Today's Topics:
1. Belarus, pramen: Anarchist movement in Belarus 1992-2002
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Greece, anarchist-federation: Anti-state - anti-capitalist
course in view of the Thessaloniki Helexpo Forum [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
course in view of the Thessaloniki Helexpo Forum [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #308 - September AL
is on newsstands ! (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
is on newsstands ! (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. [Spain] Funeral speech full of love, to David Graeber By
Acratosaurio Rex -- ANA (pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
You are holding a short historical account of the first decade of anarchism in post-Soviet Belarus. Written in a simple way, it gives you an
idea of the processes that took place in the anarchist movement of Belarus from 1991 to 2002. The brochure was issued in Russian and
Belarusian in 2002 by a former anarchist Pauliuk Kanavalchyk who recollected the facts and funny stories that he lived through or heard from
other contemporaries. Mind that this is a personal account, probably lacking other important dates and happenings. Another Belarusian
anarchist Mikalai Dziadok got down to writing the continuation of the history covering the following decades. The book isn't finished yet.
Translated by Anarchist Black Cross Belarus
Anarchism in Belarus has more than a century-old history. The first mentions of anarchists on the territory of Belarus date back to the eve
of the Russian revolution of 1905-1907, when first anarchist groups started to emerge in different towns1. Not numerous at first, anarchists
engaged in the trendy at that time individual terror2. Thanks to such a "propaganda of the deed" anarchism became a vast revolutionary
movement literally over the first years of its existence. The movement attracted radical in thinking young people who were willing to throw
a bomb at exploiters.
It is common knowledge that Maksim Bahdanovich, a canonical Belarusian writer, used to be an anarchist during his studies, and under the
influence of Bakunin's writings attempted to blow the administration of his own grammar school with a self-made bomb. Explosions,
assassination attempts, expropriations - numerous historical books on the history of the early 20th century repeatedly mentioned these acts
as inherent to anarchists.
Meanwhile, modern Belarusian anarchism starts from recent history, which has not yet been reflected in school books, but is already stuck
upon the memory of many of our contemporaries and has its continuation in the present.
Let's first make a short retrospective journey into the stagnant 70s - the golden age of the Hippie movement. These rootless "flower
children" were able to set their own "System" against the Soviet totalitarian system, and it later became a real vital alternative for many
young people. It was in the Hippie communities that the first contemporary anarchists appeared3. We cannot speak about any serious anarchist
activity in the epoch of all-embracing power of the KGB4, though history remembers a few precedents of active resistance to the system.
In 1972 in Hrodna, Hippies organised an anti-military pacifist demonstration. It came as a total shock for the local authorities. The army
and the militia5 blocked off the centre of the city, and all the demonstrators were arrested. Later many of them tracklessly disappeared in
Soviet mental institutions. But this action of Hrodna Hippies is still remembered by many people as the first youth action of disobedience
in Belarus6.
Of course, one cannot claim that the Hippie movement was the cradle of the modern anarchist movement in Belarus. But some shaggy ginks of
the 70s would take an active part in its creation later on.
It's been a long time, and many things have happened since then; that allows us to start writing the chronicle of anarchism in Belarus today.
It is impossible to describe all tricks of Belarusian anarchists during the last decade[the 90s - t/n], but the most crucial actions that
caused a public response should be reflected on paper right now.
As some heroes of events discussed below are our contemporaries, their names will deliberately not be mentioned, and some fascinating
stories involving specific people will be omitted. Let's leave it to the future researchers and the personalities themselves, who at the set
of life will describe them in detail in their memoirs.
The hardening of the steel
From the late 80s, on the wave of Perestroika7 and "democratisation," different political initiatives (mainly democratic and nationalist)
started popping up like mushrooms after a spring rain all over the former Soviet state. Amid the general enthusiasm about previously banned
convictions, anarchism was no exception. Anarchist groups spontaneously appeared in many towns of post-soviet countries - students were
absorbed in Bakunin and Kropotkin, others, who didn't like books so much, were crazy about Sex Pistols and took up anarchism from punk-rock,
etc.
It was the time when most people associated anarchism with drunk sailors with accordions from the Soviet movies or with vomiting punks in
backstreets.
Anyhow, in the early 90s, the main form of anarchist resistance to the state was to shit at the Lenin monument in front of a local
administration in Hrodna or Mahiliou, to fry an egg on the eternal light in Minsk or to get drunk under a black flag in the Brest Fortress8.
However, people first heard about anarchists not because of these acts, but during the general strike in April 1991. Then a group of Homiel
anarchists Borba ("The Struggle") in cooperation with the Moscow Anarcho-Syndicalist Confederation (ASC)[1]organised a strike on the
typographic factory Polespechat in Homiel. At the same time, the activists of the Free Inter-Professional Workers Union (FIWU)[2], who were
widely represented in workers' strike committees, claimed to be anarcho-syndicalists and tried to create a leftist alternative to the Free
Trade Unions. The first mentions of the "successors of Kropotkin and Makhno" in the media motivated many anarchism adherents to seek
contacts with the like-minded. That was also invited by the political "thaw" in August 1991.
The first general meeting of Minsk and Homiel anarchists, which took place on 1st August 1992 in a "safe house" in Minsk was attended by
only eight delegates. Despite its paucity, the public was rather diverse: followers of classic kropotkianism and anarcho-syndicalism, "new
leftists" praying to May'68, simple punks, a university professor and even a businessman who was a veteran of the anarchist movement of the
70s. At this meeting, a fateful decision to create the Federation of Anarchists of Belarus (FAB) was made.
From the first steps of the joint activity of Belarusian anarchists, it's become clear that there were no hopes for producing some precise
and unified action plan on "reaching an anarchist future" suiting all FAB activists. A general policy paper and the FAB Free Agreement were
issued. These documents provided, on the one hand, the autonomy of every anarchist group, on the other hand, the solidarity of all
participants of the anarchist movement. Such a decision was conditioned by the life itself - anarchists from Minsk and Homiel, frankly
speaking, differed from each other in their opinions and methods of activism. In Homiel, the first anarchist group in Belarus appeared in
1990, and people were interested in social activities guided by the concept of anarcho-syndicalism. On 6th October 1992, the International
Unemployment Day, Homiel anarchists held an illegal rally that resulted in clashes with the militia and arrests. In the same year, the Trade
Union of the Unemployed was created with the involvement of Homiel anarchists; different awareness-raising campaigns were organised in the
city enterprises.
The Minsk anarchist group united mostly countercultural youth who was interested mainly in various situationist actions, rather than in the
labour movement. The sprouts of Minsk anarcho-syndicalism didn't even hold out till the 1st FAB congress: several key activists of the FIWU
had been fired from the factories by that time[3]. Nevertheless, even then the understanding of the "common cause of the movement" and the
need to unite disregarding diverging anarchist affiliations was prevailing among Belarusian anarchists.
The first anarchist newspaper in Belarus
Although the main actions of Minsk and Homiel anarchists were held on "banner days" (Mayday, 7th October9, 7th November10, etc.), they
didn't go unnoticed for society. In 1993, the first anarchist edition, the newspaper The Anarchy was issued in Homiel. Minsk anarchists,
apart from having conceptual fun, also tried themselves in publishing, and in 1994 the only edition of the newspaper The Black Squirrel was
printed.
Meanwhile, the time of relative liberalisation of the political and social life in Belarus came to an end. 1994 was the year of the first
presidential elections, after which a systematic crackdown started. However, the strengthening of the presidential dictatorship fostered the
development of different social initiatives including anarchist ones. The new Belarusian political reality created new forms of resistance,
too. What is really important is that the first mass action during Lukashenka's11 presidency was organised at the instigation of anarchists.
The action "We are grateful to the president for bread and milk," which took place on 14th October 1994, was not only the first
anti-presidential manifestation but also the first happening[4]. About 500 students marched to the House of the Government drinking milk
from the bottles and eating it up with bread loaves and chanted slogans to president's health - they were grateful for a tiny rise in their
study allowances that was officially named "for bread and milk." The action resulted in the arrests of three organisers of the action. It
was held by the Free Students Syndicate (FSS) founded together with the national-democratic Association of Belarusian Students and the Left
Student Movement (LSM) initiated by Minsk FAB activists.
Later the LSM became famous for another political ruffian trick. During the elections to the Supreme Soviet of Belarus in 1995, the
activists of the LSM started a loud campaign for their own candidate and initiated signatures collection. The programme of the anarchist
candidate was a total mockery at the standard promises of other politics. For example, he promised to strive for penguin genocide in the
Antarctic, to repaint orange the House of the Government, etc.
The primary opponent of anarchists at the electoral precinct was a candidate from the Beer-Lovers Party (BLP)[5], who was at once blamed for
beer amateurism and challenged to a beer duel. Strange as it was, but the challenge was accepted by the "beer-lovers." The duel took place
in the pub Svislach with a full house. The rules of the duel were set: an equal number of contestants from each side and the most
substantial total amount of drunk beer would let a party win. The beer for the duel was paid by the BLP. As a result, anarchists lost but
took advantage of the free beer.
Nevertheless, the candidate from the LSM was taken seriously. The candidate from the BLP, afraid of further competition, offered money to
anarchists for them to withdraw their candidate. The cash was accepted, and later anarchists could shout about the corruption of the
elections at every street corner. In the end, the votes in the precinct failed.
Apart from drinking conceptually, thus getting ready for the future battles, the LSM issued a few newspapers: Now!, How to Become a Traitor
and The Belarusian Bukharovets12.
In general, 1995 was rather fruitful for anarchism in Belarus. In this year, a new anarchist group was created in Hrodna, which later became
one of the most active ones; Hrodna anarchists issued the newspaper The Fool. In 1995, an anti-party group Chyrvony Zhond ("The Red Backdoor
Government") started its activity, which played an important role in the development of the anarchist movement in Belarus.
Chyrvony Zhond
Chyrvony Zhond, a national-democratic youth organisation with an unusual name, widely known in privy, existed since the early 90s[6].
Needless to say what its activity consisted in, anyhow, the group had fallen into decline by 1994. Its revival, or better, regeneration,
happened in 1994, when suddenly a group of youngsters who were noticed as participants of the action "For bread and milk" joined Chyrvony
Zhond. "Red means left," thought the comrades joining the ranks of Chyrvony Zhond, and made a real coup d'etat in the organisation in
February-March 1995 by reelecting all the ruling positions. The usurpation by the far-left elements led to the situation that anarchists
took over the organisation that had an official public association registration. That provided great opportunities for gambling on "legality."
Here is the story why Chyrvony Zhond became an "anti-party group." Almost all Belarusian youth organisations represented the wings of
"adult" political parties and actively supported them. Chyrvony Zhond became the first and only organisation on the "youth" political scene
which was not an appendage of some party. Pronouncing the necessity of the youth's own perspective on Belarusian reality, Chyrvony Zhond
opposed all parties that only manipulated the youth in their own political interests.
The first action where Chyrvony Zhond appeared in its new shape was a happening called "The promenade of political prisoners around the
Presidential Residency" organised by the Free Student Syndicate in May 1995 with the active involvement of the Beer-Lovers Party. A few
hundred students surrounded the Residency marching in a trail with hands on the nape and carrying the flag of the Belarusian Soviet
Republic, and then put the flag on the nearest public toilet. That was a certain reflection on the results of the Referendum on the
readmission of the Soviet symbols.
The action ended in mass arrests by riot police, which was a precedent of all repression that would later become the usual routine of the
law enforcement. A criminal case was initiated over the insult of the national symbols[7].
For the anniversary of the October Revolution in 1995, Chyrvony Zhond organised an independent manifestation at the House of the Government
in Minsk with the attendance of Hrodna anarchists. The action was held under red flags with a hole instead of the hammer and sickle and
banners "Off with the absolutism" and "Death to capitalism." Despite the "conventionalism" of slogans for such an action, 12 participants of
the rally were detained.
By 1996 the anti-party group Chyrvony Zhond had united Minsk FAB activists, the leftovers of the LSM and other leftist anti-authoritarian
elements of the capital.
"Politburo" members of Chyrvony Zhond, 1999
Drawing on the experience of the first political happenings, Chyrvony Zhond started an active promotion of the "concept of the
revolutionary-cultural action," which was influenced greatly by the ideas of Situationist International and the "new left," as well as the
activity of the Polish Pomeranczowa Alternatywa ("The Orange Alternative"). The concept consisted in the artistic manipulation of social
stereotypes and images of the mass culture, as a result of which "serious politics" was turned into conceptual ridicule and a fun funfair.
