After the publication of Law 26 June 2024, no. 86, which introduces the
differentiated autonomy of the Regions, on the one hand, initiatives
aimed at repealing this law have taken shape, on the other hand, the
Regions in favor of introducing the measure (Veneto Lombardy, Piedmont,
Friuli Venezia Giulia, Liguria), have rushed to present requests to open
negotiations to stipulate the necessary conventions preparatory to the
transfer of competences or at least those that do not require funding,
since the law in fact lacks the necessary coverage to implement it.
The opposition, against the law, have implemented the necessary
initiatives to prevent its application by acting on two fronts: On the
one hand, the Regional Councils of Sardinia, Puglia, Tuscany and
Campania have appealed to the Constitutional Court, challenging the
legitimacy of the law which, in their opinion, exceeds the powers of the
government and calls into question those of the Regions excluded from
active participation in the procedure. Emilia Romagna is not among the
Regions that have turned to the Consulta, which is paying for the
ambiguities of its President and its council, which before the approval
of the law had maintained an ambiguous behavior, joining in with their
own request for the transfer of competences to the Regions managed by
the right. Its President elected to the European Parliament and resigned
sees the regional council in charge for current affairs and therefore
deprived of the capacity to deliberate in this sense.
Despite these contradictions, parties and social and political movements
have started a collection of signatures to call a popular referendum
with an extremely clear question: "Do you want the law of 26 June 2024,
n. 86, "Provisions for the implementation of the differentiated autonomy
of the Regions with ordinary statute pursuant to Article 116, third
paragraph, of the Constitution" to be repealed?
Heeding the appeal of the proponents of the referendum, who filed the
question before the Constitutional Court, more than 500,000 citizens
have already signed, in the space of just three weeks. the question
taking advantage of the fact that the online subscription procedure for
the question has finally been activated, as required by law. To this
number must be added the signatures collected at the stands organized in
many squares and events even if these signatures will have to be
authenticated and certified unlike the online ones that already are.
The political effects of what is happening have quickly been felt, even
in the majority parties and especially in Forza Italia, which has seen
the Calabrian governor Occhiuto express well-founded doubts about the
measure. Opening the way to his party's strategy of distancing itself,
at least partially, from the government's action. while not breaking the
solidarity of the majority, the Calabrian governor in place of the
stakes to the implementation procedures.
The effects of this stance have intersected with the debate that has
developed on the ius scholae that has practically monopolized the
political chatter of the summer, together with the gossip about the
alleged investigations that the sister of the prime minister is
supposedly the subject of, seasoned with self-produced news about the
family affairs of the traditionally irregular Meloni clan, all seasoned
with a more than generous dose of victim mentality. If this gossip
activity put together by the Fratelli d'Italia entourage seems to be
aimed at staying on the media scene anyway, implementing a mass
distraction operation so as not to address the serious and real problems
of the country, such as the prison crisis, the dark clouds gathering
over the Italian economy in view of the autumn budget, the shovelfuls of
dung received in the face following the negotiations at the community
level regarding the composition of the new Commission and the
designation of the Italian Commissioner, the strategy designed by Forza
Italia appears more consistent in its reasons and founded in its objectives.
The party that was Berlusconi's. strong of the good electoral result in
the European elections, having sensed the profound meaning and political
weight of the implementation of differentiated autonomy in a large part
of the country, he glimpses in a very probable disastrous outcome of the
referendum the causes of a possible crisis of the government and of the
very alliance that supports it and therefore tries to distance himself
in advance, albeit timidly and with a prudent tactic, while aiming to
gather the consensus of the moderate electorate, which has revealed
itself insensitive to the sirens of Renzi and Calenda.
