This chapter briefly maps and discusses the trajectory of the Libertarian Socialist Anarchist Organization (OASL) in São Paulo during its first 10 years of existence. It summarizes some results from a broader research project that has been underway for some time. ---- This trajectory is directly linked to the history of so-called specificist anarchism in Latin America, which finds its main reference in the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation. It was under its direct influence that specificism developed in Brazil. First, in Rio Grande do Sul, with the founding of the Gaúcha Anarchist Federation (FAG) in 1995; then, in various regions of Brazil. Experiences of national impact, such as the Libertarian Socialist Organization (OSL, 1997-2000), the Forum of Organized Anarchism (FAO, 2002-2012) and the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB, 2012- ) constitute part of this tradition.
In São Paulo, this anarchist current also developed, starting in the mid-1990s, with the experience of the Libertarian Socialist Organization - São Paulo (OSL-SP). This organization, along with other initiatives it promoted, spearheaded the first generation of specificist anarchism in São Paulo, between 1996 and 2007. It was followed by another organizational experience, initiated the following year, which materialized in 2009 with the founding of OASL, the protagonist of the second generation of São Paulo's specificist anarchism.
Throughout Brazil, and also in São Paulo, the trajectory of this movement was deeply linked to different popular movements. It created and participated in labor, student, community, and agrarian initiatives, and promoted struggles with class-based, feminist, and anti-racist content. Immersed in these struggles, it sought to strengthen a program, a line of work, whose impact was felt in different parts of Brazil.
In the following pages - after addressing the origins of specificist anarchism in Latin America and Brazil, as well as the precursors of this current in São Paulo - we present and analyze the conceptions and achievements of the OASL between 2009 and 2019. Even taking into account our participation in a significant part of the events studied, we hope to have produced an honest text, based on balanced expositions and reflections from the various sources we used .
ORIGINS OF SPECIFICISM AND BRAZILIAN EXPERIENCES: FROM THE URUGUAYAN ANARCHIST FEDERATION TO THE BRAZILIAN ANARCHIST COORDINATION
As mentioned, the origins of specificist anarchism lie in the significant experience of the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU), founded in 1956. During the 1960s and 1970s - in a context marked by economic crisis, increased US influence in the region, growing popular mobilizations, and a hardening of the government - the FAU formed one of the largest political forces of the Uruguayan left.
In the labor and popular movement, he was influential in the Convención Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT), a labor union he helped found in 1964, where he acted through the so-called Tendencia, an organizational level intermediate between the FAU and the CNT. He was present in different categories of workers and played a leading role in numerous conflicts and strikes. He also articulated the Resistencia Obrero Estudantil (ROE), uniting workers, neighbors, and students in a combative movement built from the grassroots. In the armed struggle, he created and promoted the Organización Popular Revolucionária - 33 Orientales (OPR-33), which engaged in sabotage, expropriations, kidnappings, and support for social conflicts.
The FAU also developed a rich body of theoretical work. Significant documents, drawing on anarchist classics such as Mikhail Bakunin and Errico Malatesta - as well as other authors more or less linked to the libertarian field - contributed to the development of especifismo (specific thought). Among the most influential are: the numerous FAU Letters , Copei[Armed Struggle and the Revolutionary Task], and Huerta Grande[The Importance of Theory].
Throughout the 1970s, it suffered immense repression, with a large part of its members imprisoned, tortured, disappeared, and killed, both in Uruguay - in a process that intensified after the 1973 coup - and in Argentina - where the militants moved and operated until the 1976 coup. (Mechoso, 2009; Rugai, 2012; Alves, 2014)
With the reopening of the regime, the FAU reorganized itself in Uruguay between 1985 and 1986, resuming its anarchist positions and establishing a strategy for the new times. From that moment until the present, it has managed its own headquarters and printing press and resumed its work: union activities in various categories; community activities in athenaeums and neighborhoods; and student activities in schools and universities. (Rocha, 1995; Militantes da FAU, 2012/2020)
Furthermore, the Uruguayan organization also invested heavily in the dissemination and articulation of especifismo in other Latin American countries. The greatest fruit of this international effort occurred precisely in Brazil. Since 1994, the FAU's contributions in this regard have been fundamental; both for the aforementioned founding of FAG the following year, and for the emergence of the Brazilian Anarchist Construction process in 1996.
Disseminated throughout Brazil through the document "Struggle and Organization: For the Construction of Brazilian Anarchism," the Construction project aimed to create, within five years, specific instances of anarchism in various locations, and to subsidize a future project of national anarchist organization. It intended that anarchists not only engage in the wave of struggles and popular movements emerging throughout the country - stimulated, during the FHC years (1995-2002), by the implementation of a neoliberal agenda that favored the dominant classes at the expense of workers and the poor - but also that they could guide them in a specific direction. (PCAB, 2015; FAG, 2015, pp. 8-16; Libera, 1995, 1999)
Besides Rio Grande do Sul, this initiative had a considerable impact in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Pará, and a smaller role in other regions. Among the greatest fruits of this first period are: the OSL, a national anarchist organization project initiated in 1997, which, having been built without due maturation, attempting to anticipate the planning of the Construction movement itself, fell apart around 2000; and Resistência Popular, a tendency group - an intermediate level between anarchist organization and popular movements - founded in 1999, with the purpose of deepening the work and social insertion of anarchists, and which exists to this day in different Brazilian regions. In addition to "congresses, councils, political training, organic discussions," these organizations carried out "community work, student work, recycling and collection of recyclable material, struggles for land, for housing, and participation in cooperatives." (OASL/FARJ, 2012)
In a second period - marked by the Lula government (2003-2010) and the beginning of the Dilma government, which was characterized by the attempt to maintain certain neoliberal assumptions along with policies of class conciliation and bureaucratization of popular movements - the process of national organization of Brazilian specificist anarchism restarted. (LL, 2004a; OSL-SP, 2006)
To that end, the Forum of Organized Anarchism (FAO) was founded in 2002. It was a less ambitious proposal, aiming to bring together anarchists who agreed on the need for organization and social work (creation and participation in popular movements and struggles). Above all, this proposal sought to "separate the wheat from the chaff," as they used to say in São Paulo. The libertarian field also frequently held anti-organizationalist positions and questioned classism and even participation in unions or social movements.