Chyrvony Zhond took up the slogan "Fight and relax!".
Apart from mocking at the politics, Chyrvony Zhond was also occupied with the politicisation of art, particularly of the counter-cultural
musical scene. On 25th February 1996, the first music festival "Bash the Fash" was organised with the participation of punk-bands from
Minsk, Hrodna, Homiel and Mahiliou. Besides the announced antifascist topic of the festival that would become an annual event, there was
also an attempt to draw new alternative bands to the scene. Hrodna anarcho-punk band Deviation, the band Sontsa Mao and others made their
first appearance on stage at the festival.
The spring of 1996 brought in the adrenalin of mass public unrest, in which anarchists took the most active part. At the height of the
spring anti-presidential manifestations of the opposition, Chyrvony Zhond organised a "pro-government" one. On 1st April, a happening "The
sacred procession of the loyalists to the Palace of President" was held. The action aimed at holding an illegal march to the Presidential
Residency under red-green flags13 and portraits of the President and at provoking the authorities into repressing the participants of the
"loyalist" demonstration. At a set time, about a hundred participants of the action and the press gathered near the science campus of
Belarusian State University. At the meeting, the "loyalists" approved of the President's policy, expressed their willingness to integrate
with Kyrgyzstan; a "priest" blessed the public. But the march didn't happen - the militia blocked the exits from the science campus;
however, they didn't act more radically than that, and none of the participants got detained. This protest became known to the public as a
meeting "Integration now!".
The developments of the spring'96 radicalised public attitude; people gained the experience of street fights with the militia and
administrative arrests. Major participants of the spring marathon were students, who mostly didn't affiliate themselves with any political
party. The students got a significant portion of repression from the authorities. To help organise the youth resistance to the militia's
terror, activists of Chyrvony Zhond started producing the newspaper The Youth Fights Back. The paper was rather extremist and contained
practical advice (e.g. how to make a Molotov-cocktail, etc.) along with the articles on the resistance theory. The Youth Fights Back gained
great popularity among politically-minded youth. Altogether in 1996-97, three issues of the newspaper and a special edition were produced.
Devotion to street fights was not the only anarchist vocation in 1996-97. On 1st March 1997, in honour of the 126th anniversary of the
assassination of the Russian Tsar Alexander II by the activist of Narodnaya Volya Ihnat Hryniavitski, the Shlioma Kahanovich[8]Free Nomadic
Anarchist Theatre Troupe made a public staging of the play "The Death of the Despot." The performance was organised right on the steps of
Minsk Conservatory and had fortunately ended by the arrival of the militia.
One more much-talked-of anarchist action in spring 1997 was an innocent - at first sight - football match between the teams of Chyrvony
Zhond and the Youth Fraction of the Belarusian Popular Front BPF (the future Youth Front). The challenge was that the match was arranged to
coincide with the anniversary of the escape of Zianon Pazniak from Belarus, who was the BPF leader. Anarchists called the party youth to the
competition and suggested to play for the "Pazniak Cup" so that they couldn't refuse. The game happened at a local stadium under driving
rain. The future Youth Front activists took it too seriously (they were afraid of losing the Cup named after their chief) and hired a few
professional football players. The team of Chyrvony Zhond lost 8:2, but at the same time won the information war by making several loud
statements in the media on the corruption of the BPF football.
The years of 1997-99 were the peak of activity of the anti-party group Chyrvony Zhond. It was the time when Belarusian anarchism walked away
from the political ghetto and became a remarkable independent subject of the Belarusian political scene. The wide publicity and media
response to its actions allowed for a noticeable growth of the anarchist movement, especially in the capital.
From 1998, the most notorious publishing project of Chyrvony Zhond, the newspaper Navinki, was started. The concept of the issue was as
follows: if show-business can grind any alternative by turning it into commercial pops, why not act the other way round, i.e. to sponge on
the stereotypes of the mass culture, politicise and at the same time absurdly distort their primary sense; all this should be edited as a
parody on the yellow press.
At the beginning of 1999, an official registration of Chyrvony Zhond was suspended for the "non-conformity of the activity to the
organisation's articles of association." This was synchronised with another outstanding event. Just at the beginning of 1999, the official
registration of the newspaper Navinki was obtained as a result of the campaign "Legalise It." Before that, the paper was circulated
illegally. The two events played an important role in the future of Chyrvony Zhond.
On the one hand, that encouraged the development of other anarchist publishing initiatives. In particular, activists of Chyrvony Zhond
released other editions, among them the paper for the working youth AK-47 and the paper Antyfashyk should be pointed out; they were
widespread among the youth. On the other hand, plunging into the publishing projects affected the street activity of Chyrvony Zhond. The
actions were held more seldom but still were memorable for their "artistic-political" character.
In full play of Russia's "anti-terrorist campaign" in the Caucasus in winter 2000, anarchists organised a campaign against the war in
Chechnya. Within the campaign, an illegal picket near the Russian embassy was held. About two dozen "federal soldiers wounded in action"
defiled along the fence holding a holy banner with Putin on it. There were no wounded or taken captives by the militia after the action.
In spring 2000, within the boycott of the parliamentary elections Chyrvony Zhond held a happening "Dogs' elections" with the attendance of
real dogs: during the "electoral campaign," the dogs voted for their candidates to the "Dog-house of Representatives." As a result, the
dogs' elections were falsified by dog breeders. Another funny action was called "Reclaim the oppositional demonstration" and took place in
autumn 2000. During an oppositional manifestation, anarchists organised their own bloc - under various flags and banners from the
underpants' cloth with no inscriptions, the company chanted abstract, meaningless slogans. By that, they wanted to demonstrate that the
colour of the flags and the sense of the banners had lost its political and practical meaning for the opposition in their struggle against
the dictatorship. "Reclaim the oppositional demonstration" was the last public action organised by Chyrvony Zhond; after that, the
anti-party group Chyrvony Zhond folded operations.
There were some attempts to make chapters of Chyrvony Zhond in other cities (Hrodna, Brest, Ivacevicy, etc.), but they were synchronised
with the decline in activity in the capital, which didn't let them expand in full force. The core group of Chyrvony Zhond settled down in
the editor's office of the Navinki newspaper, some activists joined other anarchist projects, mainly antifascist and environmental. The
activity was pursued by the Ivacevicy chapter of Chyrvony Zhond, as well as chapters in Prague and Paris consisting of activists who had to
emigrate for some reason.
Summing up the period of Chyrvony Zhond (1995-2000), it should be pointed out that its main achievement was the considerable growth of the
Belarusian anarchist movement. Chyrvony Zhond gave out more than a hundred of first-class badges of honour. (However, it must be admitted
that some activists received badges twice to replace the ones lost in battles - either with fascists or with the demon alcohol.) Of course,
there was also a dark side: the actions held by other Minsk FAB activists that had nothing to do with the anti-party group were often
ascribed to Chyrvony Zhond in the media, as it was the most famous anarchist group. Such situations brought in disharmony in the development
of other anarchist initiatives.
The struggle continues
The Belarusian anarchist movement of the late 90s wasn't limited to the activity of Chyrvony Zhond which was the most active group at that
time, but still just one among many other FAB initiatives and groups.
From the mid-90s, anarchist activity expanded significantly in Hrodna. On 23rd February 1996, Hrodna anarchists organised an action "Fuck
the Army" which has become the first appearance of the alternative youth in the city since the Hippie demonstration in 1972. Regional and
district military commissariats were picketed, and an illegal march to the local municipality was held. As a result, two participants were
detained. Later on, the actions against the universal draft were held by Hrodna anarchists on 19th February annually - the day of the
abolition of serfdom in 1861. In this way, they compared the present-day "holy duty" to the servitude.
In September 1996, during the Town Day in Homiel, the militiamen beat a local punk Konstantin Moskvin to death. Homiel anarchists organised
a broad public campaign demanding prosecution of the murderers in the uniform. A special edition of the newspaper Youth Fights Back with the
details of this case was issued. The criminal case was started twice, but in the end, the authorities were able to cover up the incident.
The year of 1997 was marked by the rise of the anarchist movement in Brest. In June, anarchists organised a mass meeting to which everyone
interested in anarchism had been invited. The abundance of black flags drew the attention of the law-enforcement authorities, and the
meeting was dispersed. In autumn that year, another attempt to hold a mass protest was made, but it was terminated by the militia in the
very beginning. The KGB got interested in the surprising burst in activity of "extremist elements" and launched repressions against Brest
anarchists that included arrests, searches, literature seizures, etc. All that led to a temporary decline in anarchist activity in Brest.
One of the longest and at the same time the most successful actions held with the involvement of Belarusian anarchists was the environmental
campaign "Viasiolka" ("The Rainbow") initiated in 1998. The campaign was directed against the plans of the Belarusian nuclear power plant
construction which was lobbied by the government. An independent environmental initiative Ecoresistance was created involving anarchists. It
took responsibility for the whole campaign that engaged employers of Belarusian Academy of Sciences, concerned scientists, the press, as
well as the activists of the Russian radical environmental movement "Rainbow Keepers", who had the experience of organising a similar
campaign. The newspaper Viasiolka was issued which covered all aspects of nuclear energy and radioecology. In 1998-99, several seminars on
the viability of the NPP construction were organised with the assistance of scientists. In summer 1998, Ecoresistance activists organised
the "March for nuclear-free Belarus" at the planned construction sites in Mahiliou region. The aim of the march was spreading anti-nuclear
propaganda among the population of the nearest districts. Local municipalities in Mahiliou, Šklou and other towns were picketed. As a result
of the broad public campaign involving Belarusian Academy of Sciences' members, a moratorium on the NPP construction project in Belarus was
achieved14.
In summer 1996, another environmental action was organised - the campaign against the contamination of the Dnieper River. The action aimed
to draw attention to the environmental state of one of the most significant waterways in Belarus. Within the campaign, rafting along Dnieper
from Šklou to Bychau was organised; a conference "Clear water" and a musical festival "Ecostock" was held in Mahiliou. During the rafting,
activists took water samples and later supplied them to the environmental control station in Mahiliou.
Some participants who shunned rafting were moving along the bank of the river to the destination. The land group was able to be first at the
meeting points with locals and hold press-conferences against the river contamination together with the local affiliates.
Meanwhile, various anarchist initiatives emerged in Hrodna. In 1998, anarchists created the Radical Wing of the Free Students Syndicate of
Hrodna University and started issuing the paper Let's Rebel! on its behalf. Hrodna anarchists also found an interesting alternative to the
lacking accessible music clubs in the city. Under the auspices of the Independent Union of Hrodna Anarchists (IUHA) the squatting of empty
houses and cocklofts started, where concerts and other art-events were held. Moreover, they organised animal liberation campaigns,
particularly "Free the dolphins!" during the dolphinarium performance in the city.
In the late 90s, anarchist activity emerges in other regions of Belarus. In September 1999, anarchists picketed local education authority's
office in Ivacevicy to protest against the discrimination of students by the school administrations based on looks. The thing was that
several high-school students were not granted admission to school only because they had "too long" hair or a "non-conformist" look. As a
result, anarchists were able to secure that all shaggies were admitted. Another notable event held by Ivacevicy anarchists was an animal
liberation action concerning the zoo arrival in 2000. It turned out that a monkey died on the way; that became the cause of the action.
Activists climbed on the zoo wagons and put posters reading "Freedom to animals!" and "Put zoo staff in cages!" calling the crowd not to
visit the zoo. During the clashes with the zoo security, the public actively supported the anarchists.
The proliferation of anarchists inevitably reflected on different practical anarchist initiatives. However, the primary vectors of activity
have been gradually determined. One of the major priorities of a variety of anarchist groups became antifascism. From the late 90s,
anarchists have carried on the dedicated activity on organising the antifascist movement in Belarus. From then on, antifascist seminars have
been arranged regularly, the materials from which were published in the newspaper Antyfashyk. In Minsk, Homiel and Hrodna clashes with
neo-nazis became regular in that period, which later provoked anarchists to create the movement "Antifa-Belarus" with branches in the
largest cities of the country. It mainly concentrated on direct actions against the Nazis. In 2000-01, FAB activists initiated the Red &
Anarchist Skinheads movement, RASH-Belarus.
Another significant tendency in anarchist activity in Belarus became antiglobalism. And it was not only a fashionable western trend. In
spite of all its anti-western rhetoric and an open confrontation between Belarus and the West, the authoritarian Belarusian regime easily
found common ground with a variety of transnational corporations which unfolded their activities in the country ignoring the notorious
"human rights violations." Belarusian anarchists actively resisted the activity of TNCs participating in international campaigns on
boycotting a number of companies, the activity of which concerned Belarus. Particularly, several actions were organised near McDonald's
restaurants in Minsk. The international character of the anti-globalist movement led to the expansion of personal contacts between
Belarusian and western associates. In 1999, FAB activists took part in the Mayday demonstration in Prague which was organised by
Czechoslovak Anarchist Federation (Ceskoslovenská anarchistická federace) and resulted in clashes with the police. In September 2000, an
entire delegation of FAB participated in the international "Anti-Global Action" in Prague hosting the summit of the IMF and the World Bank.
During the riots, Belarusian anarchists gained valuable experience of street fights, the command of stone, building barricades and using
Molotov-cocktails against the vehicles of the enemy. Most of them smelled tear gas for the first time, and one of the Belarusian delegates
was wounded.
The action of Belarusian and Czech anarchists "Attention: the wall!" near the Belarusian embassy in Prague, summer 2000.
However, anarchists didn't limit their trends to antifascism and anti-globalism. Just at the time when their comrades fought against the
power of TNCs in Prague, FAB activists in Minsk organised a solidarity action with that protest called "The Occupation." A few dozens of
anarchists squatted an empty building in Minsk centre. Later the walls were graffitied, and a concert took place inside. The militia came to
liberate the building form the squatters only two hours later, a few people were detained.
Taking up the torch from Hrodna anarchists, on 23rd February 2001, Minsk FAB activists held an action against the universal draft. A
performance of an incident from army life was shown in front of Minsk regional draft office - some "recruits" were marching, some were
brushing the parade ground, others painted the asphalt black. After that, a dozen potential recruits spectacularly burnt their military
service registration certificates.
Anarchists also paid attention to women's rights. Feminist initiatives have developed in Minsk and other cities. On 8th March 2001, the
International Women's Day, anarchists, in cooperation with the Organisation of Feminists-Anarchists, held a happening in the centre of the
city. The activists gave flowers to men and offered help with household duties to women. Surprising the citizens by doing so, anarchist
finished the action with reading verses and playing music dedicated to the holiday.
In 2000, Belarusian anarchist joined the campaign "No one is illegal!" directed against the toughening of the EU migration policy. In summer
2001, a No Border camp was organised near Bialystok (Poland) by the Anarchist Federation (Federacja Anarchistyczna) together with FAB
activists. About a hundred activists from Poland, Belarus, Russia, Germany, etc. took part in the camp. Several pickets and demos against
the intensification of border control at the Belarusian-Polish border under the EU pressure were organised during the camp.
The years 2000-2001 were characterised by a boom in independent publishing activity. In this period, a few editions of zines dedicated to
antifascism, animal liberation, environment, vegetarianism, alternative scene, DIY-movement, etc. were issued. Independent concert activity
with the bands promoting anarchist ideas has intensified. We can't but mention such bands as Deviation (Hrodna), Hate to State (Minsk), Twin
Pigs (Ivacevicy), Contra La Contra (Hrodna), etc. In Brest, anarchists created the Free Theatre that was an example of independent
theatrical art.
On the eve of the presidential elections-2001, anarchists tried out one more kind of activity - film-making. In cooperation with the editors
of the paper Navinki, the first independent movie was shot - "An Adventure of a Dude." The movie ironically demonstrates the Belarusian
political cuisine to the viewer. "An Adventure of a Dude" created a real furore among Belarusian politically-minded public and won a few
prizes on various international film festivals.
In the setting of total gambling on the topic of human rights and freedoms during the electoral campaign, it was anarchists who supported
holding of the "Love Parade" in Minsk organised by the Belarusian League of Sexual Minorities "Lambda" within the gay-culture festival "Gay
Pride 2001." Thanks to the practical help of anarchists who expressed solidarity with the struggle of the homosexual people for their
rights, it was possible to organise the first demonstration of sexual equality in Belarus.
Since spring 2002, the independent initiative Ecoresistance have started the public campaign "Against reserve forests clearance." A few
pickets were organised with collecting signatures under a petition demanding to stop the clearance of valuable timber trees in Prypiatski
and Biarezinski reserves, as well as in the Belavezhskaya Puscha. Within the campaign, a musical festival "Green Sabbath" was held. The fest
was stopped by the riot police.
Moreover, FAB activists took part in broader leftist projects. In Hrodna, there was a Confederation of Active Groups "Together," in Homiel
and Minsk, the Belarusian Social Movement is created and the newspaper The Attack was issued.
***
Over ten years of its existence, FAB turned into the structure that doesn't have counterparts in contemporary Belarus. FAB is not an
organisation in a usual sense of the word with the necessary attributes: hierarchy, central bodies, formal leader, fixed membership, etc.
Just on the contrary - since the time of its formation, there hasn't been created (consciously or by sloppiness) any central body in FAB
that would manage the general anarchist movement in Belarus or coordinate it. There is no fixed membership, as FAB have naturally worked not
as a centralised organisation of separate anarchist individuals, but as a free union of a variety of anarchist groups and libertarian
initiatives, entirely autonomous in their activity, the activists of which are solidarised and act on behalf of FAB. The only common event
of FAB is an annual congress of a more entertaining, rather than practical character.
Anarchist bloc during an oppositional action "Chernobyl March," 2001.
These aspects that at the beginning of FAB activity were considered to be its drawbacks by some, in the late 90s surprisingly demonstrated
its efficiency for the development of the anarchist movement in Belarus. It turned out that such a structure as FAB is impossible to
eliminate neither from the outside, by repressing the management (because Belarusian anarchists don't have any "central committees" or
"leaders"), nor from the inside, by inspiring a split (because FAB is already "split" into a variety of independent equal groups). The only
way to liquidate FAB is to destroy all anarchist activity in Belarus, which seems unlikely.
Today FAB is rather a decentralised network, i.e. a real association emerges only while implementing a specific practical initiative. Right
then different coordinating and executive bodies can be created, and only within and for the period of the accomplishment of this initiative
involving all people interested. Moreover, there are no mandatory orders, because the efficiency of the activity entirely depends on
personal responsibility and self-organisation of each anarchist, which, unfortunately, often leaves much to be desired.
Another thing that was successfully avoided by Belarusian anarchists are the noisy quarrels often involved in the pseudo-ideological
"discussions" attempting to define anarchists as "true" or "non-true." It's common knowledge that anarchists shouldn't compete with each
other and, what is more, no one has a copyright on anarchism and the right to claim the only right rendering of the "bright anarchist
future." Even the ideas of anarchist classics are first of all their own personal opinions which can be supported or not.
Nevertheless, there is still a variety of problems to be solved by the participants of the Belarusian anarchist movement. The major problem
is overcoming isolation and aloofness of some anarchist groups and initiatives, which keep emerging in different towns independent from FAB,
and their inclusion into the anarchist network. Another critical issue is the lack of common perspective of the goals of the Belarusian
anarchist movement at least for the nearest future, which, in its turn, questions trivial coordination of joint actions. However, in spite
of these and other negative moments, Belarusian anarchist movement has already proven its viability. And the ten-year history of FAB is a
dramatic confirmation of the fact.
Pauliuk Kanavalchyk
Notes:
[1]- The ASC is the first anarchist organisation on the USSR territory created in 1988 during Perestroika. After the coup in 1991, the ASC
split into several anarchist groups because of an organisational and ideological crisis. Formally exists until now.
[2]- The Free Inter-professional Workers Union (FIWU) was created in 1972 and has united different dissidents for a long time. In the late
80s, the FIWU in Belarus was transformed into an independent left workers' organisation.
[3]- Later on, part of the FIWU activists created the so-called "Organisational Committee of the Workers Party" and issued a working-class
newspaper Basta!; it also cooperated closely with anarchists.
[4]- To be perfectly objective, the first happening in Belarus was "The Burial of Slava CPSU15" held by a group of citizens near the
building of the central committee of the Communist Party of Belarus in Minsk just after the coup in August 1991.
[5]- The Beer-Lovers Party (BLP) emerged in 1993 as a liberal party. Most of its members comprised non-conformist youth that had a
significant influence on the methods of activity and party ideology, shifting it to the moderately left flank of the political spectrum.
[6]- (hist.) That was the name of the Uprising Management Committee in Lithuania and Belarus under the command of Kastus' Kalinouski during
the liberatory uprising of 1863.
[7]- Afterwards, the BLP Executive Committee had to emigrate to Poland in full muster and then to the Czech Republic because of criminal
prosecution; the party seized to exist in 1996.
[8]According to a FAB's "legend," Shlioma Kahanovich is considered the first Belarusian anarchist of the 20th century.
1 According to historian Yuri Glushakov, the first anarchist group in the Russian Empire appeared in Bialystok (considered to be part of
Belarus at that time) in spring 1903. Yuri Glushakov. "Revolution is Dead! Long Live the Revolution!": Anarchism in Belarus 1902-1917. ?SS:
Saint-Petersburg, 2015.
2 Not totally true, according to Yury Hlushakou, anarchist were also active in the workers' movement organising strikes, issuing leaflets,
etc. Ibid.
3Other historians and anarchists active at that time don't share this opinion. Hereinafter translator's note.
4The KGB is the commonly used acronym for the Russian Committee for State Security. It was the national security agency of the Soviet Union
from 1954 until 1991 and was the premier internal security, intelligence, and secret police organisation during that time. It still bears
the same name in Belarus.
5 Militsiya or militia is used as an official name of the civilian police in several former communist states, including Belarus.
6Some contemporaries don't agree with this account of events. Here is one that we received from historian and activist:
In August 1971, a Hippie demonstration was held in Grodno. It was caused by yet another police raid on cutting the hair of people in the
street, and that time a few Vilnius residents had their hair cut together with Hrodna locals. The demonstration was not spontaneous, it was
prepared beforehand. Posters were made in support of long hair and the freedom of rock'n'roll. The protest passed a few hundred metres
through the city centre and flew into the Soviet Square, where it was dispersed. The participants underwent all sorts reprisals from forced
haircuts to interrogations, searches, expulsions from school and dismissals.
7 Perestroika is the restructuring of the Soviet political and economic system in the late 80s.
8 A 19th-century Russian fortress in Brest. It was granted the title Hero-Fortress to commemorate the defence of the frontier stronghold
during the first week of the German-Soviet War.
9 The day of the Soviet Constitution.
10 October Revolution Day.
11 Aliaksandr Lukashenka - the first and the only president of Belarus with a nickname "the last European dictator."
12 Bukharovets is an adherent, follower of someone named Bukharov. Bukharov was a university fellow of an anarchist who was mockingly
nominated as a candidate to the Supreme Soviet in 1995.
13 The official flag of the Republic of Belarus resembling the flag of the Soviet Belarusian Republic.
14 However, in 2008 the plans were reconsidered and despite the public protest the NPP in Belarus is under construction and should be
functional by the end of 2019.
15 Slava is a Slavic name that means "fame" or "long live." CPSU - Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
https://pramen.io/en/2020/09/anarchist-movement-in-belarus-1992-2002/
------------------------------
Message: 2
If we do not count, they will not count us. ---- We are faced with the spectrum of escalation of multiple crises, each of which would be
enough to overturn the sensitive post-memorandum normality in ways that would make the period of the memorandum crisis seem like a simple
bad weather. And all these crises appear at the same time in a deadly interaction for the social basis. ---- 1. The pandemic crisis. ---- We
live in unprecedented conditions of health threat that force everyone to make radical changes in their daily lives and destroy any kind of
certainty about the future on an individual, family and social level. ---- 2. The imperialist crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean. ---- For
the first time since 1974, the threat of a generalized war with the Greek state on the front lines is objectively visible. The inherent
instability of the multipolar world is also expressed in our neighborhood with the formation of war axes. The sharing of real and imaginary
resources and geopolitical bridges between large, medium and small imperialist powers seems to be evolving into a competition that will
sooner or later give way to arms. Greek society may soon need to learn again what mobilization means, coffins with Greek flags, and perhaps
bombing sirens.
3. Economic crisis, class bleeding and devaluation.
The formal end of the memoranda, which was in fact the finalization of the loss of wealth and rights from the grassroots to the benefit of
the top, gives way to a new, much worse economic condition. The class looting suffered by the social base was expressed in many ways:
circumvention of labor rights, employer arbitrariness, suspension of employment contracts, non-payment of gifts, refusal to grant leave,
introduction of telework, mass layoffs, imposition of a single minimum wage at 533 in the workplace, 50% reductions in workers' salaries
accompanied by a reduction in their working hours, suspension of financial assistance for people with disabilities, termination of the
allowance for support of refugees in concentration camps on the islands.
It is worth mentioning that not the slightest measure has been taken to decongest the prisons, immigrant camps and psychiatric clinics,
where the conditions are miserable in every way (and from a health point of view obviously). In fact, two detainees lost their lives, as
they were not ostentatiously moved to hospital units.
The class front that has opened up in education is called upon to manage the attacks shaped by the sharpening of class barriers to entry
into higher education, the emphasis on the examination and disciplinary nature of high school and high school, the evaluation of teachers,
the introduction of tuition fees. foreign language departments of universities and the equating of university degrees with those of private
colleges.
Starting in September, 8,800 first-home e-auctions will be held in the second half of this year, jeopardizing the future of thousands of
poor devils who are threatened with deprivation and the last tile over their heads.
Even without the pandemic, the local and international capital did not seem willing to be content with any of its profits and did not seem
capable of starting a new period of growth. The pandemic probably gave the necessary excuse to the capitalists to continue their
anti-popular-anti-labor attack and demand even more. The crisis that has already come is much stronger than the memorandum crisis of the
last decade.
4. Environment.
In the spring, the government passed a law on the environment, which provides for a number of facilities for more direct and flexible
licensing for investments related to green development, energy and consequently the leveling of nature, with all that this may mean for the
respective local biodiversity, the local community, but also the produced ecological footprint that will be left behind by such business and
construction activities.
5. Political totalitarianism.
The bourgeoisie and the state elites, in the midst of rotting conditions of the ideological narrative of bourgeois democracy on a global
scale, now seem more than ever willing to resort to far-right agendas and practices of general repression and Orwellian social control. The
regime media have already passed to levels of monophony and propaganda propaganda of the masses that would be envied by the media of
totalitarian regimes of the past. If the democratic shell still remains, especially in Europe, it is because the states still do not feel
confident about the next step. The preparation, however, is progressing rapidly in the background. Relevant freedoms, political and social
rights are being curtailed one by one. As class antagonisms intensify and capitalist barbarism deepens, the ruling class is forced to act
precautionarily with additional repressive measures, thus trying to prevent any impending social explosion. With this reasoning, the
demonstrations are reduced and the squatting is evacuated. To prevent us from marching more militantly against them.
6. Immigrant.
Global reshuffles and imperialist rivalries have created a huge human wave heading for Western countries. Controlling this wave is another
stake of the political and economic order that wants to channel it and use its misery as a factor of profits, geopolitical rivalries and
social control of the "locals". The reactionary mobilization of the poor against the poorer and the creation of an "internal enemy" are
among the classic tools of social control exercised by the ruling class. The millions uprooted in the Middle East, Asia and Africa are a
major fuel for the impending dystopia that capitalist social control seeks to secure.
However, the most important "crisis" that we are experiencing, the most relentless danger for the whole social base is itself, as it has
been formed today, at least in Europe and especially in Greece. The reality is that we are no longer even in the rearguard battles we were
in during the memorandum crisis. For the time being, state and capital "play without an opponent". People are in their homes, everyone is
privatized and everyone is trying to manage a threatening future thinking that they can escape on their own. No one will escape alone.
We must realize that everything is a matter of power. If the power of the social base is not opposed to the plans of the state and capital,
if we do not take to the streets, to openly threaten their order, if we do not strike at workplaces, schools and universities, barracks and
squares, what we have suffered during the memorandum period they will seem insignificant and painless in the face of what is to come. We
will lose income, we will lose pensions, we will lose our homes, the right to health and education, we will lose basic freedoms, young
people will be killed for the interests of oil companies. Let everyone look around and ask themselves if what we are saying is catastrophic
predictions or a cool description of what is to come.
Our call is a call for resistance and organization. It's a battle call. Not in the distant future, but today, now. If we do not choose to
reckon with them, if we do not choose to curse in order to curse them worse, then they simply will not count on us. And then we will see how
optimistic even the worst predictions can prove. The essence of the regime must be feared. To be afraid of many and their power. Their
condescending and arrogant smile must freeze. Time flies against us.
WE WILL NOT ALLOW THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOCIAL BASIS BY THE STATE AND THE CAPITALISTS
ANTI-GOVERNMENT-ANTI-CAPITALIST COURSE IN VIEW OF THE THESSALONIKI HELEXPO FORUM:
SATURDAY, 12/9, 18:00, KAMARA
ANARCHIST FEDERATION
Site: anarchist-federation.gr
email:anarchist-federation@riseup.net
Twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
Fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015
https://www.anarchist-federation.gr/archives/2283
------------------------------
Message: 3
An epidemic of layoffs ; social re-entry ; fight against unemployment ; Eric Dupond-Moretti ; Gisèle Halimi ; Metallurgy ; IUMM ;
intermittently on the grill ; fafs storming the universities ; framasoft ; Georges Ibrahim Abdallah ; Lebanon ; Mayan train ; against the
serfdom of seasonal workers ; Bakunin in Lyon ; Alternative International Movement ; Philippe Clochepin ---- In summary: ---- Editorial -
Open Face ---- Spotlight ---- Layoffs epidemic: the right vaccine is the fight ---- Antisocial back-to-school: the Macron-Castex agenda ----
Politics ---- Libertarian communist orientation: struggles against unemployment and layoffs ---- Antipatriarcat ---- Eric Dupond-Moretti: an
inside rapist, an accomplice to justice ---- Gisèle Halimi: conquering women's rights ----#IwasCorsica: to finally break the omerta
Metallurgy unionism: how the UIMM wants to do more work while paying less
Between viruses and employers: intermittent.es on the grill
Antifascism
Back to school: who are the fafs attacking the universities ?
Digital
Framasoft: militant agenda: mobilizon nous
International
Georges Ibrahim Abdallah: a Lebanese revolutionary trapped for 36 years
Lebanon: after the catastrophes, time to settle accounts
Ecology
Mexico: the "Mayan train", weapon of domination
Agriculture: against the serfdom of seasonal workers
History
One hundred and fifty years ago: making war and revolution, with Bakunin in Lyon
Culture
Alternative International Movement: "be more open to various counter-cultures"
Painting and sculpture: women of the 1950s
Memories: Philippe Clochepin, anarchist
UCL Sans-papiers news: marches across the country
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?-AL-de-septembre-est-en-kiosque-
------------------------------
Message: 4
David Graeber left us. I met him by chance at a conference he gave in Cádiz in 2007. I was in that city for another reason, an Italian had
been arrested in El Puerto prison for protesting the death of his dog in a municipal "shelter", and I had come to lend a hand ... And as I
had some time left, I went to the University. I knew that Graeber was an anthropologist at Yale, and that he had been kicked out into the
street (2005) supposedly because of his radical attitude. The anthropologist participated in the Seattle counter-summit (1999), the Occupy
Wall Street movement (2011) and other similar movements. Anyway, there was a group of students and me listening to David.
The first thing that caught my attention was his casual appearance, with some hair that never looked like a comb. I thought he was a nice
guy, a good guy, not very academic. The lecture was given in English, but to help those of us who don't speak English understand, there was
a translator, an Italian, who I understood even less than Graeber. Luckily, in a moment of anguish for the girl, who was stuck in some
gringo expression, one of the organizers, Beltrán Roca, took over and started to translate, and so I could understand by his explanations
about the American union movement (the Woblies), the protest movements, what happened in Zuccotti Park, in Lower Manhattan ... And I really
liked what he said, because I identified with many of the things he explained about unionism and anarchism.
Graeber spoke about how anarchism is now at the heart of the left in the United States, through very broad social movements. They are fully
decentralized movements (civil, feminist, anti-nuclear, pacifist, anti-fascist rights) that employ direct action. "The democracy that these
movements employ," said Graeber, "was learned from Quakers and American Indians, who teach consensus decision-making involving thousands of
people." I was impressed, because for me this advance is very important ... Because it seems to me that in these parts, people are not used
to making collective decisions, and the assemblies are often nothing more than monologues in which everyone hears when it's their turn, or
in my case, I dedicate myself to roaming the ladies while the speaker, in turn,
Another idea that he gave me, and that surprised me, was the positive explanation of what are called "black blocks" ("black blocs"). Let me
explain ... I always liked those boys and those people, men and women, who dress in black, put a hood over their face, and face god and the
devil. Usually, from other organizational attitudes, more institutionalized and formally entangled, they are accused of being violent, of
breaking, destroying and finally destroying peaceful protest movements, justifying repression. I have not stopped thinking during these
years that those in the Black Block are the only ones who have given me some joy in the midst of so much conformism, or is it not true that
if it had depended on peaceful organizations, Paradise would have already arrived on Earth?
Graeber explained to me: they are not an organization, but an attitude. For Graeber, who participated in several Black Blocks, those in
Negro are people who participate in a tactic: they are the militants, determined, willing, prepared to answer to the police and defend the
land if necessary. They cover their faces to protect their anonymity and avoid repression. With the added advantage that if I'm a person who
doesn't want to be disturbed and sees twenty guys dressed in black, I know I have to position myself away from them to avoid drowning in
gas, while I run crazy, hit a street lamp, stumble , I bounce off a mailbox and end up falling into a sewer, blinded by fear but very
dignified, in the middle of the cavalry charge.
After that conference, I didn't meet him anymore. I limited myself to follow his anthropological work, which is very broad and has always
made me very happy. I especially want to mentionFragments of an anarchist anthropology , which gave its name to what a whole new generation
of activist anthropologists felt, anthropologists who were fed up with postmodern demobilization. And Graeber resurrectedthe great stories,
the desire for emancipation , within the Social Theory. Because Graeber was, andis, the best social anthropologist today. In his style of
argument, he used many examples of ethnographic works from very diverse places and peoples to illustrate his ideas. He read a lot, precisely
because he didn't waste time elaborating "Horizon 2020" projects or writing papers to fit inimpact magazines . Hewas a true anthropologist ,
which today's dirty academic rules don't allow it to be. And he was at the top of anthropology without having directed a single project . Or
precisely because of that.
And another job I would like to mention isTrabajos de Mierda. A theory . Barcelona: Ariel, 2018. In the book Graeber poses a disturbing
question:don't you find it agonizing to get up early five or six days a week to do jobs that you don't think are necessary and that don't
make sense? Graeber analyzes how the capitalist utopia, which promised in the 20th century that in the 21st century we would all be rich,
instead of reducing working hours and raising wages, created an infinite numberof shitty jobs: advertising, consultants, public relations,
investors, heads of protocol, corporate lawyers, specialists, image consultants, committee members who discuss the existence of committees,
bureaucrats of all kinds at the service of states, corporations, churches and organizations ... Not to mention the inevitable secretaries,
chiefs, undersecretaries of secretaries, military, police, priests ... who guarantee the fucking common good. Millions and millions of
people who spend their lives working on anything, and who swear they like their shit jobs, despite being consumed internally by the anxiety
worm. And the sad thing is that we are in the hands of these bitter and crazy people.
Anyway, I conclude without mentioning other facets that are worth mentioning, and that others will bring to light better than me: David
Graeber is gone. Too early. Very far. There. The disheveled, bear-like anthropologist we wanted to embrace left a trail, leaving us with
ample, interesting, tremendously useful work and a clear message: Anarchists! If in a few years we don't make the world a better place, we
can be sure that it will be worse.
David Graeber, anthropologist, activist, anarchist, person. New York, February 12, 1961 - Venice, September 2, 2020: we are 99%.
Source:http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/44568
Translation> Liberto
Related content:
https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/09/04/grecia-david-graeber-morreu-repentinamente-aos-59-anos/
https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/09/04/morre-aos-59-anos-o-antropologo-david-graeber-creditado-pelo-slogan-nos-somos-os-99/
https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/09/04/david-graeber-antropologo-e-anarquista-morre-aos-59-anos/
anarchist news agency-ana
------------------------------
Acratosaurio Rex -- ANA (pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
You are holding a short historical account of the first decade of anarchism in post-Soviet Belarus. Written in a simple way, it gives you an
idea of the processes that took place in the anarchist movement of Belarus from 1991 to 2002. The brochure was issued in Russian and
Belarusian in 2002 by a former anarchist Pauliuk Kanavalchyk who recollected the facts and funny stories that he lived through or heard from
other contemporaries. Mind that this is a personal account, probably lacking other important dates and happenings. Another Belarusian
anarchist Mikalai Dziadok got down to writing the continuation of the history covering the following decades. The book isn't finished yet.
Translated by Anarchist Black Cross Belarus
Anarchism in Belarus has more than a century-old history. The first mentions of anarchists on the territory of Belarus date back to the eve
of the Russian revolution of 1905-1907, when first anarchist groups started to emerge in different towns1. Not numerous at first, anarchists
engaged in the trendy at that time individual terror2. Thanks to such a "propaganda of the deed" anarchism became a vast revolutionary
movement literally over the first years of its existence. The movement attracted radical in thinking young people who were willing to throw
a bomb at exploiters.
It is common knowledge that Maksim Bahdanovich, a canonical Belarusian writer, used to be an anarchist during his studies, and under the
influence of Bakunin's writings attempted to blow the administration of his own grammar school with a self-made bomb. Explosions,
assassination attempts, expropriations - numerous historical books on the history of the early 20th century repeatedly mentioned these acts
as inherent to anarchists.
Meanwhile, modern Belarusian anarchism starts from recent history, which has not yet been reflected in school books, but is already stuck
upon the memory of many of our contemporaries and has its continuation in the present.
Let's first make a short retrospective journey into the stagnant 70s - the golden age of the Hippie movement. These rootless "flower
children" were able to set their own "System" against the Soviet totalitarian system, and it later became a real vital alternative for many
young people. It was in the Hippie communities that the first contemporary anarchists appeared3. We cannot speak about any serious anarchist
activity in the epoch of all-embracing power of the KGB4, though history remembers a few precedents of active resistance to the system.
In 1972 in Hrodna, Hippies organised an anti-military pacifist demonstration. It came as a total shock for the local authorities. The army
and the militia5 blocked off the centre of the city, and all the demonstrators were arrested. Later many of them tracklessly disappeared in
Soviet mental institutions. But this action of Hrodna Hippies is still remembered by many people as the first youth action of disobedience
in Belarus6.
Of course, one cannot claim that the Hippie movement was the cradle of the modern anarchist movement in Belarus. But some shaggy ginks of
the 70s would take an active part in its creation later on.
It's been a long time, and many things have happened since then; that allows us to start writing the chronicle of anarchism in Belarus today.
It is impossible to describe all tricks of Belarusian anarchists during the last decade[the 90s - t/n], but the most crucial actions that
caused a public response should be reflected on paper right now.
As some heroes of events discussed below are our contemporaries, their names will deliberately not be mentioned, and some fascinating
stories involving specific people will be omitted. Let's leave it to the future researchers and the personalities themselves, who at the set
of life will describe them in detail in their memoirs.
The hardening of the steel
From the late 80s, on the wave of Perestroika7 and "democratisation," different political initiatives (mainly democratic and nationalist)
started popping up like mushrooms after a spring rain all over the former Soviet state. Amid the general enthusiasm about previously banned
convictions, anarchism was no exception. Anarchist groups spontaneously appeared in many towns of post-soviet countries - students were
absorbed in Bakunin and Kropotkin, others, who didn't like books so much, were crazy about Sex Pistols and took up anarchism from punk-rock,
etc.
It was the time when most people associated anarchism with drunk sailors with accordions from the Soviet movies or with vomiting punks in
backstreets.
Anyhow, in the early 90s, the main form of anarchist resistance to the state was to shit at the Lenin monument in front of a local
administration in Hrodna or Mahiliou, to fry an egg on the eternal light in Minsk or to get drunk under a black flag in the Brest Fortress8.
However, people first heard about anarchists not because of these acts, but during the general strike in April 1991. Then a group of Homiel
anarchists Borba ("The Struggle") in cooperation with the Moscow Anarcho-Syndicalist Confederation (ASC)[1]organised a strike on the
typographic factory Polespechat in Homiel. At the same time, the activists of the Free Inter-Professional Workers Union (FIWU)[2], who were
widely represented in workers' strike committees, claimed to be anarcho-syndicalists and tried to create a leftist alternative to the Free
Trade Unions. The first mentions of the "successors of Kropotkin and Makhno" in the media motivated many anarchism adherents to seek
contacts with the like-minded. That was also invited by the political "thaw" in August 1991.
The first general meeting of Minsk and Homiel anarchists, which took place on 1st August 1992 in a "safe house" in Minsk was attended by
only eight delegates. Despite its paucity, the public was rather diverse: followers of classic kropotkianism and anarcho-syndicalism, "new
leftists" praying to May'68, simple punks, a university professor and even a businessman who was a veteran of the anarchist movement of the
70s. At this meeting, a fateful decision to create the Federation of Anarchists of Belarus (FAB) was made.
From the first steps of the joint activity of Belarusian anarchists, it's become clear that there were no hopes for producing some precise
and unified action plan on "reaching an anarchist future" suiting all FAB activists. A general policy paper and the FAB Free Agreement were
issued. These documents provided, on the one hand, the autonomy of every anarchist group, on the other hand, the solidarity of all
participants of the anarchist movement. Such a decision was conditioned by the life itself - anarchists from Minsk and Homiel, frankly
speaking, differed from each other in their opinions and methods of activism. In Homiel, the first anarchist group in Belarus appeared in
1990, and people were interested in social activities guided by the concept of anarcho-syndicalism. On 6th October 1992, the International
Unemployment Day, Homiel anarchists held an illegal rally that resulted in clashes with the militia and arrests. In the same year, the Trade
Union of the Unemployed was created with the involvement of Homiel anarchists; different awareness-raising campaigns were organised in the
city enterprises.
The Minsk anarchist group united mostly countercultural youth who was interested mainly in various situationist actions, rather than in the
labour movement. The sprouts of Minsk anarcho-syndicalism didn't even hold out till the 1st FAB congress: several key activists of the FIWU
had been fired from the factories by that time[3]. Nevertheless, even then the understanding of the "common cause of the movement" and the
need to unite disregarding diverging anarchist affiliations was prevailing among Belarusian anarchists.
The first anarchist newspaper in Belarus
Although the main actions of Minsk and Homiel anarchists were held on "banner days" (Mayday, 7th October9, 7th November10, etc.), they
didn't go unnoticed for society. In 1993, the first anarchist edition, the newspaper The Anarchy was issued in Homiel. Minsk anarchists,
apart from having conceptual fun, also tried themselves in publishing, and in 1994 the only edition of the newspaper The Black Squirrel was
printed.
Meanwhile, the time of relative liberalisation of the political and social life in Belarus came to an end. 1994 was the year of the first
presidential elections, after which a systematic crackdown started. However, the strengthening of the presidential dictatorship fostered the
development of different social initiatives including anarchist ones. The new Belarusian political reality created new forms of resistance,
too. What is really important is that the first mass action during Lukashenka's11 presidency was organised at the instigation of anarchists.
The action "We are grateful to the president for bread and milk," which took place on 14th October 1994, was not only the first
anti-presidential manifestation but also the first happening[4]. About 500 students marched to the House of the Government drinking milk
from the bottles and eating it up with bread loaves and chanted slogans to president's health - they were grateful for a tiny rise in their
study allowances that was officially named "for bread and milk." The action resulted in the arrests of three organisers of the action. It
was held by the Free Students Syndicate (FSS) founded together with the national-democratic Association of Belarusian Students and the Left
Student Movement (LSM) initiated by Minsk FAB activists.
Later the LSM became famous for another political ruffian trick. During the elections to the Supreme Soviet of Belarus in 1995, the
activists of the LSM started a loud campaign for their own candidate and initiated signatures collection. The programme of the anarchist
candidate was a total mockery at the standard promises of other politics. For example, he promised to strive for penguin genocide in the
Antarctic, to repaint orange the House of the Government, etc.
The primary opponent of anarchists at the electoral precinct was a candidate from the Beer-Lovers Party (BLP)[5], who was at once blamed for
beer amateurism and challenged to a beer duel. Strange as it was, but the challenge was accepted by the "beer-lovers." The duel took place
in the pub Svislach with a full house. The rules of the duel were set: an equal number of contestants from each side and the most
substantial total amount of drunk beer would let a party win. The beer for the duel was paid by the BLP. As a result, anarchists lost but
took advantage of the free beer.
Nevertheless, the candidate from the LSM was taken seriously. The candidate from the BLP, afraid of further competition, offered money to
anarchists for them to withdraw their candidate. The cash was accepted, and later anarchists could shout about the corruption of the
elections at every street corner. In the end, the votes in the precinct failed.
Apart from drinking conceptually, thus getting ready for the future battles, the LSM issued a few newspapers: Now!, How to Become a Traitor
and The Belarusian Bukharovets12.
In general, 1995 was rather fruitful for anarchism in Belarus. In this year, a new anarchist group was created in Hrodna, which later became
one of the most active ones; Hrodna anarchists issued the newspaper The Fool. In 1995, an anti-party group Chyrvony Zhond ("The Red Backdoor
Government") started its activity, which played an important role in the development of the anarchist movement in Belarus.
Chyrvony Zhond
Chyrvony Zhond, a national-democratic youth organisation with an unusual name, widely known in privy, existed since the early 90s[6].
Needless to say what its activity consisted in, anyhow, the group had fallen into decline by 1994. Its revival, or better, regeneration,
happened in 1994, when suddenly a group of youngsters who were noticed as participants of the action "For bread and milk" joined Chyrvony
Zhond. "Red means left," thought the comrades joining the ranks of Chyrvony Zhond, and made a real coup d'etat in the organisation in
February-March 1995 by reelecting all the ruling positions. The usurpation by the far-left elements led to the situation that anarchists
took over the organisation that had an official public association registration. That provided great opportunities for gambling on "legality."
Here is the story why Chyrvony Zhond became an "anti-party group." Almost all Belarusian youth organisations represented the wings of
"adult" political parties and actively supported them. Chyrvony Zhond became the first and only organisation on the "youth" political scene
which was not an appendage of some party. Pronouncing the necessity of the youth's own perspective on Belarusian reality, Chyrvony Zhond
opposed all parties that only manipulated the youth in their own political interests.
The first action where Chyrvony Zhond appeared in its new shape was a happening called "The promenade of political prisoners around the
Presidential Residency" organised by the Free Student Syndicate in May 1995 with the active involvement of the Beer-Lovers Party. A few
hundred students surrounded the Residency marching in a trail with hands on the nape and carrying the flag of the Belarusian Soviet
Republic, and then put the flag on the nearest public toilet. That was a certain reflection on the results of the Referendum on the
readmission of the Soviet symbols.
The action ended in mass arrests by riot police, which was a precedent of all repression that would later become the usual routine of the
law enforcement. A criminal case was initiated over the insult of the national symbols[7].
For the anniversary of the October Revolution in 1995, Chyrvony Zhond organised an independent manifestation at the House of the Government
in Minsk with the attendance of Hrodna anarchists. The action was held under red flags with a hole instead of the hammer and sickle and
banners "Off with the absolutism" and "Death to capitalism." Despite the "conventionalism" of slogans for such an action, 12 participants of
the rally were detained.
By 1996 the anti-party group Chyrvony Zhond had united Minsk FAB activists, the leftovers of the LSM and other leftist anti-authoritarian
elements of the capital.
"Politburo" members of Chyrvony Zhond, 1999
Drawing on the experience of the first political happenings, Chyrvony Zhond started an active promotion of the "concept of the
revolutionary-cultural action," which was influenced greatly by the ideas of Situationist International and the "new left," as well as the
activity of the Polish Pomeranczowa Alternatywa ("The Orange Alternative"). The concept consisted in the artistic manipulation of social
stereotypes and images of the mass culture, as a result of which "serious politics" was turned into conceptual ridicule and a fun funfair.
Chyrvony Zhond took up the slogan "Fight and relax!".
Apart from mocking at the politics, Chyrvony Zhond was also occupied with the politicisation of art, particularly of the counter-cultural
musical scene. On 25th February 1996, the first music festival "Bash the Fash" was organised with the participation of punk-bands from
Minsk, Hrodna, Homiel and Mahiliou. Besides the announced antifascist topic of the festival that would become an annual event, there was
also an attempt to draw new alternative bands to the scene. Hrodna anarcho-punk band Deviation, the band Sontsa Mao and others made their
first appearance on stage at the festival.
The spring of 1996 brought in the adrenalin of mass public unrest, in which anarchists took the most active part. At the height of the
spring anti-presidential manifestations of the opposition, Chyrvony Zhond organised a "pro-government" one. On 1st April, a happening "The
sacred procession of the loyalists to the Palace of President" was held. The action aimed at holding an illegal march to the Presidential
Residency under red-green flags13 and portraits of the President and at provoking the authorities into repressing the participants of the
"loyalist" demonstration. At a set time, about a hundred participants of the action and the press gathered near the science campus of
Belarusian State University. At the meeting, the "loyalists" approved of the President's policy, expressed their willingness to integrate
with Kyrgyzstan; a "priest" blessed the public. But the march didn't happen - the militia blocked the exits from the science campus;
however, they didn't act more radically than that, and none of the participants got detained. This protest became known to the public as a
meeting "Integration now!".
The developments of the spring'96 radicalised public attitude; people gained the experience of street fights with the militia and
administrative arrests. Major participants of the spring marathon were students, who mostly didn't affiliate themselves with any political
party. The students got a significant portion of repression from the authorities. To help organise the youth resistance to the militia's
terror, activists of Chyrvony Zhond started producing the newspaper The Youth Fights Back. The paper was rather extremist and contained
practical advice (e.g. how to make a Molotov-cocktail, etc.) along with the articles on the resistance theory. The Youth Fights Back gained
great popularity among politically-minded youth. Altogether in 1996-97, three issues of the newspaper and a special edition were produced.
Devotion to street fights was not the only anarchist vocation in 1996-97. On 1st March 1997, in honour of the 126th anniversary of the
assassination of the Russian Tsar Alexander II by the activist of Narodnaya Volya Ihnat Hryniavitski, the Shlioma Kahanovich[8]Free Nomadic
Anarchist Theatre Troupe made a public staging of the play "The Death of the Despot." The performance was organised right on the steps of
Minsk Conservatory and had fortunately ended by the arrival of the militia.
One more much-talked-of anarchist action in spring 1997 was an innocent - at first sight - football match between the teams of Chyrvony
Zhond and the Youth Fraction of the Belarusian Popular Front BPF (the future Youth Front). The challenge was that the match was arranged to
coincide with the anniversary of the escape of Zianon Pazniak from Belarus, who was the BPF leader. Anarchists called the party youth to the
competition and suggested to play for the "Pazniak Cup" so that they couldn't refuse. The game happened at a local stadium under driving
rain. The future Youth Front activists took it too seriously (they were afraid of losing the Cup named after their chief) and hired a few
professional football players. The team of Chyrvony Zhond lost 8:2, but at the same time won the information war by making several loud
statements in the media on the corruption of the BPF football.
The years of 1997-99 were the peak of activity of the anti-party group Chyrvony Zhond. It was the time when Belarusian anarchism walked away
from the political ghetto and became a remarkable independent subject of the Belarusian political scene. The wide publicity and media
response to its actions allowed for a noticeable growth of the anarchist movement, especially in the capital.
From 1998, the most notorious publishing project of Chyrvony Zhond, the newspaper Navinki, was started. The concept of the issue was as
follows: if show-business can grind any alternative by turning it into commercial pops, why not act the other way round, i.e. to sponge on
the stereotypes of the mass culture, politicise and at the same time absurdly distort their primary sense; all this should be edited as a
parody on the yellow press.
At the beginning of 1999, an official registration of Chyrvony Zhond was suspended for the "non-conformity of the activity to the
organisation's articles of association." This was synchronised with another outstanding event. Just at the beginning of 1999, the official
registration of the newspaper Navinki was obtained as a result of the campaign "Legalise It." Before that, the paper was circulated
illegally. The two events played an important role in the future of Chyrvony Zhond.
On the one hand, that encouraged the development of other anarchist publishing initiatives. In particular, activists of Chyrvony Zhond
released other editions, among them the paper for the working youth AK-47 and the paper Antyfashyk should be pointed out; they were
widespread among the youth. On the other hand, plunging into the publishing projects affected the street activity of Chyrvony Zhond. The
actions were held more seldom but still were memorable for their "artistic-political" character.
In full play of Russia's "anti-terrorist campaign" in the Caucasus in winter 2000, anarchists organised a campaign against the war in
Chechnya. Within the campaign, an illegal picket near the Russian embassy was held. About two dozen "federal soldiers wounded in action"
defiled along the fence holding a holy banner with Putin on it. There were no wounded or taken captives by the militia after the action.
In spring 2000, within the boycott of the parliamentary elections Chyrvony Zhond held a happening "Dogs' elections" with the attendance of
real dogs: during the "electoral campaign," the dogs voted for their candidates to the "Dog-house of Representatives." As a result, the
dogs' elections were falsified by dog breeders. Another funny action was called "Reclaim the oppositional demonstration" and took place in
autumn 2000. During an oppositional manifestation, anarchists organised their own bloc - under various flags and banners from the
underpants' cloth with no inscriptions, the company chanted abstract, meaningless slogans. By that, they wanted to demonstrate that the
colour of the flags and the sense of the banners had lost its political and practical meaning for the opposition in their struggle against
the dictatorship. "Reclaim the oppositional demonstration" was the last public action organised by Chyrvony Zhond; after that, the
anti-party group Chyrvony Zhond folded operations.
There were some attempts to make chapters of Chyrvony Zhond in other cities (Hrodna, Brest, Ivacevicy, etc.), but they were synchronised
with the decline in activity in the capital, which didn't let them expand in full force. The core group of Chyrvony Zhond settled down in
the editor's office of the Navinki newspaper, some activists joined other anarchist projects, mainly antifascist and environmental. The
activity was pursued by the Ivacevicy chapter of Chyrvony Zhond, as well as chapters in Prague and Paris consisting of activists who had to
emigrate for some reason.
Summing up the period of Chyrvony Zhond (1995-2000), it should be pointed out that its main achievement was the considerable growth of the
Belarusian anarchist movement. Chyrvony Zhond gave out more than a hundred of first-class badges of honour. (However, it must be admitted
that some activists received badges twice to replace the ones lost in battles - either with fascists or with the demon alcohol.) Of course,
there was also a dark side: the actions held by other Minsk FAB activists that had nothing to do with the anti-party group were often
ascribed to Chyrvony Zhond in the media, as it was the most famous anarchist group. Such situations brought in disharmony in the development
of other anarchist initiatives.
The struggle continues
The Belarusian anarchist movement of the late 90s wasn't limited to the activity of Chyrvony Zhond which was the most active group at that
time, but still just one among many other FAB initiatives and groups.
From the mid-90s, anarchist activity expanded significantly in Hrodna. On 23rd February 1996, Hrodna anarchists organised an action "Fuck
the Army" which has become the first appearance of the alternative youth in the city since the Hippie demonstration in 1972. Regional and
district military commissariats were picketed, and an illegal march to the local municipality was held. As a result, two participants were
detained. Later on, the actions against the universal draft were held by Hrodna anarchists on 19th February annually - the day of the
abolition of serfdom in 1861. In this way, they compared the present-day "holy duty" to the servitude.
In September 1996, during the Town Day in Homiel, the militiamen beat a local punk Konstantin Moskvin to death. Homiel anarchists organised
a broad public campaign demanding prosecution of the murderers in the uniform. A special edition of the newspaper Youth Fights Back with the
details of this case was issued. The criminal case was started twice, but in the end, the authorities were able to cover up the incident.
The year of 1997 was marked by the rise of the anarchist movement in Brest. In June, anarchists organised a mass meeting to which everyone
interested in anarchism had been invited. The abundance of black flags drew the attention of the law-enforcement authorities, and the
meeting was dispersed. In autumn that year, another attempt to hold a mass protest was made, but it was terminated by the militia in the
very beginning. The KGB got interested in the surprising burst in activity of "extremist elements" and launched repressions against Brest
anarchists that included arrests, searches, literature seizures, etc. All that led to a temporary decline in anarchist activity in Brest.
One of the longest and at the same time the most successful actions held with the involvement of Belarusian anarchists was the environmental
campaign "Viasiolka" ("The Rainbow") initiated in 1998. The campaign was directed against the plans of the Belarusian nuclear power plant
construction which was lobbied by the government. An independent environmental initiative Ecoresistance was created involving anarchists. It
took responsibility for the whole campaign that engaged employers of Belarusian Academy of Sciences, concerned scientists, the press, as
well as the activists of the Russian radical environmental movement "Rainbow Keepers", who had the experience of organising a similar
campaign. The newspaper Viasiolka was issued which covered all aspects of nuclear energy and radioecology. In 1998-99, several seminars on
the viability of the NPP construction were organised with the assistance of scientists. In summer 1998, Ecoresistance activists organised
the "March for nuclear-free Belarus" at the planned construction sites in Mahiliou region. The aim of the march was spreading anti-nuclear
propaganda among the population of the nearest districts. Local municipalities in Mahiliou, Šklou and other towns were picketed. As a result
of the broad public campaign involving Belarusian Academy of Sciences' members, a moratorium on the NPP construction project in Belarus was
achieved14.
In summer 1996, another environmental action was organised - the campaign against the contamination of the Dnieper River. The action aimed
to draw attention to the environmental state of one of the most significant waterways in Belarus. Within the campaign, rafting along Dnieper
from Šklou to Bychau was organised; a conference "Clear water" and a musical festival "Ecostock" was held in Mahiliou. During the rafting,
activists took water samples and later supplied them to the environmental control station in Mahiliou.
Some participants who shunned rafting were moving along the bank of the river to the destination. The land group was able to be first at the
meeting points with locals and hold press-conferences against the river contamination together with the local affiliates.
Meanwhile, various anarchist initiatives emerged in Hrodna. In 1998, anarchists created the Radical Wing of the Free Students Syndicate of
Hrodna University and started issuing the paper Let's Rebel! on its behalf. Hrodna anarchists also found an interesting alternative to the
lacking accessible music clubs in the city. Under the auspices of the Independent Union of Hrodna Anarchists (IUHA) the squatting of empty
houses and cocklofts started, where concerts and other art-events were held. Moreover, they organised animal liberation campaigns,
particularly "Free the dolphins!" during the dolphinarium performance in the city.
In the late 90s, anarchist activity emerges in other regions of Belarus. In September 1999, anarchists picketed local education authority's
office in Ivacevicy to protest against the discrimination of students by the school administrations based on looks. The thing was that
several high-school students were not granted admission to school only because they had "too long" hair or a "non-conformist" look. As a
result, anarchists were able to secure that all shaggies were admitted. Another notable event held by Ivacevicy anarchists was an animal
liberation action concerning the zoo arrival in 2000. It turned out that a monkey died on the way; that became the cause of the action.
Activists climbed on the zoo wagons and put posters reading "Freedom to animals!" and "Put zoo staff in cages!" calling the crowd not to
visit the zoo. During the clashes with the zoo security, the public actively supported the anarchists.
The proliferation of anarchists inevitably reflected on different practical anarchist initiatives. However, the primary vectors of activity
have been gradually determined. One of the major priorities of a variety of anarchist groups became antifascism. From the late 90s,
anarchists have carried on the dedicated activity on organising the antifascist movement in Belarus. From then on, antifascist seminars have
been arranged regularly, the materials from which were published in the newspaper Antyfashyk. In Minsk, Homiel and Hrodna clashes with
neo-nazis became regular in that period, which later provoked anarchists to create the movement "Antifa-Belarus" with branches in the
largest cities of the country. It mainly concentrated on direct actions against the Nazis. In 2000-01, FAB activists initiated the Red &
Anarchist Skinheads movement, RASH-Belarus.