A summer and drawing room debate can well carry out the task of starting
to introduce the seed of a differentiation and a distancing from the
other two parties of the majority, increasingly busy competing for the
most right-wing position, the most identity-based. of the purest and
toughest, to play the part of the custodians of an electoral mandate
that continues to consider, despite a thousand contradictions, the
migrant problem as a priority, which indeed it is, but not from the
point of view from which the government addresses it, that is, that of
the fight against illegal emigration, made inevitable by a law on
emigration and a completely inadequate immigration policy, but from that
of keeping the accounts in order to keep the pension system afloat and,
why not, the health system. Even the new president of the INPS, wanted
by the right-wing government, was forced to admit, together with
Giorgetti himself. Minister of the Treasury, that the pension system can
only support itself if the number of active workers increases and this
can only come from emigration that must be organized and qualified, made
legal so that immigrant workers become contributors; a different
solution based on the birth rate and demographic growth, does not offer
credible solutions especially in the short term. Furthermore, the
conditions of super-exploitation of migrants have highlighted the
unmanageability of the clandestine labor market that the Government
fuels with its immigration policy.
Differentiated autonomy new financial and stability pact
The new financial that is being prepared will not reserve even a cent
for the financing of the LEP (minimum levels of benefits) of which,
moreover, not even the parameters that allow their quantification and
identification have been defined. And yet the measure on differentiated
autonomy is extremely dangerous and is much more than a flag planted by
the League that certifies the achievement of a goal it has long desired
but achieved out of time, when the economic and structural reasons that
could have made it convenient, at least for the regions that request its
implementation, have completely disappeared, together with the economic
collapse of the German economy. The Bavarian area and Rhine capitalism
are no longer the locomotive of Europe and no longer constitute the
saving anchor for the economies of the regions of northern Italy. In
this situation what remains is an autarchic project for the management
of resources that will create increasing difficulties for the regions
that adopt it and that will not be able to create a system with the
others and at the same time effectively insert themselves into the
context of the European and world economy. Such a prospect is
asphyxiating for the Regions even if they were to claim for themselves
the management, as is foreseen, of export and foreign trade policy,
representing economic and productive entities that are decidedly
inadequate with respect to the markets on which they must compete.
In light of these considerations, differentiated autonomy becomes a
damage and a mockery for the same forces that promoted it. In the world
in which we currently live, the timing of implementation of the measures
is essential: this means that it is not certain that what was good or
could have allowed advantages and benefits in the 80s of the last
century is functional and appropriate today and above all that it is
adequate for the new economic scenarios that have emerged. It follows
that the differentiated autonomy project is today old, reckless and full
of negative consequences, not only for the Regions that request it, but
also for those that suffer from it and for the entire country system.
The stability pact signed by the government at the European level
provides for a draconian policy of deficit containment and therefore a
containment of public spending, with painful cuts to expenses aimed at
satisfying social needs, since the budget is burdened by military
spending, which will need to be increased until reaching 2% of GDP, by
funding that bottomless pit that is constituted by the feeding of
Ukrainian nationalism, which with ever greater rapacity and petulance,
asks for resources, passing itself off as a dispenser of security for
the peoples of Europe, when instead it manages and prepares their
economic and social decline.
An action to restore public finances and abandon the policy of
constantly increasing debt, in other words, a reversal of the trend,
would require not only a rationalization of the expenses of the
bureaucratic apparatus of the State through a profound reform of
procedures, but also and above all the cutting of unproductive expenses,
and among these especially those aimed at war which constitute a waste
of precious and irreplaceable resources. A tax reform characterized by
the introduction of an effective progressivity in the taxation of income
could constitute the starting point for a serious policy to relaunch the
economic and social development of the country.
While waiting to know what the government's orientations will be
regarding the finalization of the new financial law, the verification of
the signatures collected in the referendum on September 14, that is when
the deadline for collecting signatures expires, will constitute a litmus
test that will allow us to verify how much the country still relies on
this government majority. The subsequent political campaign that will
precede the referendum vote will also allow the opposition and the
social formations that have signed the referendum question to test the
strength of their alliance and to develop a program of future action
that will see them opposed in content to this government majority.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2024/09/01/al-referendum-sullautonomia-differenziata/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
differentiated autonomy of the Regions, on the one hand, initiatives
aimed at repealing this law have taken shape, on the other hand, the
Regions in favor of introducing the measure (Veneto Lombardy, Piedmont,
Friuli Venezia Giulia, Liguria), have rushed to present requests to open
negotiations to stipulate the necessary conventions preparatory to the
transfer of competences or at least those that do not require funding,
since the law in fact lacks the necessary coverage to implement it.