The FAO proposal aimed to stimulate the construction of a field of anarchists or libertarians with minimal agreements and, from there, aiming not to repeat the mistakes of the OSL experience, to gradually and consistently strengthen the organizational process. It had some success in the regions previously mobilized, especially Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Pará; gradually, it advanced to Alagoas, Bahia, Goiás and Mato Grosso. (VN, 1997a, OASL/FARJ, 2012)
The forum's trajectory, however, was not without certain obstacles. As early as 2004, Rio de Janeiro no longer had a presence in the FAO; in 2007, the same happened in São Paulo. In Rio de Janeiro, the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro (FARJ) was prevented from joining the forum, and the Popular Anarchist Union (UNIPA) split. In São Paulo, the OSL-SP ceased its activities. These obstacles were only overcome between 2008 and 2009, when the organizations that had remained in the FAO and others that had been created under the influence of the FARJ managed to resolve their differences and unite within the FAO itself. (OASL/FARJ, 2012)
All these organizations worked together to found, in 2012, the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB), an organic improvement of the FAO, which went from a forum to a coordination, aiming, in the medium term, to realize that project of a national anarchist organization enunciated by Construção back in the 1990s. (FAG, 2012; FAG, 2015, pp. 42-46; CAB, 2012c) In conjunctural terms, between 2012 and 2019, it faced not only the end of the PT cycle, but also the effects of the 2014 economic crisis, the growth of Lava Jato and the 2016 judicial-parliamentary-media coup, and the rise of the far right, which culminated in the election of Bolsonaro in 2018. (CAB, 2012b, 2015, 2018)
Significant achievements of the FAO and CAB, at the political and social level, were: publications on theory and current events; organic articulation and growth in Brazil; refounding of the Latin American Anarchist Coordination (CALA); contribution to the international network Anarkismo.net; deepening of work in various popular movements; participation in numerous demonstrations and street protests, including the June 2013 protests; encouragement of the creation of Popular Resistance and other tendencies in different regions of the country; contributing to the organization of 13 editions of the Latin American Meeting of Autonomous Popular Organizations (ELAOPA), to strengthen a similar field in the unions and social movements of Latin America. (FAO militants, 2012/2020; CAB militants, 2012/2020)
PRECURSORS: THE LIBERTARIAN SOCIALIST ORGANIZATION OF SÃO PAULO (1996-2007)
Between 1996 and 2007, São Paulo was home to the first generation of specificist anarchists, who were particularly active within the Libertarian Socialist Organization of São Paulo (OSL-SP), also under the influence of the FAU (Foundation for the Architecture and Urbanism). Publicly, as in other locations, they used the expression "organized anarchism" more often than "specificist anarchism." This generation had a significant presence in the aforementioned national experiences (OSL and FAO). From the formation of the Vermelho e Negro (Red and Black) nucleus and its articulation with two other nuclei in the ABC region and Campinas to form the basis of the OSL-SP in 1997, to the formation of the Coletivo Luta Libertária (Libertarian Struggle Collective) in 2001, with a presence in Greater São Paulo, and the resumption of the OSL-SP in 2006, extending to the Baixada Santista region. (OSL-SP Militants, 2012/2019/2020; LL, 2004b)
In the mid-1990s, the activists' focus was the student movement at the University of São Paulo (USP). In the newsletter Vermelho e Negro (Red and Black) , which they edited at the time, they stated that they were active "in issues relating to the needs of a low-income student at USP, more specifically problems such as housing, food, transportation and health." And they did so through the residents' association of the USP Residential Complex (CRUSP), which concentrated "students from the exploited class." (VN, 1997b, 1998)
Gradually, the work expanded to the neighborhoods. In addition to a student front, a community front was formed, greatly strengthened by the formation of Resistência Popular - São Paulo (RP-SP) in 1999, which began to include, besides the specificists, several other activists. The OSL-SP played a decisive role, whose activism not only proposed and guaranteed its creation but also definitively contributed to its trajectory; it channeled all its social work through it. RP-SP reached six nuclei - USP, Pirituba, Guarulhos (later divided into two), Mogi and Poá -, just under a hundred members, and published the Boletim da Resistência Popular (OSL-SP Activists). (OSL-SP Activists, 2012/2019/2020)
From 2001 to 2007, a series of important initiatives were undertaken by São Paulo's especifistas (a group of anarchists specializing in anarchism). At the political level, in addition to organizational work, noteworthy achievements include: the publication of four books, the bulletin Combate Anarquista (Anarchist Combat ), the newspaper Socialismo Libertário ( Libertarian Socialism) , and the programmatic document Socialismo Libertário: um projeto em construção (Libertarian Socialism: a project under construction); and the management of the Espaço Buenaventura Durruti, which hosted many events and lectures. At the social level, as part of the RP-SP (São Paulo Republican Party), these anarchists had, in addition to student experiences (with high school and university students), community experiences (in neighborhoods and residents' associations), and experiences with recyclable material collectors, other noteworthy activities: their involvement in two large urban occupations in Guarulhos and Osasco, and their union activity in APEOESP (the São Paulo State Teachers' Union).
In Guarulhos, the specifistas and other members of RP-SP joined the Anita Garibaldi occupation process - which occurred in 2001 and brought together 3,000 families - forming a minority political and social force and contributing to the routine tasks and struggles of the movement. (MTST, 2013) In Osasco, at the Carlos Lamarca occupation in 2002, which brought together 4,000 families, the case was different. Together with the Popular Struggle Movement (MLP), RP-SP militants coordinated the preparations for the occupation, the entry into the space, and the massification of the movement. (Worker, 2002) They more equally contested the direction of the process with the Homeless Workers' Movement (MTST), whose tactical alliance, in both occupations, involved permanent conflicts, thanks to the distinct (and authoritarian) organizational conceptions of this movement.
In the union field, the work carried out at APEOESP (teachers of the state of São Paulo) was very important, with the activists integrating into the Intersindical, winning the elections in the Santos sub-headquarters and guaranteeing an influential presence in others: Pirituba, São José dos Campos, São Roque, Guarulhos and Poá. (Activists of OSL-SP, 2012/2019/2020)
OSL-SP persisted until 2007, when it ceased operations; the same happened with RP-SP. Determining factors included significant weariness among activists and a certain skepticism regarding the project's potential.
Anarchist Organization Libertarian Socialism: Conceptions and Achievements
The first decade of OASL's existence can be divided into five periods, which relate to the most significant organizational milestones, as well as its ebbs and flows. These are: rearticulation and founding process (2008-2009); building the foundations (2010-2011); deepening and adjusting the organization and work (2012-2014); difficulties and reorganization (2015-2016); renewal and political and social growth (2017-2019).
Throughout these years, the organization has experienced both the consequences of the national situation - with the transition from PT (Workers' Party) to Lava Jato (Operation Car Wash), and from there to proto-fascism - and the state situation. Although more stable, since it was always under the hegemony of the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party), it followed to some extent the national process of radicalization of the right. The state government invested heavily in dismantling basic education and public universities; moved towards privatizations and public-private partnerships in sectors such as health and culture; and perpetrated brutal repression, through the Military Police, against young black people from the periphery. (FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
1.) Reorganization and founding process (2008-2009)
Just one year after the end of the OSL-SP, specificist anarchism began to re-emerge in the capital. It wasn't exactly a continuation of the previous project, as this second generation arose independently, even though it included a former member of the OSL-SP, and carried considerable influences from its theoretical and practical aspects (as well as those of Luta Libertária, RP-SP, etc.). They also brought influences from the Centro de Cultura Social de São Paulo (CCS-SP), which had contributed, years before, to their approach to anarchism.
However, the greatest influence on this new generation was FARJ. Coming to São Paulo to present its project at a countercultural gathering in early 2008, this organization provided the conditions for a meeting between one of its activists, who lived in São Paulo, and others who at the time were organizing the Antônio Martinez Social Culture Center (CCS-AM). From this meeting, the São Paulo Anarchist Federation Pro-Nucleus (Pró-FASP) was formed, another Brazilian experience within the FARJ's sphere of influence, which, as mentioned, remained outside the FAO.
The activists of the Núcleo Pró-FASP outlined a strategy for building the anarchist organization in São Paulo, which consisted of a twofold effort: ensuring organic growth and deepening social work that was already being done, or even opening new ones, as far as possible. (Archives of the Núcleo Pró-FASP, 2008-2009; Militantes da FASP/OASL, 2020; OASL, 2011b)
To that end, they presented the proposal of specificity at two large Pro-FASP Meetings, which took place in July 2008 and July 2009, respectively. At the first, which brought together almost 100 people from different cities in the state, they distributed a text to those present that explained:
The model we chose to adopt is the model known in Latin America as "especifismo." Originating in Uruguay, the term "especifismo" refers to two fundamental axes that mark anarchist action: organization and " social insertion ."[...]Social insertion reinforces the idea that anarchists should seek, in addition to these aspects of reinforcing memory and promoting libertarian culture, primarily to play a relevant role in the struggle of social and popular movements . (Núcleo Pró-FASP, 2008a)
There were three main areas of discussion: presentation of the FARJ 3 proposal (made by the organization's own activists), social insertion, and organic structure. A fourth, more practical area involved the creation of a support group, which included all interested parties; this group began to meet periodically and, with the necessary guidance, subsidized entry into the capital's branch. (Núcleo Pró-FASP, 2008b)
At the second meeting, attended by 150 people, there was also participation from FARJ and FAG - at that time, the process of unifying Brazilian especifism was underway. Discussions covered social movements in rural and urban areas, anarchist activity in Brazil and the world, analysis of the current situation, the role of women and feminism in anarchism. Presentations were also given on the social projects that were beginning to take shape: the management of CCS-AM, a community space on the outskirts of São Paulo's east side that organized cultural activities in the neighborhood; the contacts established within the Landless Workers' Movement (MST), regional branch of Greater São Paulo, and also within the indigenous movement; and activities related to gender issues within the Ela Luta Women's Cultural Group. (Núcleo Pró-FASP, 2009b)
Throughout the second half of 2009, activists in São Paulo prepared for the founding of FASP. In addition to decisions concerning its organizational structure, they sought to deepen their work, especially in the MST's Communes (rural and urban settlements), which seemed to offer more possibilities. They organized a cultural event in the Irmã Alberta Commune (Perus), collaborated on grassroots work and occupations that took place during that period, and, together with FARJ, promoted a meeting between a movement of unemployed people from Rio de Janeiro and the landless movement in São Paulo. (Núcleo Pró-FASP, 2009a; Arquivos do Núcleo Pró-FASP, 2008-2009; Bucaneiro Produções, 2008)
Finally, on November 18th, the Anarchist Federation of São Paulo was founded at an event in the Ay Carmela space, in the center of the capital, with the presence of activists and some guests. A "Founding Manifesto" was read, which affirmed the need for work within popular movements.
- Popular movements organized by the exploited classes, driven by their needs and suffering the effects of class struggle, seem to us to be the only means to bring about a revolutionary transformation of society aimed at building socialism.
Therefore, our efforts should focus on building and participating in these movements.
- In this process of building and participating, being in movements individually and in a disorganized way is not enough. It is essential that we are there with a programmatic project and with proper organization.
We must be concerned about the relationship between the anarchist organization and popular movements so as not to fall into well-known errors: neither being behind the movements, "in tow" with them, nor being ahead, wanting to act as a vanguard party.
- For this, self-identification as an anarchist is not enough; identification with a specific project is necessary. We need an organizational model that can handle the objectives we set out to achieve.
These premises point to the need to create a specific anarchist organization that, with unity in the field of theory and practice, can bring together responsible militants who work strategically, giving due cohesion to our work. (FASP, 2009a)
Also during the founding event, a video was presented in which the São Paulo-based specialists reported on the theoretical and practical knowledge gained since the beginning of the process, and statements of solidarity from organizations and individuals were read. (FASP, 2009a; OASL, 2011b) At that time, a text entitled "Alliances and the Need for Program and Strategy" was published, outlining the milestones that would guide the organization's strategic perspective and field of alliances. (FASP, 2009b)
2.) Foundation construction (2010-2011)
The years from the founding of FASP until the end of 2011 served to form the foundations of OASL. It was a time to continue incorporating new militants into the capital's core, to initiate dialogues with the Baixada Santista and Alto Tietê regions, and to continue along the previously established lines. It was also a period to create fronts for social work and to discuss and deliberate on changing FASP's name. From February 2011, due to a conflict with a former member - who, without the consent of the others, registered the federation in his own name - FASP became known as the Libertarian Socialist Anarchist Organization. (FASP/OASL Militants, 2020; OASL, 2011b)
Also in 2011, the OASL approved its Declaration of Principles, which develops the formulations that had been elaborated since the Pro-FASP period, and publicly exposes its conception of anarchism and its organizational project. (OASL, 2011a) In this declaration, anarchism is understood as "an ideology, a type of revolutionary socialism that involves a set of aspirations, desires and values linked to a political practice". Anarchism and its project are then exposed through a set of "political-ideological principles" and "strategic and organizational principles".
Regarding the former, the OASL emphasizes its commitment to an anarchist ethic, supported by a set of values that accompany its constructive criticisms and proposals. It criticizes all forms of domination - including labor exploitation, bureaucratic domination, physical coercion, cultural alienation, racism, patriarchy, etc. - and proposes a class-based political practice, developed from a strategic perspective, with means subordinated to ends. It proposes a revolutionary line of action that finds its path in certain principles: mutual support, solidarity, direct action, and class independence. Its objective is revolutionary transformation and the construction of popular power - a project that reconciles freedom and equality, forging socialism at all levels, based on self-management, federalism, and internationalism.
Regarding the latter, the OASL emphasizes that it relies on an organizational project that aims to connect anarchists both at the political-ideological level (within the anarchist political organization) and at the social-popular level (through unions, social movements, etc.). These levels are understood as complementary, and the function of the former is to act as an active minority (a catalyst, a driving force) within the latter, which should be the main protagonist of changes and transformations. The anarchist organization has some organizational criteria: it operates with theoretical and ideological unity, strategic and tactical unity, and collective responsibility, forging common lines of thought and action, and stimulating commitment and self-discipline.
She understands that it is essential to create and participate in popular movements, promoting within them a program, a methodology that, in addition to reconciling the struggle for reforms and the revolutionary project, implies:
The construction of strong movements around concrete needs, with the possibility of participation by activists with different ideological and religious beliefs; the broad presence of diverse sectors of the oppressed classes; struggles that are organized from the grassroots, with class independence, autonomy, and combativeness, and that utilize direct action and forms of direct democracy (federalism and self-management), promoting, at the same time, partial struggles and revolutionary objectives, and articulating themselves in broad popular organizations. (OASL, 2011a)
However, the most significant political and ideological milestone during this period was the investment in national and international relations and networking. In Brazil, the OASL deepened not only its relations with the FARJ, but also with the FAO and its organizations. In international relations, the organization: received members of the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (ZACF) from South Africa; sent a delegation to the 55th anniversary of the FAU in Uruguay; and joined the Anarkismo.net network. The OASL also organized and hosted, in 2011, the FAO's annual plenary session, which approved its membership, and the Anarchist Conferences, which were attended by delegations from Brazilian, Uruguayan, Argentinian, and Chilean anarchist organizations. (FASP Archives, 2009-2011; OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FAU/FAO, 2011)
In terms of activities in the popular field and social work, there was dialogue and collaboration with the indigenous movement, recyclable material collectors in the city center, and community movements in the eastern zone. There was also involvement in student movements at USP (University of São Paulo) and labor unions among bank workers. However, in this field, what stood out most during those years was the work with the MST (Landless Workers' Movement). Although the movement had programmatic and organizational differences with the anarchists, the OASL militants found trust and receptiveness, as well as a minority opposition sector that was forming nationally and had a considerable presence in Greater São Paulo and its surroundings. This "sector of popular power," as it was called, in contrast to the majority "sector of democratic-popular strategy," despite the marked differences, also presented many similarities with the aforementioned programmatic and methodological lines of the OASL, and was evaluated as a potential unifying pole for engaging in a struggle within the movement.
Within the MST (Landless Workers' Movement), OASL's activism focused on mass mobilization and the production and education sectors; it participated in the movement's coordination bodies and various struggles. Furthermore, it organized fairs and sales of baskets of products from the settlements in the city; at the Irmã Alberta Commune, it renovated the social center and spearheaded a popular education project for young people and adults. (FASP Archives, 2009-2011; OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Activists, 2020)
At that time, all of OASL's social work was carried out through the Aymberê Popular Organization (OPA), a multi-sectoral group founded in October 2009, which brought together all of OASL's activists and a group of other members (anarchists and non-anarchists) who agreed to act in popular movements based on certain practical principles: direct action, solidarity with the oppressed classes, autonomy, direct democracy, and popular protagonism. OPA activists were present both in the MST and in other movements with which OASL had contact and activity.
A notable achievement of the OPA was the organization of the IX ELAOPA, which took place in January 2011 at the MST's Campo Cidade Training Center (Jarinu). For three days, more than 400 participants from various countries discussed the Latin American situation, shared experiences, and sought agreements for their social-popular action through meetings of commissions and working groups. (OPA, 2011; OPA Archives, 2009-2012; Oliveira, 2011)
3.) Deepening and adjusting of organic structure and work (2012-2014)
Between 2012 and 2014, OASL experienced a period of greater stability, with implications for its departments (organization, propaganda/communication, finance/infrastructure, training, and relations) and its social work. Starting in 2012, it implemented a nucleation system, forming two nuclei in the capital and integrating a third in Marília, which also had a presence in Franca. In the capital's nuclei, activists from other regions of Greater São Paulo joined; dialogues with the Baixada Santista continued, and contacts were initiated in Bauru. In 2013, an Organic Charter was approved, which began to regulate the organization's internal functioning.
During this period, the OASL also carried out several internal political training activities and developed a Minimum Training Program. It participated annually in the São Paulo Anarchist Fair and promoted public propaganda activities - such as those held at the CCS-SP in 2013 and 2014 - in addition to two comprehensive courses on anarchism. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
The organization continued to deepen national and international relations. In 2012 alone, for example, it participated in regional political training seminars, sent delegations to events in Brazil, and even abroad - such as the International Anarchist Meetings in Switzerland. It also actively contributed to the construction of the CAB, sending delegates to the founding congress (I CONCAB) in Rio de Janeiro, and worked on the editing of the first issue of the magazine Libertarian Socialism . (FAO, 2012; CAZP, 2012; CAB, 2012a; FARJ, 2012)
In the social-popular sphere, the years in question were marked by adjustments. After analyzing the situation, the possibilities of the activities undertaken, and its own militant strength, the OASL decided to reorganize its work. It continued to opt, in most cases, for participation in existing movements, aware that the greater difficulty in influencing them was accompanied by greater ease in the process of organizational construction and mass mobilization.
The activists who focused on specific groups distanced themselves from the indigenous movement, community activities in the eastern zone of the capital, and the waste pickers in the city center. They maintained some strength within the Free Fare Movement (MPL) and initiated other work through community fronts in the southern zone of the capital; there were contacts in Jardim Ângela and involvement in struggles and cultural activities of the Rede Extremo Sul network in the Grajaú region. OPA, which continued to operate throughout 2012, was also reevaluated. Even though it had played a relevant role, it was losing its function of enhancing social work; so its activities were reduced to a minimum and, in 2013, practically ceased. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Activists, 2020; OPA Archives, 2009-2012)
On the other hand, the labor union, student, and agrarian/MST fronts saw the greatest progress during this period.
In the labor movement, a growing understanding emerged that unions, by their origin and trajectory, are instruments of struggle for the working class. However, in Brazil, their subservience to the State, as well as the more recent processes of bureaucratization and partisan instrumentalization, constituted enormous obstacles. For the OASL militants, this was not a "leadership crisis" that could be resolved by contesting party apparatuses, but rather an inability to massively mobilize workers and address current labor relations and the demands of the working class. The solution seemed to lie in strengthening union organizations from the grassroots and in rebuilding, alongside other forces, revolutionary unionism; a movement that could simultaneously constitute a tool of resistance for workers and that had the capacity to advance towards a transformative project of popular power. (FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
In the state of São Paulo, this approach began to be promoted within APEOESP, which at the time had an OASL presence in its sub-offices in Cotia and Marília. Through regular grassroots work, these anarchists mobilized teachers, encouraged their involvement with the union, and attempted to create a sphere of influence capable of competing for space within the organization. It was in this context that they proposed a thesis at the XXIV Congress in 2013, entitled "Changing the Union is Necessary," in which they made four proposals: 1) Strengthen "grassroots democracy in decision-making"; 2) Allocate "10% of revenue to union training"; 3) Encourage "communication with students, staff, and parents"; 4) Promote forms of "participatory budgeting" within the union. (OASL, 2013a) It was this same line that allowed for closer ties with some São Paulo subway workers, directly involved in the important 2014 strike, who later joined the organization. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019)
In the student field, activities grew considerably at UNESP in Marília and Franca, and at USP in the capital. Throughout 2012, OASL contributed directly to the preparation and political direction of three Libertarian Student Encounters (EEL). At UNESP, what stood out most was the broad cycle of struggles initiated in 2012, in which OASL students intervened through local collectives. That year, they were involved in the occupation of the communications department to demand improvements to the university restaurant. In 2013, they actively participated in the historic strike against PIMESP (Project for Inclusion with Merit in Public Higher Education in São Paulo) and scholarship cuts. With more than 20 campuses paralyzed, occupations of administrations and rectorates, and road blockades, the strike ended victoriously. In 2014, they participated in occupations for student housing and were part of the strike that mobilized students, professors, and staff. (OASL, 2013b; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
At USP (University of São Paulo), OASL students participated in the large-scale 2013 strike, which demanded greater democracy at the university. Organized within the libertarian student movement Rizoma, and inspired by the achievements of UNESP (São Paulo State University), they emphasized class-based demands, greater access to the university, and the expansion of student support policies for low-income students. Both processes, at UNESP and USP, directly contributed to the articulation, starting in 2014, of the Popular Student Resistance (RP-E), both in Marília and São Paulo. This resistance aimed to create an alternative to authoritarian, pro-government, and autonomist student organizations. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
Work with the MST also developed significantly during these years. Already in 2012, OASL's activism ensured greater social insertion within the movement, through the production and youth sectors, and activities in the Dom Pedro Casaldáliga Commune (Cajamar). In production, it contributed to the reconstruction of the cooperative in this settlement and to the distribution of products from different communes in the capital, through a weekly fair that it structured at USP and the sale of baskets. In Dom Pedro, it promoted the creation of a youth collective, which fostered mobilizations through cultural activities and social gatherings.
However, during that period, the OASL already assessed that there was a weakening, at the national and state levels, of the so-called "popular power sector," due to the change of position or the departure of leaders and coordinators.[4]Even so, it continued to exist and, precisely to try to strengthen it, the OASL accepted the nomination of two of its members to compose the regional leadership of political training and production. Together with other leaders, coordinators, and grassroots activists, anarchists and non-anarchists, all aligned with the MST's popular power project, they came to form the largest political force in the region and thus managed to maintain themselves for some time. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
The activism of OASL and its allies, not without immense difficulties, managed to strengthen grassroots organizations in the settlements, promote greater participation of the landless in spaces and decisions, and reinsert the Greater São Paulo region into a calendar of more combative struggles. The most relevant of these was the Padre João Carlos Pacchin occupation, which took place in Itapevi at the end of August 2013, involving 350 families. OASL activists not only defended the occupation in the region, with some difficulty, but also contributed decisively to the preparation of the families, their entry into the space, and the coordination of its daily functioning throughout its 10 months of existence. Evicted in 2014, the families still tried to promote a new occupation, but it was again evicted, imposing a defeat both on that urban commune and on the "popular power sector" in the region itself. (MST, 2013, 2014; OASL Archives, 2011-2019)
Finally, it is worth mentioning another milestone of these years: the 2013 demonstrations against the increase in public transport fares, which grew enormously in São Paulo and transformed into the well-known June Days. The specificists were actively involved in organizing the street actions, both with the unions and social movements in which they had a presence, and with support for the MPL (Free Fare Movement). In the streets, they reinforced the demands for a reduction in the fare price and contributed to the growth and radicalization of the protests, confronting repression and the growth of the right wing. (OASL, 2013b; Militantes da FASP/OASL, 2020)
4.) Difficulties and reorganization (2015-2016)
Between 2015 and 2016, OASL experienced internal difficulties and had to reorganize. These difficulties began to manifest themselves more clearly at the end of 2014 and intensified at the beginning of 2015; they were caused by problems that lasted less than six months, but had more lasting effects. They can be explained by a set of factors.
One of these was a considerable decrease in the number of activists, resulting from resignations, changes of state (for various reasons), and temporary absences of members. This had a direct impact on the organization's internal functioning and social work. The labor union front was the most affected, but the student and agrarian/MST fronts also suffered negative impacts.
Furthermore, the Padre João Carlos occupation process also brought problems. This was due both to the strain and the lack of support from part of the movement, including during and after the evictions. This exacerbated conflicts in the region, especially between the anarchist militants and the "democratic-popular strategy sector." Some time later, this led to a heated debate within the OASL, which resulted in the decision to leave the leadership and considerably reduce efforts in the movement. It was the organization's largest and oldest work, and this undoubtedly had consequences. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
This decline, which also implied the departure of more experienced activists, and the need to solve emerging problems led to some misguided decisions. Among these were the shortening of the recruitment process and the lack of careful monitoring of new members, which allowed the entry of people without the OASL's militant profile. Furthermore, an explicit case of sexism was not properly addressed and had negative impacts on the entire organization. This environment contributed to heightened tensions and brought political and personal disagreements to the surface. Some of the methods used to try to solve the worsening problems were certainly not the most appropriate. The CAB committed to helping solve the problems and designated FARJ for direct support.
The First OASL Congress, which had a rather turbulent first session at the end of 2014, was extended to address the difficulties; from 2015 to the beginning of 2017, five more sessions were held. The number of groups was reduced to ensure greater homogeneity in the treatment of the three prioritized themes: social work, the entry process, gender issues, and conduct. Regarding these themes, it was necessary to: update the analysis of the current situation and re-evaluate ongoing work, finding more appropriate ways to organize and enhance it; re-evaluate how new members were being recruited, solving problems and significantly improving the process; deepen the debates and political training on gender, drawing closer to regional and national bodies, and develop procedures for addressing inappropriate behavior. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Members, 2020)
To that end, OASL sought references from other CAB organizations. It forwarded positions on these issues and developed a new strategic plan. Regarding social work, the established guidelines for necessary adjustments were as follows: In the union field, the weakened front would be rebuilt, promoting the construction of a Popular Union Resistance (RP-S). In the student field, the development of RP-E would continue. In the community field, an attempt would be made to create a Grassroots Organizing Movement (MOB), inspired by the homonymous initiative in Rio de Janeiro and Paraná, and other initiatives would be strengthened. Actions in this direction then began.
Even amidst these difficulties, some achievements of the period stood out. In the capital, the OASL's activism contributed to the large-scale school occupation movement carried out between 2015 and 2016. It was also instrumental in the creation of the Committee of Solidarity with the Kurdish People's Struggle, an internationalist solidarity initiative with the Rojava Revolution, which began in 2012 in northern Syria and had taken on libertarian characteristics. Between 2015 and 2016, the committee gave many lectures on the subject - in social centers, occupied schools, neighborhoods, and community centers - and contributed to the publication of two books, translations, and propaganda material, both online and offline. Gradually, the committee's specialists aligned their activities with those of the OASL, using the content of the Kurdish struggle as a tool for grassroots work.
In Marília, activism not only boosted a study group on libertarian pedagogy, a book stall, and a social library, but also influenced the 2016 UNESP strike. Again mobilizing students, professors, and staff, the strike had various demands, including salary adjustments. OASL students attempted to strengthen the strike's base and, once again, emphasized the issue of student retention. But without much success; the strike ended without any gains. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Activists, 2020)
5.) Political and social renewal and growth (2017-2019)
Throughout this period, OASL managed to resolve its problems, overcome the difficulties of previous years, and resume growth in both quantity and quality. It also resumed its participation and contributions to CAB. With a well-established and properly functioning membership process, the onboarding of new members was duly monitored, and expansion occurred while respecting criteria based on profile, training, and work experience.
Strengthening the secretariat was also fundamental. The organizational secretariat spearheaded all internal coordination more appropriately; the propaganda/communication secretariat strengthened itself and began to produce more actively and update the website and social networks more consistently; the training secretariat continued to invest in gender issues and contributed to deepening the lines of action in this field; it also invested in deepening other themes, including race and ethnicity. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
As difficulties were resolved, the capital city regained its central role, and the interior was restructured. This allowed for a more effective resumption and deepening of relationships with other regions of the state (Araraquara, Baixada Santista, Bauru, and Campinas). This intensified significantly in 2019 and culminated in 2020, when OASL reached six nuclei: three in the capital (central, north, and west), Marília (with activism also in Araraquara), Baixada Santista (with activism in Santos, São Vicente, Cubatão, and Peruíbe), and Bauru.
The organization's participation and activities at the Anarchist Fairs of 2017, 2018, and 2019, as well as initiatives and events organized in the capital and other cities, contributed to this success. Examples include: constant presence at May Day events with propaganda material; activities promoted in Marília in 2018 on the historical experience of the Makhnovshchina (Ukrainian Revolution, 1919-1921) and on anarchist women during the First Brazilian Republic; events organized in the capital in 2019 on popular revolts in Latin America (at the Journalists' Union) and on the issue of women's activism in anarchism (at CCS-SP). The activities of the Popular Power Study Group in the Baixada Santista region, which contributed to the formation of the OASL nucleus in the region, were also relevant. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020)
In the social sphere, RP-S managed to consolidate itself and gain influence in different categories. Stimulated by two visits, in 2015 and 2017, from the Spanish Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) - the largest revolutionary trade union confederation in the world, with 100,000 members - RP-S formulated a Basis of Agreement in 2016 proposing " the recovery of a discourse, but, mainly, the willingness for new practices that point towards the reconstruction of combative and class-conscious trade unionism." Practices that would be based on independence and class solidarity, direct action and grassroots democracy, and that could articulate mobilization by workplace and neighborhood in order to build a project of popular power. (RPS-SP, 2016)
Starting in 2017, OASL's union activists began to spread the proposal and bring together several others. They went from a presence in only two categories to, in 2018 and 2019 in the capital, three nuclei, with participation in various unions: subway workers, municipal teachers (SINPEEM), state teachers (APEOESP), private school teachers (SINPRO and other groups), SESC workers, USP employees (SINTUSP), journalists (union and FENAJ), and health workers; smaller-scale experiences occurred among railway workers, cultural workers, social assistance workers, the self-employed, and the unemployed. In Marília, union work was gradually resumed. In these categories, the specialists and their allies not only carried out grassroots and mobilization work, but also organized strikes, street demonstrations, and other activities; in some cases, they became union leaders of their categories and unions. During the years in question, a large part of this RP-S activism joined OASL and sought to strengthen ties with other RPs and related trends in Brazil. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019)
The RP-E also managed to develop, albeit in a more modest way. In Marília, it published a manifesto in 2018, in which it criticized the elitist and racist formation of Brazilian society, and stated that "the struggle of the Student Movement must be, primarily, in two directions: access to education and student retention." It argued that it was fundamental "to defend a truly public university, in which the poor population has free access to all, and of high quality, in teaching, research and extension"; and also to build "critical knowledge" that could be shared with workers. (RPE-Marília, 2018)
With the decisive participation of the students involved in specific student movements, throughout 2018 it spearheaded a struggle against the repression (prohibitory injunctions and investigations) by UNESP against students who had been involved in mobilizations at the university. It also opened dialogues with the activists in Araraquara, which, the following year, already included a presence of the RP-E. In São Paulo, efforts were made to consolidate the RP-E; in addition to some presence at USP (including USP Leste), dialogues were established at UNIFESP in Guarulhos and at UFABC. For this construction, the student activists of the OASL formulated strategic lines aimed at strengthening a project of popular power via a student front. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019)
In the community sphere, however, activities did not unfold exactly as planned. From 2016 onwards, OASL invested in the creation of three Pró-MOB centers: in ABC, Jardim Ângela, and Mogi das Cruzes. But throughout 2017 there were problems with the latter two, which ended up not developing as desired. They continued their activities, but without the presence of OASL activists. The presence in the ABC center persisted during 2017 and 2018, with activities carried out in São Bernardo do Campo and Ribeirão Pires, which included the inauguration and management of a pre-university course, which remained operational throughout 2019.
However, with the weakening of Pró-MOB, other initiatives took center stage in this area. In addition to efforts undertaken in the debate about whether or not to create a trend, and the presence in urban occupations in the city center and in the Marijuana March, three contributions stood out in the years analyzed: in the Popular Health Forum, in the Network for Protection and Resistance Against Genocide, and in the Mandela Free movement.
At the Forum, specialists were present, between 2017 and 2019, in the northern and central regions of São Paulo, championing struggles in defense of public health in general and the SUS (Brazilian Unified Health System) in particular. Alongside SUS workers and users, they mobilized in Greater São Paulo against the closure of the UNIFESP Hospital, for the maintenance of the Sorocabana Hospital, and in defense of the Taipas and Lapa hospitals. Within the Network, starting in 2018, OASL members worked in different peripheral regions of the capital - in the northern and southern zones and in Guarulhos - confronting human rights violations, especially police violence against Black and marginalized youth. They contributed to denouncing and monitoring cases, and to developing strategies for protection, assistance, and self-defense; they connected local workers and movements in the region, and invested in local initiatives such as community gardens and cultural events. In Mandela, in Guarulhos (mainly in the São Rafael favela), also starting in 2018, they focused on mobilizing youth around issues related to culture, education, sports, housing, and transportation (MPL Guarulhos). (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020; OASL, 2019)
Furthermore, the year 2018 marked the most definitive end to agricultural work. This included not only the remaining efforts within the MST (Landless Workers' Movement), which persisted after the problems of 2015, but also the Horta di Gueto project in Taboão da Serra, which involved building community gardens, cooperatives, and in various cases subsidizing other community projects of the organization.
Finally, the years 2017-2019 provided conditions for the OASL's broader participation in strikes, demonstrations, and street protests.
In this sense, the various feminist demonstrations, which included the participation of women with specific needs, were milestones. These women intervened - in marches and massive events on March 8th, demonstrations for the decriminalization of abortion, against sexism and fascism - with posters, stickers, and pamphlets, seeking to form a libertarian feminist field. Simultaneously, they organized women's self-defense training. This process was based on a gender line, formulated in the previous period, and contributed to its refinement. This line, in addition to criticizing liberal and radical feminism (especially its transphobic aspects), and recognizing the relationship between gender, race, and class, emphasized the need to build a class-based, anti-racist, anti-capitalist, non-exclusionary feminism with a revolutionary perspective and a break with the State. A feminism that could promote self-defense as a form of women's empowerment and fight for the expansion of rights through popular struggle and direct action.
Also important were the strikes and demonstrations that took place during those years, which brought huge contingents of people to the streets to protest against increases in public transport prices, against labor and pension reforms, against budget and scholarship cuts in public education, as well as the anti-fascist mobilizations. In all of them, in different cities, the especifistas (members of the OASL, the libertarian movement), were present. A high point occurred in mid-2019, when members of the OASL, from the tendencies and movements in which it was active, not only participated in street actions, often in libertarian blocs formed in alliance with other sectors, but also in pickets, blockades, leaflet distributions, and other actions with significant reach. They sought to establish permanent dialogues with more radicalized sectors of students and workers, in order to build combative spaces for action. And they contributed significantly to establishing relationships and tactical alliances with libertarian youth and their groups. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Militants, 2020; OASL, 2019)
SUMMARY AND CONCLUDING NOTES
Based on everything discussed, it is possible to take stock of OASL's trajectory and draw certain conclusive points. These reflections also include some collective assessments from the organization's own activists. (OASL Archives, 2011-2019; FASP/OASL Activists, 2020)
In 2020, we celebrate 25 years of specificist anarchism in Brazil. In São Paulo, since the Construction movement was endorsed in 1996, there have been numerous advances and significant contributions to the national process. Although other anarchist experiences existed in the state, the specificist current was the first to break with what was established in the anarchist field and to emphatically propose a recovery of the space lost in unions, social movements, and other manifestations of class struggle in São Paulo. This, obviously, implied conflicts with old and new anarchists, and also with a significant part of the broader libertarian field.
In this attempt to revive the social vector of anarchism, the especifistas faced immense difficulties. This was mainly due to the lack of a preceding generation of veteran militants with similar views in the state, or even the country, who could offer them, the vast majority of whom were young, the necessary guidance. Therefore, this support had to come from Uruguay, not without the difficulties arising from distance and differences in language and context.
In Brazil in general, and in São Paulo in particular, it was not easy for anarchists to dedicate themselves to popular work without significant references, and without even respect or consideration from other opposing political forces. It took some time for these anarchists to find their own positions in terms of theoretical development, militant style, and political practice. It was not uncommon, even in São Paulo, to import theoretical elements from other currents, which were not only inadequate to anarchist principles but also had considerable implications in terms of political practice. At the same time, it was not easy to find a middle ground between uncritically following the lines of the movements and vanguardist leadership.
Both the first and second generations of especifismo in São Paulo carried out much more work than social insertion. (FARJ, 2008, p. 162) In other words, it was more common for them to develop activities within popular movements than to massify them and decisively influence them. Compared to the amount of social work carried out, the experiences of insertion were much more restricted. This was complicated by the fact that the second generation of especifismo in São Paulo developed with little contact with the first, so it ended up reproducing mistakes that could have been avoided. In some cases, this also occurred in the OASL, when the organization's history could have been used to minimize problems. After all, one of the important functions of a political organization is to accumulate, over time, all the organizational experience, avoiding constantly reinventing the wheel, and allowing new activists to benefit from the trajectory of the old ones.
Regarding OASL, a certain organizational instability is noticeable, which took years to resolve. This was not only in terms of organic activities, secretarial work, etc., but mainly in social work, where numerous efforts were discontinued or did not develop in the most appropriate way. Undoubtedly, there was a considerable waste of resources and time. Another complicating factor was a certain eagerness to regain all the lost ground in the short term, which often ended up overburdening and alienating activists.
Gradually, it became clear that what was being built was not a short-term project, but something that required a longer duration. As it came to be said, it was a marathon, not a 100-meter sprint. And therefore, it was no use running desperately at the beginning and exhausting oneself after a short time. Thus, certain measures regarding the stability and retention of staff were taken, including those related to the organizational climate, directly contributing to the gains associated with the period of 2017-2020, when OASL experienced its peak. These measures included reinforcing a fraternal, respectful environment, free from unnecessary conflicts, and also values such as modesty and humility.
Regardless of the difficulties, it seems evident that the two generations of São Paulo's anarchist movement emerged from a situation of near-non-existent anarchist presence in popular movements and struggles, and managed to change that situation. It's possible to say that today, anarchism is better known and respected in this field, and has managed to exert some influence. It is not, of course, a major or majority force, but a minority political force that has managed to gain ground and, in certain cases, achieve important positions and influence the course of events in unions, social movements, street protests, and other initiatives.
Finally, along with the efforts being undertaken by anarchists from other currents, who have dedicated themselves to different initiatives, the especifists have reinforced a wider diffusion of anarchism to broader sectors of society, facilitating its daily activities and paving the way for future, larger-scale initiatives.
BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES
ALVES, Daniel A. Arriba los que Luchan! Revolutionary Syndicalism and Armed Struggle: the trajectory of the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (1963-1973). Porto Alegre: Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (Master's thesis in History), 2014.
CAB (Brazilian Anarchist Coordination). "Foundation of the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination". In: Anarkismo.net , 2012a.
_____. "Elements of Characterization of the Brazilian Historical Period". In: FAG (org.). 1st Congress of the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination . Rio de Janeiro, 2012. Documents and Messages. Porto Alegre: Deriva, 2012b.
_____. "Organizations that Make Up the CAB". In: Libertarian Socialism[magazine], no. 1, June 2012c.
_____. "Resuming the Values and Struggles of the Working Class". In: Libertarian Socialism[newspaper], no. 30, July 2015.
_____. "Note on the Current Scenario of Class Struggle in Brazil". CAB website[cabanarquista.org], 2018.
CAZP (Zumbi dos Palmares Anarchist Collective). "CAZP: 10 years of history and struggle!". FARPA website[https://farpaal.wordpress.com/], 2012.
CORRÊA, Felipe. Black Flag: Rethinking Anarchism . Curitiba: Prismas, 2015.
FAG (Federação Anarquista Gaúcha). FAG 20 Years: Rooting Anarchism Through Struggle and Organization . Porto Alegre: Deriva, 2015.
FARJ (Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro). Social Anarchism and Organization . São Paulo: Faísca/FARJ, 2008.
_____. "Assessment of the Saint-Imier Anarchist Meeting". FARJ website[farj.org], 2012.
FASP (Anarchist Federation of São Paulo). "Foundation of FASP". In: Anarkismo.net , 2009.
_____. "Alliances and the Need for Program and Strategy". OASL website[anarquismosp.org], 2009b.
FAO (Forum of Organized Anarchism). "I Training Seminar of the Forum of Organized Anarchism - Southeast Region". In: Anarkismo.net , 2012.
FAU/FAO (Uruguayan Anarchist Federation / Forum of Organized Anarchism). "Final Declaration of the Anarchist Days". In: Anarkismo.net , 2011.
LIBERA (Libera... Amore Mio). "Unemployment, Low Wages, Recession, Misery and Barbarism: Economic Crisis or Capitalist Strategy?". In: Libera... Amore Mio , no. 53, October 1995.
_____. "What Economists Don't Say: An Essay on Fiscal Adjustment". In: Libera... Amore Mio , no. 92, January and February 1999.
LL (Libertarian Struggle). "The Apparent Contradictions of the Lula Government". In: Combate Anarquista , no. 35, 2004a.
_____. "3 Years of Struggle!". In: Combate Anarquista , no. 36, 2004b.
MECHOSO, Juan Carlos. Anarchist Direct Action: a history of FAU. Volume IV. Montevideo: Recortes, 2009.
_____. The Strategy of Specificism: an interview with Felipe Corrêa . São Paulo: Faísca, 2015.
MTST (Homeless Workers' Movement). "Anita Garibaldi: history of the occupation". In: Solidarity with the Anita Garibaldi Occupation , 2013.
MST (Landless Rural Workers Movement). "Under Threat of Eviction, Families from the Urban Commune Protest in Itapevi". MST website[mst.org.br], 2013.
_____. "MST Carries Out Area Occupation in Itapevi to Create Urban Commune". MST website[mst.org.br], 2014.
NÚCLEO PRÓ-FASP. "Letter of Introduction to the Meeting", 2008a.
_____. "Meeting in Support of the Anarchist Federation of São Paulo". In: Anarkismo.net , 2008b.
_____. "Practice: one year of the pro-Anarchist Federation of São Paulo collective"[document distributed at the II Pró-FASP]. São Paulo, 2009a.
_____. "II Pró-FASP: Note, Documents and Photos". In: Anarkismo.net , 2009b.
OASL (Anarchist Socialist Libertarian Organization). "Declaration of Principles", 2011a.
_____. "Beginning of Our History (2008-2011)". OASL website[anarquismosp.org], 2011b.
_____[signed as Change the Union from the Base]. "Changing the Union is Necessary", thesis presented at the XXIV Congress of APEOESP, 2013a.
_____. "Interview with OASL about the Mobilizations in Brazil"[conducted by Jonathan Bane]. In: Anarkismo.net , 2013b.
_____. "How to Resist the Advance of the Precariousness of Healthcare in SP" OASL website[anarquismosp.org], 2018.
_____. "OASL-CAB, 10 years of struggle and organization!" OASL website[anarquismosp.org], 2019.
OASL/FARJ (Anarchist Organization Libertarian Socialism / Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro). "Elements for a Historical Reconstruction of Our Current". In: Anarkismo.net , 2012.
OSL-SP (Libertarian Socialist Organization - São Paulo). "The Latin American Left and the Electoral Path". In: Libertarian Socialism[newspaper], no. 12, March 2006.
OPA (Organização Popular Aymberê). "Concepts, Principles and Processes". OPA website[opaymbere.wordpress.com], 2011.
PCAB (Brazilian Anarchist Construction Process). Struggle and Organization: historical document. 20 years of Brazilian anarchist construction . Porto Alegre: Deriva, 2015.
ROCHA, Bruno L. "A Look at FAU". In: Libera... Amore Mio , no. 45, February 1995.
RPE-Marília (Popular Student Resistance - Marília). "Manifesto of the Popular Student Resistance". RPE-Marília Facebook page[facebook.com/p.resistenciapopular], 2018.
RPS-SP (Popular Trade Union Resistance - São Paulo). "Agreement Basis". RP-SP website[https://rpsindicalsp.wordpress.com], 2016.
_____. "Cuts in Education and Pension Reform: two attacks from the same project". RP-S website[https://rpsindicalsp.wordpress.com], 2019.
RUGAI, Ricardo R. An Anarchist Party: Uruguayan anarchism and the trajectory of the FAU. São Paulo: Ascaso, 2012.
VN (Red and Black). "Fighting to Organize, Organizing to Fight: the founding of the Libertarian Socialist Organization - OSL". In: Red and Black[bulletin], no. 0, 1997a.
_____. "What Makes the Red and Black Nucleus - OSL/SP Practical?". In: Vermelho e Negro[bulletin], no. 3, 1997b.
_____. "Student Movement. Part II: How to Achieve Our Goals?". In: Vermelho e Negro[bulletin], nos. 4 and 5, 1998.
WORKER. "Brazil: Homeless Squat Land in Osasco". In: Squat.net , 2002.
DOCUMENTARIES AND VIDEOS
BUCANEIRO PRODUÇÕES. Solidariedade Campo Cidade[11m59s.]. Rio de Janeiro, 2008.
OASL. An Introduction to Specificism[01h34m59s]. São Paulo, 2014.
OLIVEIRA, Taiguara B. ELAOPA 2011 - Latin American Meeting of Autonomous Popular Organizations[3 videos]. São Paulo, 2011.
INTERVIEWS
Militants of the CAB[Brazilian Anarchist Coordination]: testimonies[2012 and 2020]. Interviewer: Felipe Corrêa. São Paulo, 2012/2020.
Militants of FASP/OASL[Anarchist Socialist Libertarian Organization]: testimonies[2020]. Interviewer: Felipe Corrêa. São Paulo, 2020.
Militants of the FAO[Forum of Organized Anarchism]: testimonies[2012 and 2020]. Interviewer: Felipe Corrêa. São Paulo, 2012/2020.
Militants of the FAU[Uruguayan Anarchist Federation]: testimonies[2012 and 2020]. Interviewer: Felipe Corrêa. São Paulo, 2012/2020.
Militants of the OSL-SP[Libertarian Socialist Organization - São Paulo]: testimonies[2012, 2019 and 2020]. Interviewer: Felipe Corrêa. São Paulo, 2012/2019/2020.
FILES (MINUTES, DOCUMENTS, MESSAGES)
FASP (Anarchist Federation of São Paulo). FASP Archives, 2009-2011.
NÚCLEO PRÓ-FASP. Archives of the Núcleo Pró-FASP, 2008-2009.
OASL (Anarchist Socialist Libertarian Organization). OASL Archives, 2011-2019.
OPA (Aymberê Popular Organization). OPA Archives, 2009-2012
* Felipe Corrêa is an editor, holds a postgraduate degree from the School of Sociology and Politics of São Paulo, a master's degree from the University of São Paulo (Social Change and Political Participation), and a doctorate from the State University of Campinas (Social Sciences in Education). He coordinates the Institute of Anarchist Theory and History (ITHA).
** Lennon Oliveira Matos holds a bachelor's degree in Archaeology and Heritage Preservation (UNIVASF), a master's degree in Cultural Studies (EACH-USP), and is a doctoral candidate in Social Anthropology (FFLCH-USP).
1. Specificist anarchism , or especifism, can be defined as an anarchist current that emerged in Latin America, whose central aspects lie in the notion of organization on two distinct and complementary levels (organizational dualism): that of the specific anarchist organization (political organization, party) and that of popular movements (unions, social movements, etc.). It is an organizational current that advocates an anarchist organization that operates with theoretical, ideological, strategic, and tactical unity, as well as collective responsibility. It must also be able to effectively influence unions and social movements, promoting a program for building popular power. This means influencing these movements towards broad and non-ideologized articulation; class consciousness and combativeness; autonomy and class independence; direct action, self-management, and the federalism of struggles; and the reconciliation between immediate objectives (reforms) and revolutionary perspectives, and between mass movements and advanced forms of struggle. To learn more about anarchism, see: Corrêa, 2015. To learn more about especifism, see: Mechoso, 2015; FARJ, 2008. On the internet: OASL website ( https://anarquismosp.wordpress.com ), CAB website ( http://cabanarquista.org ), Anarkismo.net website ( http://anarkismo.net ).
2 These sources include: bibliography and other resources, such as books, articles, texts, videos and websites, both academic and non-academic; public documents produced by the anarchist current/organization analyzed, and also by other actors in the libertarian movement; various interviews with activists who participated in and/or participate in the processes in question, which will remain anonymous at their request; internal archives, such as minutes, documents and messages, access to which was facilitated thanks to the aforementioned proximity to the events in question.
3 This proposal was formalized in the document Social Anarchism and Organization (FARJ, 2008), approved at the 1st FARJ Congress, which took place shortly after this meeting and included a delegation from the Pró-FASP group. This document became a central reference in the formation of FASP.
A milestone in this process was the so-called "Letter of the 51," published at the end of 2011. With it, 51 signatory activists abandoned their organizations (MST, MTD, Consulta Popular, and Via Campesina), harshly criticizing the bureaucratization and pro-government stance they had adopted. Among them were important figures from the OASL in São Paulo and other cities. The letter can be read at: https://passapalavra.info/2011/11/48866/ .
https://socialismolibertario.net/
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Link: (en) Brazil, OSL, Libera #183 - A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE ANARCHIST ORGANIZATION LIBERTARIAN SOCIALISM (SÃO PAULO, 2009-2019) - Felipe Corrêa* and Lennon Oliveira Matos** (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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