Another significant tendency in anarchist activity in Belarus became antiglobalism. And it was not only a fashionable western trend. In
spite of all its anti-western rhetoric and an open confrontation between Belarus and the West, the authoritarian Belarusian regime easily
found common ground with a variety of transnational corporations which unfolded their activities in the country ignoring the notorious
"human rights violations." Belarusian anarchists actively resisted the activity of TNCs participating in international campaigns on
boycotting a number of companies, the activity of which concerned Belarus. Particularly, several actions were organised near McDonald's
restaurants in Minsk. The international character of the anti-globalist movement led to the expansion of personal contacts between
Belarusian and western associates. In 1999, FAB activists took part in the Mayday demonstration in Prague which was organised by
Czechoslovak Anarchist Federation (Ceskoslovenská anarchistická federace) and resulted in clashes with the police. In September 2000, an
entire delegation of FAB participated in the international "Anti-Global Action" in Prague hosting the summit of the IMF and the World Bank.
During the riots, Belarusian anarchists gained valuable experience of street fights, the command of stone, building barricades and using
Molotov-cocktails against the vehicles of the enemy. Most of them smelled tear gas for the first time, and one of the Belarusian delegates
was wounded.
The action of Belarusian and Czech anarchists "Attention: the wall!" near the Belarusian embassy in Prague, summer 2000.
However, anarchists didn't limit their trends to antifascism and anti-globalism. Just at the time when their comrades fought against the
power of TNCs in Prague, FAB activists in Minsk organised a solidarity action with that protest called "The Occupation." A few dozens of
anarchists squatted an empty building in Minsk centre. Later the walls were graffitied, and a concert took place inside. The militia came to
liberate the building form the squatters only two hours later, a few people were detained.
Taking up the torch from Hrodna anarchists, on 23rd February 2001, Minsk FAB activists held an action against the universal draft. A
performance of an incident from army life was shown in front of Minsk regional draft office - some "recruits" were marching, some were
brushing the parade ground, others painted the asphalt black. After that, a dozen potential recruits spectacularly burnt their military
service registration certificates.
Anarchists also paid attention to women's rights. Feminist initiatives have developed in Minsk and other cities. On 8th March 2001, the
International Women's Day, anarchists, in cooperation with the Organisation of Feminists-Anarchists, held a happening in the centre of the
city. The activists gave flowers to men and offered help with household duties to women. Surprising the citizens by doing so, anarchist
finished the action with reading verses and playing music dedicated to the holiday.
In 2000, Belarusian anarchist joined the campaign "No one is illegal!" directed against the toughening of the EU migration policy. In summer
2001, a No Border camp was organised near Bialystok (Poland) by the Anarchist Federation (Federacja Anarchistyczna) together with FAB
activists. About a hundred activists from Poland, Belarus, Russia, Germany, etc. took part in the camp. Several pickets and demos against
the intensification of border control at the Belarusian-Polish border under the EU pressure were organised during the camp.
The years 2000-2001 were characterised by a boom in independent publishing activity. In this period, a few editions of zines dedicated to
antifascism, animal liberation, environment, vegetarianism, alternative scene, DIY-movement, etc. were issued. Independent concert activity
with the bands promoting anarchist ideas has intensified. We can't but mention such bands as Deviation (Hrodna), Hate to State (Minsk), Twin
Pigs (Ivacevicy), Contra La Contra (Hrodna), etc. In Brest, anarchists created the Free Theatre that was an example of independent
theatrical art.
On the eve of the presidential elections-2001, anarchists tried out one more kind of activity - film-making. In cooperation with the editors
of the paper Navinki, the first independent movie was shot - "An Adventure of a Dude." The movie ironically demonstrates the Belarusian
political cuisine to the viewer. "An Adventure of a Dude" created a real furore among Belarusian politically-minded public and won a few
prizes on various international film festivals.
In the setting of total gambling on the topic of human rights and freedoms during the electoral campaign, it was anarchists who supported
holding of the "Love Parade" in Minsk organised by the Belarusian League of Sexual Minorities "Lambda" within the gay-culture festival "Gay
Pride 2001." Thanks to the practical help of anarchists who expressed solidarity with the struggle of the homosexual people for their
rights, it was possible to organise the first demonstration of sexual equality in Belarus.
Since spring 2002, the independent initiative Ecoresistance have started the public campaign "Against reserve forests clearance." A few
pickets were organised with collecting signatures under a petition demanding to stop the clearance of valuable timber trees in Prypiatski
and Biarezinski reserves, as well as in the Belavezhskaya Puscha. Within the campaign, a musical festival "Green Sabbath" was held. The fest
was stopped by the riot police.
Moreover, FAB activists took part in broader leftist projects. In Hrodna, there was a Confederation of Active Groups "Together," in Homiel
and Minsk, the Belarusian Social Movement is created and the newspaper The Attack was issued.
***
Over ten years of its existence, FAB turned into the structure that doesn't have counterparts in contemporary Belarus. FAB is not an
organisation in a usual sense of the word with the necessary attributes: hierarchy, central bodies, formal leader, fixed membership, etc.
Just on the contrary - since the time of its formation, there hasn't been created (consciously or by sloppiness) any central body in FAB
that would manage the general anarchist movement in Belarus or coordinate it. There is no fixed membership, as FAB have naturally worked not
as a centralised organisation of separate anarchist individuals, but as a free union of a variety of anarchist groups and libertarian
initiatives, entirely autonomous in their activity, the activists of which are solidarised and act on behalf of FAB. The only common event
of FAB is an annual congress of a more entertaining, rather than practical character.
Anarchist bloc during an oppositional action "Chernobyl March," 2001.
These aspects that at the beginning of FAB activity were considered to be its drawbacks by some, in the late 90s surprisingly demonstrated
its efficiency for the development of the anarchist movement in Belarus. It turned out that such a structure as FAB is impossible to
eliminate neither from the outside, by repressing the management (because Belarusian anarchists don't have any "central committees" or
"leaders"), nor from the inside, by inspiring a split (because FAB is already "split" into a variety of independent equal groups). The only
way to liquidate FAB is to destroy all anarchist activity in Belarus, which seems unlikely.
Today FAB is rather a decentralised network, i.e. a real association emerges only while implementing a specific practical initiative. Right
then different coordinating and executive bodies can be created, and only within and for the period of the accomplishment of this initiative
involving all people interested. Moreover, there are no mandatory orders, because the efficiency of the activity entirely depends on
personal responsibility and self-organisation of each anarchist, which, unfortunately, often leaves much to be desired.
Another thing that was successfully avoided by Belarusian anarchists are the noisy quarrels often involved in the pseudo-ideological
"discussions" attempting to define anarchists as "true" or "non-true." It's common knowledge that anarchists shouldn't compete with each
other and, what is more, no one has a copyright on anarchism and the right to claim the only right rendering of the "bright anarchist
future." Even the ideas of anarchist classics are first of all their own personal opinions which can be supported or not.
Nevertheless, there is still a variety of problems to be solved by the participants of the Belarusian anarchist movement. The major problem
is overcoming isolation and aloofness of some anarchist groups and initiatives, which keep emerging in different towns independent from FAB,
and their inclusion into the anarchist network. Another critical issue is the lack of common perspective of the goals of the Belarusian
anarchist movement at least for the nearest future, which, in its turn, questions trivial coordination of joint actions. However, in spite
of these and other negative moments, Belarusian anarchist movement has already proven its viability. And the ten-year history of FAB is a
dramatic confirmation of the fact.
Pauliuk Kanavalchyk
Notes:
[1]- The ASC is the first anarchist organisation on the USSR territory created in 1988 during Perestroika. After the coup in 1991, the ASC
split into several anarchist groups because of an organisational and ideological crisis. Formally exists until now.
[2]- The Free Inter-professional Workers Union (FIWU) was created in 1972 and has united different dissidents for a long time. In the late
80s, the FIWU in Belarus was transformed into an independent left workers' organisation.
[3]- Later on, part of the FIWU activists created the so-called "Organisational Committee of the Workers Party" and issued a working-class
newspaper Basta!; it also cooperated closely with anarchists.
[4]- To be perfectly objective, the first happening in Belarus was "The Burial of Slava CPSU15" held by a group of citizens near the
building of the central committee of the Communist Party of Belarus in Minsk just after the coup in August 1991.
[5]- The Beer-Lovers Party (BLP) emerged in 1993 as a liberal party. Most of its members comprised non-conformist youth that had a
significant influence on the methods of activity and party ideology, shifting it to the moderately left flank of the political spectrum.
[6]- (hist.) That was the name of the Uprising Management Committee in Lithuania and Belarus under the command of Kastus' Kalinouski during
the liberatory uprising of 1863.
[7]- Afterwards, the BLP Executive Committee had to emigrate to Poland in full muster and then to the Czech Republic because of criminal
prosecution; the party seized to exist in 1996.
[8]According to a FAB's "legend," Shlioma Kahanovich is considered the first Belarusian anarchist of the 20th century.
1 According to historian Yuri Glushakov, the first anarchist group in the Russian Empire appeared in Bialystok (considered to be part of
Belarus at that time) in spring 1903. Yuri Glushakov. "Revolution is Dead! Long Live the Revolution!": Anarchism in Belarus 1902-1917. ?SS:
Saint-Petersburg, 2015.
2 Not totally true, according to Yury Hlushakou, anarchist were also active in the workers' movement organising strikes, issuing leaflets,
etc. Ibid.
3Other historians and anarchists active at that time don't share this opinion. Hereinafter translator's note.
4The KGB is the commonly used acronym for the Russian Committee for State Security. It was the national security agency of the Soviet Union
from 1954 until 1991 and was the premier internal security, intelligence, and secret police organisation during that time. It still bears
the same name in Belarus.
5 Militsiya or militia is used as an official name of the civilian police in several former communist states, including Belarus.
6Some contemporaries don't agree with this account of events. Here is one that we received from historian and activist:
In August 1971, a Hippie demonstration was held in Grodno. It was caused by yet another police raid on cutting the hair of people in the
street, and that time a few Vilnius residents had their hair cut together with Hrodna locals. The demonstration was not spontaneous, it was
prepared beforehand. Posters were made in support of long hair and the freedom of rock'n'roll. The protest passed a few hundred metres
through the city centre and flew into the Soviet Square, where it was dispersed. The participants underwent all sorts reprisals from forced
haircuts to interrogations, searches, expulsions from school and dismissals.
7 Perestroika is the restructuring of the Soviet political and economic system in the late 80s.
8 A 19th-century Russian fortress in Brest. It was granted the title Hero-Fortress to commemorate the defence of the frontier stronghold
during the first week of the German-Soviet War.
9 The day of the Soviet Constitution.
10 October Revolution Day.
11 Aliaksandr Lukashenka - the first and the only president of Belarus with a nickname "the last European dictator."
12 Bukharovets is an adherent, follower of someone named Bukharov. Bukharov was a university fellow of an anarchist who was mockingly
nominated as a candidate to the Supreme Soviet in 1995.
13 The official flag of the Republic of Belarus resembling the flag of the Soviet Belarusian Republic.
14 However, in 2008 the plans were reconsidered and despite the public protest the NPP in Belarus is under construction and should be
functional by the end of 2019.
15 Slava is a Slavic name that means "fame" or "long live." CPSU - Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
https://pramen.io/en/2020/09/anarchist-movement-in-belarus-1992-2002/
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Message: 2
If we do not count, they will not count us. ---- We are faced with the spectrum of escalation of multiple crises, each of which would be
enough to overturn the sensitive post-memorandum normality in ways that would make the period of the memorandum crisis seem like a simple
bad weather. And all these crises appear at the same time in a deadly interaction for the social basis. ---- 1. The pandemic crisis. ---- We
live in unprecedented conditions of health threat that force everyone to make radical changes in their daily lives and destroy any kind of
certainty about the future on an individual, family and social level. ---- 2. The imperialist crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean. ---- For
the first time since 1974, the threat of a generalized war with the Greek state on the front lines is objectively visible. The inherent
instability of the multipolar world is also expressed in our neighborhood with the formation of war axes. The sharing of real and imaginary
resources and geopolitical bridges between large, medium and small imperialist powers seems to be evolving into a competition that will
sooner or later give way to arms. Greek society may soon need to learn again what mobilization means, coffins with Greek flags, and perhaps
bombing sirens.
3. Economic crisis, class bleeding and devaluation.
The formal end of the memoranda, which was in fact the finalization of the loss of wealth and rights from the grassroots to the benefit of
the top, gives way to a new, much worse economic condition. The class looting suffered by the social base was expressed in many ways:
circumvention of labor rights, employer arbitrariness, suspension of employment contracts, non-payment of gifts, refusal to grant leave,
introduction of telework, mass layoffs, imposition of a single minimum wage at 533 in the workplace, 50% reductions in workers' salaries
accompanied by a reduction in their working hours, suspension of financial assistance for people with disabilities, termination of the
allowance for support of refugees in concentration camps on the islands.
It is worth mentioning that not the slightest measure has been taken to decongest the prisons, immigrant camps and psychiatric clinics,
where the conditions are miserable in every way (and from a health point of view obviously). In fact, two detainees lost their lives, as
they were not ostentatiously moved to hospital units.
The class front that has opened up in education is called upon to manage the attacks shaped by the sharpening of class barriers to entry
into higher education, the emphasis on the examination and disciplinary nature of high school and high school, the evaluation of teachers,
the introduction of tuition fees. foreign language departments of universities and the equating of university degrees with those of private
colleges.
Starting in September, 8,800 first-home e-auctions will be held in the second half of this year, jeopardizing the future of thousands of
poor devils who are threatened with deprivation and the last tile over their heads.
Even without the pandemic, the local and international capital did not seem willing to be content with any of its profits and did not seem
capable of starting a new period of growth. The pandemic probably gave the necessary excuse to the capitalists to continue their
anti-popular-anti-labor attack and demand even more. The crisis that has already come is much stronger than the memorandum crisis of the
last decade.
4. Environment.
In the spring, the government passed a law on the environment, which provides for a number of facilities for more direct and flexible
licensing for investments related to green development, energy and consequently the leveling of nature, with all that this may mean for the
respective local biodiversity, the local community, but also the produced ecological footprint that will be left behind by such business and
construction activities.
5. Political totalitarianism.
The bourgeoisie and the state elites, in the midst of rotting conditions of the ideological narrative of bourgeois democracy on a global
scale, now seem more than ever willing to resort to far-right agendas and practices of general repression and Orwellian social control. The
regime media have already passed to levels of monophony and propaganda propaganda of the masses that would be envied by the media of
totalitarian regimes of the past. If the democratic shell still remains, especially in Europe, it is because the states still do not feel
confident about the next step. The preparation, however, is progressing rapidly in the background. Relevant freedoms, political and social
rights are being curtailed one by one. As class antagonisms intensify and capitalist barbarism deepens, the ruling class is forced to act
precautionarily with additional repressive measures, thus trying to prevent any impending social explosion. With this reasoning, the
demonstrations are reduced and the squatting is evacuated. To prevent us from marching more militantly against them.
6. Immigrant.
Global reshuffles and imperialist rivalries have created a huge human wave heading for Western countries. Controlling this wave is another
stake of the political and economic order that wants to channel it and use its misery as a factor of profits, geopolitical rivalries and
social control of the "locals". The reactionary mobilization of the poor against the poorer and the creation of an "internal enemy" are
among the classic tools of social control exercised by the ruling class. The millions uprooted in the Middle East, Asia and Africa are a
major fuel for the impending dystopia that capitalist social control seeks to secure.
However, the most important "crisis" that we are experiencing, the most relentless danger for the whole social base is itself, as it has
been formed today, at least in Europe and especially in Greece. The reality is that we are no longer even in the rearguard battles we were
in during the memorandum crisis. For the time being, state and capital "play without an opponent". People are in their homes, everyone is
privatized and everyone is trying to manage a threatening future thinking that they can escape on their own. No one will escape alone.
We must realize that everything is a matter of power. If the power of the social base is not opposed to the plans of the state and capital,
if we do not take to the streets, to openly threaten their order, if we do not strike at workplaces, schools and universities, barracks and
squares, what we have suffered during the memorandum period they will seem insignificant and painless in the face of what is to come. We
will lose income, we will lose pensions, we will lose our homes, the right to health and education, we will lose basic freedoms, young
people will be killed for the interests of oil companies. Let everyone look around and ask themselves if what we are saying is catastrophic
predictions or a cool description of what is to come.
Our call is a call for resistance and organization. It's a battle call. Not in the distant future, but today, now. If we do not choose to
reckon with them, if we do not choose to curse in order to curse them worse, then they simply will not count on us. And then we will see how
optimistic even the worst predictions can prove. The essence of the regime must be feared. To be afraid of many and their power. Their
condescending and arrogant smile must freeze. Time flies against us.
WE WILL NOT ALLOW THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOCIAL BASIS BY THE STATE AND THE CAPITALISTS
ANTI-GOVERNMENT-ANTI-CAPITALIST COURSE IN VIEW OF THE THESSALONIKI HELEXPO FORUM:
SATURDAY, 12/9, 18:00, KAMARA
ANARCHIST FEDERATION
Site: anarchist-federation.gr
email:anarchist-federation@riseup.net
Twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
Fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015
https://www.anarchist-federation.gr/archives/2283
------------------------------
Message: 3
An epidemic of layoffs ; social re-entry ; fight against unemployment ; Eric Dupond-Moretti ; Gisèle Halimi ; Metallurgy ; IUMM ;
intermittently on the grill ; fafs storming the universities ; framasoft ; Georges Ibrahim Abdallah ; Lebanon ; Mayan train ; against the
serfdom of seasonal workers ; Bakunin in Lyon ; Alternative International Movement ; Philippe Clochepin ---- In summary: ---- Editorial -
Open Face ---- Spotlight ---- Layoffs epidemic: the right vaccine is the fight ---- Antisocial back-to-school: the Macron-Castex agenda ----
Politics ---- Libertarian communist orientation: struggles against unemployment and layoffs ---- Antipatriarcat ---- Eric Dupond-Moretti: an
inside rapist, an accomplice to justice ---- Gisèle Halimi: conquering women's rights ----#IwasCorsica: to finally break the omerta
Metallurgy unionism: how the UIMM wants to do more work while paying less
Between viruses and employers: intermittent.es on the grill
Antifascism
Back to school: who are the fafs attacking the universities ?
Digital
Framasoft: militant agenda: mobilizon nous
International
Georges Ibrahim Abdallah: a Lebanese revolutionary trapped for 36 years
Lebanon: after the catastrophes, time to settle accounts
Ecology
Mexico: the "Mayan train", weapon of domination
Agriculture: against the serfdom of seasonal workers
History
One hundred and fifty years ago: making war and revolution, with Bakunin in Lyon
Culture
Alternative International Movement: "be more open to various counter-cultures"
Painting and sculpture: women of the 1950s
Memories: Philippe Clochepin, anarchist
UCL Sans-papiers news: marches across the country
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?-AL-de-septembre-est-en-kiosque-
------------------------------
Message: 4
David Graeber left us. I met him by chance at a conference he gave in Cádiz in 2007. I was in that city for another reason, an Italian had
been arrested in El Puerto prison for protesting the death of his dog in a municipal "shelter", and I had come to lend a hand ... And as I
had some time left, I went to the University. I knew that Graeber was an anthropologist at Yale, and that he had been kicked out into the
street (2005) supposedly because of his radical attitude. The anthropologist participated in the Seattle counter-summit (1999), the Occupy
Wall Street movement (2011) and other similar movements. Anyway, there was a group of students and me listening to David.
The first thing that caught my attention was his casual appearance, with some hair that never looked like a comb. I thought he was a nice
guy, a good guy, not very academic. The lecture was given in English, but to help those of us who don't speak English understand, there was
a translator, an Italian, who I understood even less than Graeber. Luckily, in a moment of anguish for the girl, who was stuck in some
gringo expression, one of the organizers, Beltrán Roca, took over and started to translate, and so I could understand by his explanations
about the American union movement (the Woblies), the protest movements, what happened in Zuccotti Park, in Lower Manhattan ... And I really
liked what he said, because I identified with many of the things he explained about unionism and anarchism.
Graeber spoke about how anarchism is now at the heart of the left in the United States, through very broad social movements. They are fully
decentralized movements (civil, feminist, anti-nuclear, pacifist, anti-fascist rights) that employ direct action. "The democracy that these
movements employ," said Graeber, "was learned from Quakers and American Indians, who teach consensus decision-making involving thousands of
people." I was impressed, because for me this advance is very important ... Because it seems to me that in these parts, people are not used
to making collective decisions, and the assemblies are often nothing more than monologues in which everyone hears when it's their turn, or
in my case, I dedicate myself to roaming the ladies while the speaker, in turn,
Another idea that he gave me, and that surprised me, was the positive explanation of what are called "black blocks" ("black blocs"). Let me
explain ... I always liked those boys and those people, men and women, who dress in black, put a hood over their face, and face god and the
devil. Usually, from other organizational attitudes, more institutionalized and formally entangled, they are accused of being violent, of
breaking, destroying and finally destroying peaceful protest movements, justifying repression. I have not stopped thinking during these
years that those in the Black Block are the only ones who have given me some joy in the midst of so much conformism, or is it not true that
if it had depended on peaceful organizations, Paradise would have already arrived on Earth?
Graeber explained to me: they are not an organization, but an attitude. For Graeber, who participated in several Black Blocks, those in
Negro are people who participate in a tactic: they are the militants, determined, willing, prepared to answer to the police and defend the
land if necessary. They cover their faces to protect their anonymity and avoid repression. With the added advantage that if I'm a person who
doesn't want to be disturbed and sees twenty guys dressed in black, I know I have to position myself away from them to avoid drowning in
gas, while I run crazy, hit a street lamp, stumble , I bounce off a mailbox and end up falling into a sewer, blinded by fear but very
dignified, in the middle of the cavalry charge.
After that conference, I didn't meet him anymore. I limited myself to follow his anthropological work, which is very broad and has always
made me very happy. I especially want to mentionFragments of an anarchist anthropology , which gave its name to what a whole new generation
of activist anthropologists felt, anthropologists who were fed up with postmodern demobilization. And Graeber resurrectedthe great stories,
the desire for emancipation , within the Social Theory. Because Graeber was, andis, the best social anthropologist today. In his style of
argument, he used many examples of ethnographic works from very diverse places and peoples to illustrate his ideas. He read a lot, precisely
because he didn't waste time elaborating "Horizon 2020" projects or writing papers to fit inimpact magazines . Hewas a true anthropologist ,
which today's dirty academic rules don't allow it to be. And he was at the top of anthropology without having directed a single project . Or
precisely because of that.
And another job I would like to mention isTrabajos de Mierda. A theory . Barcelona: Ariel, 2018. In the book Graeber poses a disturbing
question:don't you find it agonizing to get up early five or six days a week to do jobs that you don't think are necessary and that don't
make sense? Graeber analyzes how the capitalist utopia, which promised in the 20th century that in the 21st century we would all be rich,
instead of reducing working hours and raising wages, created an infinite numberof shitty jobs: advertising, consultants, public relations,
investors, heads of protocol, corporate lawyers, specialists, image consultants, committee members who discuss the existence of committees,
bureaucrats of all kinds at the service of states, corporations, churches and organizations ... Not to mention the inevitable secretaries,
chiefs, undersecretaries of secretaries, military, police, priests ... who guarantee the fucking common good. Millions and millions of
people who spend their lives working on anything, and who swear they like their shit jobs, despite being consumed internally by the anxiety
worm. And the sad thing is that we are in the hands of these bitter and crazy people.
Anyway, I conclude without mentioning other facets that are worth mentioning, and that others will bring to light better than me: David
Graeber is gone. Too early. Very far. There. The disheveled, bear-like anthropologist we wanted to embrace left a trail, leaving us with
ample, interesting, tremendously useful work and a clear message: Anarchists! If in a few years we don't make the world a better place, we
can be sure that it will be worse.
David Graeber, anthropologist, activist, anarchist, person. New York, February 12, 1961 - Venice, September 2, 2020: we are 99%.
Source:http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/44568
Translation> Liberto
Related content:
https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/09/04/grecia-david-graeber-morreu-repentinamente-aos-59-anos/
https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/09/04/morre-aos-59-anos-o-antropologo-david-graeber-creditado-pelo-slogan-nos-somos-os-99/
https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/09/04/david-graeber-antropologo-e-anarquista-morre-aos-59-anos/
anarchist news agency-ana
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