The opposition, against the law, have implemented the necessary
initiatives to prevent its application by acting on two fronts: On the
one hand, the Regional Councils of Sardinia, Puglia, Tuscany and
Campania have appealed to the Constitutional Court, challenging the
legitimacy of the law which, in their opinion, exceeds the powers of the
government and calls into question those of the Regions excluded from
active participation in the procedure. Emilia Romagna is not among the
Regions that have turned to the Consulta, which is paying for the
ambiguities of its President and its council, which before the approval
of the law had maintained an ambiguous behavior, joining in with their
own request for the transfer of competences to the Regions managed by
the right. Its President elected to the European Parliament and resigned
sees the regional council in charge for current affairs and therefore
deprived of the capacity to deliberate in this sense.
Despite these contradictions, parties and social and political movements
have started a collection of signatures to call a popular referendum
with an extremely clear question: "Do you want the law of 26 June 2024,
n. 86, "Provisions for the implementation of the differentiated autonomy
of the Regions with ordinary statute pursuant to Article 116, third
paragraph, of the Constitution" to be repealed?
Heeding the appeal of the proponents of the referendum, who filed the
question before the Constitutional Court, more than 500,000 citizens
have already signed, in the space of just three weeks. the question
taking advantage of the fact that the online subscription procedure for
the question has finally been activated, as required by law. To this
number must be added the signatures collected at the stands organized in
many squares and events even if these signatures will have to be
authenticated and certified unlike the online ones that already are.
The political effects of what is happening have quickly been felt, even
in the majority parties and especially in Forza Italia, which has seen
the Calabrian governor Occhiuto express well-founded doubts about the
measure. Opening the way to his party's strategy of distancing itself,
at least partially, from the government's action. while not breaking the
solidarity of the majority, the Calabrian governor in place of the
stakes to the implementation procedures.
The effects of this stance have intersected with the debate that has
developed on the ius scholae that has practically monopolized the
political chatter of the summer, together with the gossip about the
alleged investigations that the sister of the prime minister is
supposedly the subject of, seasoned with self-produced news about the
family affairs of the traditionally irregular Meloni clan, all seasoned
with a more than generous dose of victim mentality. If this gossip
activity put together by the Fratelli d'Italia entourage seems to be
aimed at staying on the media scene anyway, implementing a mass
distraction operation so as not to address the serious and real problems
of the country, such as the prison crisis, the dark clouds gathering
over the Italian economy in view of the autumn budget, the shovelfuls of
dung received in the face following the negotiations at the community
level regarding the composition of the new Commission and the
designation of the Italian Commissioner, the strategy designed by Forza
Italia appears more consistent in its reasons and founded in its objectives.
The party that was Berlusconi's. strong of the good electoral result in
the European elections, having sensed the profound meaning and political
weight of the implementation of differentiated autonomy in a large part
of the country, he glimpses in a very probable disastrous outcome of the
referendum the causes of a possible crisis of the government and of the
very alliance that supports it and therefore tries to distance himself
in advance, albeit timidly and with a prudent tactic, while aiming to
gather the consensus of the moderate electorate, which has revealed
itself insensitive to the sirens of Renzi and Calenda.
A summer and drawing room debate can well carry out the task of starting
to introduce the seed of a differentiation and a distancing from the
other two parties of the majority, increasingly busy competing for the
most right-wing position, the most identity-based. of the purest and
toughest, to play the part of the custodians of an electoral mandate
that continues to consider, despite a thousand contradictions, the
migrant problem as a priority, which indeed it is, but not from the
point of view from which the government addresses it, that is, that of
the fight against illegal emigration, made inevitable by a law on
emigration and a completely inadequate immigration policy, but from that
of keeping the accounts in order to keep the pension system afloat and,
why not, the health system. Even the new president of the INPS, wanted
by the right-wing government, was forced to admit, together with
Giorgetti himself. Minister of the Treasury, that the pension system can
only support itself if the number of active workers increases and this
can only come from emigration that must be organized and qualified, made
legal so that immigrant workers become contributors; a different
solution based on the birth rate and demographic growth, does not offer
credible solutions especially in the short term. Furthermore, the
conditions of super-exploitation of migrants have highlighted the
unmanageability of the clandestine labor market that the Government
fuels with its immigration policy.
Differentiated autonomy new financial and stability pact
The new financial that is being prepared will not reserve even a cent
for the financing of the LEP (minimum levels of benefits) of which,
moreover, not even the parameters that allow their quantification and
identification have been defined. And yet the measure on differentiated
autonomy is extremely dangerous and is much more than a flag planted by
the League that certifies the achievement of a goal it has long desired
but achieved out of time, when the economic and structural reasons that
could have made it convenient, at least for the regions that request its
implementation, have completely disappeared, together with the economic
collapse of the German economy. The Bavarian area and Rhine capitalism
are no longer the locomotive of Europe and no longer constitute the
saving anchor for the economies of the regions of northern Italy. In
this situation what remains is an autarchic project for the management
of resources that will create increasing difficulties for the regions
that adopt it and that will not be able to create a system with the
others and at the same time effectively insert themselves into the
context of the European and world economy. Such a prospect is
asphyxiating for the Regions even if they were to claim for themselves
the management, as is foreseen, of export and foreign trade policy,
representing economic and productive entities that are decidedly
inadequate with respect to the markets on which they must compete.
In light of these considerations, differentiated autonomy becomes a
damage and a mockery for the same forces that promoted it. In the world
in which we currently live, the timing of implementation of the measures
is essential: this means that it is not certain that what was good or
could have allowed advantages and benefits in the 80s of the last
century is functional and appropriate today and above all that it is
adequate for the new economic scenarios that have emerged. It follows
that the differentiated autonomy project is today old, reckless and full
of negative consequences, not only for the Regions that request it, but
also for those that suffer from it and for the entire country system.
The stability pact signed by the government at the European level
provides for a draconian policy of deficit containment and therefore a
containment of public spending, with painful cuts to expenses aimed at
satisfying social needs, since the budget is burdened by military
spending, which will need to be increased until reaching 2% of GDP, by
funding that bottomless pit that is constituted by the feeding of
Ukrainian nationalism, which with ever greater rapacity and petulance,
asks for resources, passing itself off as a dispenser of security for
the peoples of Europe, when instead it manages and prepares their
economic and social decline.
An action to restore public finances and abandon the policy of
constantly increasing debt, in other words, a reversal of the trend,
would require not only a rationalization of the expenses of the
bureaucratic apparatus of the State through a profound reform of
procedures, but also and above all the cutting of unproductive expenses,
and among these especially those aimed at war which constitute a waste
of precious and irreplaceable resources. A tax reform characterized by
the introduction of an effective progressivity in the taxation of income
could constitute the starting point for a serious policy to relaunch the
economic and social development of the country.
While waiting to know what the government's orientations will be
regarding the finalization of the new financial law, the verification of
the signatures collected in the referendum on September 14, that is when
the deadline for collecting signatures expires, will constitute a litmus
test that will allow us to verify how much the country still relies on
this government majority. The subsequent political campaign that will
precede the referendum vote will also allow the opposition and the
social formations that have signed the referendum question to test the
strength of their alliance and to develop a program of future action
that will see them opposed in content to this government majority.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2024/09/01/al-referendum-sullautonomia-differenziata/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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