna's clear and concise style provides a great sense of ease to the reading. Never difficult, there is an almost conversational tone to
much of the writing which can allow a reader to almost miss exactly how much information is being presented. Further, and perhaps most
importantly to avoid the curse of hagiography, Kinna is never afraid to present critiques of the figures contained in the book: whether it
is highlighting Kropotkin's infamous views on the First World War, Bakunin's anti-Semitism, or the long-standing tension between Stirner and
much of the general anarchist movement, there is always room for nuance in Great Anarchists, and it is precisely this care that avoids the
book sliding into myth-making.
All of this is extremely positive, however, that does not mean that Great Anarchists is without some degree of concern. To begin with, there
is the first and obvious issue of the selection covered. While it is absolutely true that, shy of writing a tome thousands of pages long,
Kinna and Harper would always be forced to make decisions to exclude certain thinkers in a project of this kind, the choice of who to
include is worth examining. Inclusions of Oscar Wilde and William Godwin are certainly appreciated, and as mentioned earlier, open up the
world of anarchism more broadly than simply focusing on the anarchist ‘canon' might have, however the limitations of the figures selected do
seem evident: other than Lucy Parsons, every figure discussed in the text is white, and with no exception at all, every figure is either of
European or North American origin. Given the generally European flavour of most early anarchist theory, it is difficult to critique Kinna
and Harper themselves for this issue, but in a text in which they are willing to include figures who pre-date the anarchist movement (as
typically thought of) itself, it seems slightly strange that no figures from Asian, African, or South American anarchism are discussed.
It must be emphasised that this is not a damning criticism, and does nothing to impact the valuable nature of the work that is included in
Great Anarchists, nor is it intended to downplay the significance of any thinker who has been included. Instead, it simply must be stated
that the anarchist movement is broad and multifaceted one, and it might have been nice to see an inclusion of a figure such as Ito Noe (to
give but a single example) in order to reflect that and also to combat the idea of anarchism as being a Eurocentric concept.
Further, there is a single note worth making, which is that while the downsides of various thinkers as individuals is a subject of
discussion - anti-Semitism, or personal views on war, as mentioned earlier - there is fairly little critique of their thought itself in the
broader sense. As Great Anarchists is more of an introduction to thinkers on their own terms than a text of theory in its own right, this is
not truly an issue in my view. However, it is easy to imagine an anarchist coming from an anti-civilisational or primitivist perspective
taking issue with the discussion of Louise Michel's support for scientific and technological advancement in an uncritical tone - addressing
only potential ‘deeply unscientific practices' - as if these views were in a state of firm consensus amongst the anarchist community in general.
Neither of these downsides counteract or deny the useful and overall very fun nature of Great Anarchists, which manages to achieve its
stated goal of balancing historical education with an emphasis on shared struggle with the present almost effortlessly, and is an enjoyable
read.
The question for someone new to the world of radical leftist thought - particularly anarchist thought - is often where to start learning. It
can be incredibly difficult without any particular guide to know where to begin, both in terms of which thinkers one should approach first,
but also the texts they wrote and which ones should be considered the most urgent to read. Perhaps the most commonly suggested classical
anarchist work among modern radicals is Kropotkin's The Conquest of Bread, and while still a fantastic work filled with powerful explanation
and convincing argument, there is some truth to the claim that the style can be challenging for people with little background in reading
older texts. By contrast, many of the attempts that have been made to write modern groundings and introductions to the radical movements of
anarchism take an altogether different route and, while they do provide an overview of common perspectives, it is fairly normal for them to
avoid delving too deeply into the history of anarchism. Preferring to give modern day examples, and discuss modern day events, this strategy
can be very useful but for a number of new readers it can be frustrating: where did these ideas come from, the question is asked?
Kinna and Harper's new collection strikes a delicate but vital balance between the two approaches. Maintaining constant connections with the
movements and struggles of revolutionary groups and radical thinkers of today, they draw a line directly between historical writers and
activists without entangling themselves too deeply in what might be intimidating theory for the newcomer; their language is clean and
concise, and they refrain from approaching the topic with the assumption that any given reader will already know what they seek to discuss.
Given this mixture of the present with the past, as well as the brilliant use of illustrations throughout the book, Great Anarchists takes a
centre stage as one of the most useful and beautiful introductions to the history and, more importantly, the present of radical thought.
While not without potential nitpicks, the next time you are pressed to show a curious individual something to get them tumbling into the
radical movement, Great Anarchists should be near the top of the suggestions. ?
Jay Fraser
Jay is an anarchist, poet, amateur philosopher, and basketball fan. He did his degree in English at the University of Lincoln, and is a fan
of animals, good coffee, and horror movies. You can find him on Twitter @JayFraser1, or trying to find his face mask for the millionth time.
Great Anarchists by Ruth Kinna and Clifford Harper is available now from Dog Section Press for £6. Visit www.dogsection.org/press to buy,
and read online.
Ruth Kinna is a professor of Political Theory at Loughborough University, and is currently the editor of Anarchist Studies. Clifford Harper
is a radical illustrator, whose work can be found in a number of radical publications.
http://organisemagazine.org.uk/2020/09/02/great-anarchists-review/
------------------------------
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten