#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #POLAND #ANARCHISM #News #Journal #Update - (en) Poland, rozbrat: CONTRADICTIONS OF MIGRATION IN INTERNATIONAL EUROPE, PART 2 [machine translation]

 REGULAR MIGRATION, FANTASIES ABOUT MANAGING MIGRATION, COLLECTIVE REBELLION ----

The apparent strengthening of the Union's external borders does not mean a return
to a fortress-like Europe. As we showed in the first part of the text, this
strengthening links migration movements more closely with the needs of a
diversified labor market. The new European pact on immigration and asylum
restricts the right to asylum, as currently only its provisions allow migrants
from outside Europe to legally enter EU countries, without being immediately
chained to a company or employment agency. It is not about preventing migrants
from crossing European borders. Given the voices about asylum, Europe appears to
be limiting its openness to migrants by paying its neighbors to block them so
that they do not reach the Schengen area. Worker mobility continues to affect Europe,

Department: Class struggle
Keywords migrants immigrants EU Boundaries
Germany and Italy are different from each other in many ways, but operate
according to the same logic of exploitation with similar dysfunctions in asylum
policy. It is characterized by long asylum waiting periods and experiments in
meeting various requirements. In Germany, the arrival of around one million
refugees in the summer of 2015 changed labor market restrictions for refugees and
adopted the rules demanded by entrepreneurs to 'include' new workers.
Simultaneously with the attempts to "close" the Balkan route, the aim of German
policy concerning the Western Balkans was the recruitment of seasonal workers
from their area. In Italy, asylum seekers often wait for years, forced to live in
overcrowded and makeshift centers, they work illegally in the countryside or are
more and more often employed by employment agencies, mostly betting on logistics,
which promise them not only a wage, actually starvation, but also qualifications
that will enable them to be "included" in society. Outside the Schengen area,
those who have been blocked due to EU actions in third countries find a place in
the labor market already overcrowded with migrants.

Asylum conflicts should therefore be seen as part of a wider conflict of
mobility, in which the European Commission and individual countries seek to meet
the labor needs of different parts of the production chains. While European
institutions seek centralization to develop a coherent European system, in
practice this process takes place in the implementation of bilateral agreements,
recruitment and temporary migration rules, often defined at the national level
and not Europe as a whole. These agreements confirm the existence of the channels
of "regular migration" but do not remove the restrictions imposed on migrants. On
the contrary, contracts bind migrants to specific employment contracts and
time-limited permits much more than general work permits. They also enable closer
cooperation between countries on expulsions in line with EU policy. The rules of
movement in the area of Europe do not form a specific set, however, in their
case, a high level of exchange of experience and knowledge can be noticed
regarding individual countries as well as the Union itself. We can speak of an
intergovernmental dialogue for the exploitation of migrants. Even if this
strategy is less noticeable and has no immediate consequences, overall it is in
line with structural reform plans undertaken at the pan-European level. It is a
counterweight to the violence used against those

Thus, countries such as Poland, with a significant level of emigration of workers
to Western Europe, are becoming a mobility management laboratory, achieving
results similar to some Asian countries, where recruitment for work abroad and a
permanent mobile workforce occur on a massive scale. In fact, at a training
meeting in Warsaw, organized before the outbreak of the pandemic by the
Structural Reform Support Service, representatives of the Polish Ministry of
Family, Labor and Social Policy together with representatives of the Ministry of
Investment and Development discussed best practices regarding bilateral
agreements and problems related to managing the flow of labor. . The meeting was
also attended by experts from the International Labor Organization along with
representatives of the Philippines, Israel and Italy, to discuss the "migration
strategy in Poland". In addition to nationalist rhetoric encouraging Polish
migrants to return from the west, these "strategies" essentially depend on the
political and economic instability of neighbors such as Ukraine, which increases
periodic migration to Poland. Today, Poland is in the first place among OECD
countries in terms of issuing temporary permits for workers from outside the EU,
the annual number of which exceeds one million. This is a special case, which,
however, reveals trends overlooked in the debates about the continuous "refugee
crisis" that have been going on since 2015. Today, Poland is in the first place
among OECD countries in terms of issuing temporary permits for workers from
outside the EU, the annual number of which exceeds one million. This is a special
case, which, however, reveals trends overlooked in the debates about the
continuous "refugee crisis" that have been going on since 2015. Today, Poland is
in the first place among OECD countries in terms of issuing temporary permits for
workers from outside the EU, the annual number of which exceeds one million. This
is a special case, which, however, reveals trends overlooked in the debates about
the continuous "refugee crisis" that have been going on since 2015.

For areas outside the Union but within Europe, the same logic applies in
relations between the Union and third countries. Limiting legal migration routes
from Albania to the Shenegen zone strengthens its ties with the Union. As a
result, temporary employment contracts are concluded in specific industries, an
example of which is the contract with Germany for several months of work as
thousands of employees. These agreements meet the needs of German agriculture,
which is struggling with the labor shortage resulting from the travel
restrictions caused by the pandemic. For many Albanians, this is an opportunity
to obtain temporary documents and at least ten times higher wages than in
Albania. A similar care industry agreement has been signed with Israel. At the
other end of Europe, Berexit was associated with the strengthening of the coastal
border of France, which, however, did not prevent the increase in arrivals, the
number of which reached several thousand in the first months of this year. The UK
government's response has been to revert to the policy of placing migrants and
asylum seekers in detention centers outside the country, and to try to create
centers for foreigners in Africa where unwanted migrants will be returned and
asylum seekers held awaiting a response. In the meantime, however, the Johnson
government is working to define and regulate legal immigration routes. In this
way, the trend manifested by some European countries and the European Commission
itself is strengthened, which is confirmed by the introduction of a blue card for
skilled workers. New bilateral agreements concluded by Great Britain regulate
relations with the countries of origin of the greatest number of immigrants. A
few weeks ago, an agreement was concluded with India, which comes from 25
percent. visiting students. Its aim is to increase scientific exchange, temporary
work and improve the possibility of expulsions.

These trends show that, even if states are unable to control the entire labor
market, they are committed to controlling wage disparities by managing forms of
mobility. At the same time, various forms of social security are implemented to
support, always temporarily, the unemployed who wish to work "on the phone". The
Member States as well as those neighboring the Union, by combining the sealing of
borders with the creation of differences and hierarchies of migrant work, strive
for the complete subordination of migration. Chancellor Merkel recently at a
meeting with Italian Prime Minister Draghi, who maintains a criminal pact with
Turkey, argued that "we must start with the countries where illegal immigration
comes from. It must be replaced by legal immigration. Legal channels must be
created to give people the opportunity to apprentice. " While states and the EU
are clearly unable to control all forms of mobility, they collectively influence
working conditions and the movement of migrants in Europe. Developing a digital
border control system that simultaneously creates a digital identity is another
way to control not only mobility but the overall social experience of migrants.
In fact, digital identity makes it easier to force migrants into planned policies
and perpetuate their exclusion when they are no longer useful. is another way to
control not only mobility but the overall social experience of migrants. In fact,
digital identity makes it easier to force migrants into planned policies and
perpetuate their exclusion when they are no longer useful. is another way to
control not only mobility but the overall social experience of migrants. In fact,
digital identity makes it easier to force migrants into planned policies and
perpetuate their exclusion when they are no longer useful.

We are not dealing with simple top-down mobility management and its various
forms. As with asylum rules, there is indeed a contradiction between migrant work
and attempts to structure it in such a way that it is easy to control. The
current conflicts related to attempts at centralization, in which the European
institutions are actively involved as coordinating entities, result from the
refusal to submit to the actions of capital as well as from migrants creating
their own rules of life and work. Further attempts to centralize control of
temporary migration while maintaining their constraints on freedom of movement
will be questioned by migrant mobility and have unforeseen consequences. The
apparent lack of a link between the above technocratic vision of total migration
control and its actual consequences in terms of instability and irregularities
will inevitably emerge outside of Europe. This process defines the conditions for
the exploitation of labor by migrants rather than points to the limitations of
migration policy. The differentiation and segmentation of the labor market,
amplified by differences in status and its shifts, are produced by a set of these
periodically unrelated procedures, but which are united by a common logic.

For example: migrants working while waiting for an asylum application to be
processed; long-term migrants with an employment contract to renew their
residence; temporary migrants who are doubly constrained by the rules of
international recruitment organized by agencies, regulations, bilateral
agreements as well as by the rules of operation of production and care chains;
migrants from outside the Shengen area whose stay depends on a permit, asylum
applications, integration projects or seasonal employment contracts. At the same
time, there are migrants whose status, for various reasons, is unregulated and
forced to work illegally. At the end of the list, there are the so-called
"Internal migrants", in numbers almost comparable to those mentioned above. They
are the citizens of Europe, who can move around in a relatively unrestricted
manner but are under the pressure of institutional racism. They often work in the
same industries and in the same positions as migrants from outside the EU, but
often rank slightly above them. They include posted workers sent by companies to
periodically provide services in another EU country. They are in fact temporary
migrants, who are subject to the rules that apply only to them. Workers from one
member state may move to another because of the freedom to flow the services they
provide. They include posted workers sent by companies to periodically provide
services in another EU country. They are in fact temporary migrants, who are
subject to the rules that apply only to them. Workers from one member state may
move to another because of the freedom to flow the services they provide. They
include posted workers sent by companies to periodically provide services in
another EU country. They are in fact temporary migrants, who are subject to the
rules that apply only to them. Workers from one member state may move to another
because of the freedom to flow the services they provide.

As with asylum seekers, diversity is not determined solely on the basis of legal
status, but creates areas that have different meanings within Europe. Data on the
main nationalities of economic migrants in Europe show a high level of diversity
regarding geographic and historical factors such as colonial legacy, geographic
proximity and linguistic similarity. These factors influence the shape of
bilateral contracts and the mutual dependence within the production and labor
market structures mediated by differentiated statuses of residence, gender
hierarchies, barriers and more or less visible manifestations of borders. In
addition, the shortening of some value chains during a pandemic is in line with
the "harmonization" of production chains already used by German industry in
Hungary, in the Czech Republic and on the eastern periphery of Europe. This
certainly fits in with the different spatial organization of production chains,
in which mobility management will play an even greater role.

Increasing the number of regulations governing the mobility of the labor force
makes it difficult to find common points where working migrants connect. This
differentiation does not, however, undermine the close link between mobility and
confirmations issued by the state and capital in the form of various types of
residence permits. On the contrary, the proliferation of forms of mobility
management strengthens this link and hampers the possibility of collective
rebellion. However, this state of affairs is questioned by migrant practices and
fights. From direct questioning of the EU's borders to protests in centers for
foreigners, strikes in warehouses, in the countryside and factories in Eastern
Europe, strikes in European metropolises. Working migrants are constantly opposed
to reducing themselves to the level of cheap labor. This contradiction defines
the conflict between capital and labor at the global level, not only in Europe.
We can see that in this conflict, the demand for freedom coincides with mobility.
Maintaining overall control of labor mobility in Europe is a condition for
further increasing the uncertainty that arises from asylum conflicts.

Due to the diversity of conditions which increase the political isolation of
migrants and to different practices of resistance, positions that assume complete
opposition to borders or approach migration from a humanitarian perspective are
equally limited. The political restriction of asylum opportunities, assuming the
total subordination of mobility to the labor market, is in line with the
proliferation of conditions and divisions that hinder the occurrence of protests.
In addition, the differentiated access to national social security systems and
the wage hierarchy show that even within the EU, freedom of movement works in
relation to the free movement of services, but in the case of working migrants it
turns into lowering the costs of reproducing the labor force and freedom to
exploitation used by business. As the dispute about "

One of the main forces counteracting integration through exploitation in the
post-pandemic period is organizing a joint fight for freedom of movement. These
activities must take into account the prioritization of migrants themselves and
their mobility opportunities as defined by governments, institutions and
business, where gender and origin differences also play an important role. It is
imperative to recognize the analogous behavior of migrants who are in different
positions and status in order to create links that can politicize various groups
without creating a single formula of struggle for all migrants.

Part 1
https://www.rozbrat.org/publicystyka/walka-klas/4785-sprzecznosci-migracji-w-miedzynarodowej-europie-cz-1-pakt-przeciwko-migrantom

Transnational Social Strike Platform, "The Clash on Mobility in Transnational
Europe # 2: Regular Migration, Logistical Fantasies and Collective Contestation",
www.transnational-strike.info.

https://www.rozbrat.org/publicystyka/walka-klas/4787-sprzecznosci-migracji-w-miedzynarodowej-europie-cz-2-regularna-migracja-fantazje-o-zarzadzaniu-migracja-kolektywny-bunt
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