[This text consists of two parts; you can read the first part here.]
Table of Contents1. The Techno-Reactionary Drift
2. The Ukrainian Laboratory
3. Neo-Nazi Accelerationism, the Digital Glorification of Violence, and School Shooters
3.1. School Shooters and Stochastic Terrorism
3.2. Order of the Nine Angles, Satanism, and Misanthropy
3.3. Nihilistic Violent Extremism (NVE)
3.3.1. RapeWaffen
3.3.2. The Com
3.3.3. 764
3.3.4. No Lives Matter (NLM)
3.3.5. Maniac Murder Cult
4. Active Clubs and the Aesthetics of Violence
5. International Cooperation
6. Strategies of the New Radical Right
1. The techno-reactionary drift
In the 21st century, a segment of the radical right has adopted the language of the future to justify the hierarchies of the past. Instead of uniforms and nationalist slogans, it employs terms like "efficiency," "innovation," and "digital freedom." This is what I call "technoreaction," a mutation where authoritarian ideology merges with faith in technology and venture capital. In this model, inequality is presented as a natural consequence of competition, and domination as a side effect of progress.
The idea that society can be governed like a machine originated in the 1930s. In the midst of the Great Depression, a group of American engineers and intellectuals founded the Technocracy Inc. movement , led by Howard Scott. Their proposal was to replace politics with science: eliminate the price system and money, measure production and consumption in units of energy, and entrust government to technical experts. One of the best-known proponents of this movement was Joshua N. Haldeman, Elon Musk's maternal grandfather.
Technocracy Inc. considered both capitalism and socialism to be obsolete systems, based on monetary exchange rather than physical efficiency. They proposed an "energy economy" managed by engineers, where planning would be technical, not ideological. Human beings should be treated as part of a thermodynamic system: energy consumers within a network of controlled processes.
They admired the USSR's industrial organization but rejected its politics and ideology. They didn't want to abolish private property or establish workers' power, but rather replace both with an order administered by technocrats. In practice, their project coincided with the drive for Soviet state planning and American Fordism: two distinct expressions of the same modern dream of rational control. They wanted a supposedly apolitical but profoundly authoritarian society. It promised to eliminate social conflict by replacing it with calculations and algorithms. What it denied was not only the class struggle but politics itself. Although the movement declined after World War II, its legacy persisted in American culture: the idea that human problems can be solved through engineering and management.
In the 2010s, programmer Curtis Yarvin developed Urbit , a computer networking project conceived as a private and decentralized "new internet." Each user controls their own personal server, but within a hierarchical architecture: nodes are classified according to levels of ownership, domains are inherited or purchased, and usage rights are organized like a digital fiefdom. The documentary * The End of the Internet * explicitly describes and warns against this structure as a neo-feudal model: a closed network where digital sovereignty is distributed unequally and where decentralization does not imply equality, but rather ownership.
Furthermore, Yarvin, also known as "Mencius Moldbug," formulated what would later be known as the Dark Enlightenment on his blog, Unqualified Reservations . This intellectual movement combines technocracy, elitism, and a rejection of liberal democracy. In his articles, he argues that democracy is a corrupt and inefficient system, dominated by what he calls " The Cathedral "-the alliance between media, universities, and bureaucracies that prevents true meritocracy. His alternative is a model of corporate neo-monarchy: societies managed like businesses, with a sovereign CEO instead of parliaments or political parties.
Yarvin's ideas resonated within tech capitalism circles, particularly with Peter Thiel, co-founder of PayPal and an early investor in Facebook. Thiel has stated that "freedom and democracy are incompatible" and has funded companies and foundations that promote the concentration of power under the guise of efficiency.
Among its investments, Palantir Technologies stands out , a company specializing in massive data analysis for government and military agencies. In other words, it's a military technology that uses a combination of cutting-edge AI for real-time operations.
His network, known as the Thiel Network , connects venture capital, liberal think tanks, and technology projects linked to surveillance and defense. The Thiel Network functions as an ideological laboratory where classical technocracy, economic liberalism, and the authoritarian aesthetics of contemporary Silicon Valley converge. Innovation is presented as a moral justification for inequality, and efficiency as a substitute for consensus.
The current techno-reaction combines these disparate elements: the rationalism of Technocracy Inc. , the digital elitism of Yarvin, and the financial power of Thiel's network. Together, they form a current that replaces the old rhetoric of order with the language of data. It is no longer about conquering the state, but about controlling the infrastructure. Power is exercised through code, through the ownership of servers, through the invisible architecture of the network.
Thiel Network - The influence network of Peter Thiel (co-founder of PayPal and Palantir).
2. The Ukrainian laboratory
The war between Russia and Ukraine has become the biggest turning point for the European far right since the collapse of the Soviet bloc. The conflict reshaped alliances, fractured old loyalties, and offered a new horizon of action for nationalist, identitarian, and accelerationist networks. What began as a territorial war transformed into a testing ground for ideological, military, and technological propaganda, where multiple families of contemporary fascism converge. The 2022 Russian invasion divided far-right movements across Europe. Some supported Ukraine, interpreting the resistance as a defense of the European nation against Russian imperialism. Others aligned themselves with Moscow, seduced by Vladimir Putin's rhetoric about "traditional values," the fight against Western liberalism, and the promotion of neo-Eurasianism.
Since 2014, Ukraine has become a training ground and legitimizing force for far-right militants. The Azov Battalion was the starting point, followed by formations such as the Carpathian Sich, Freikorps, the Freedom of Russia Legion , the Russian Volunteer Corps (RDK), and the German Volunteer Corps , among others. On the Russian side, militias like Rusich, the "La Española" Brigade, Interbrigades, the Russian Imperial Movement , and ENOT Corp projected a mirror image: neo-fascist, ultranationalist, or mystical neo-pagan or Orthodox fighters, united by a narrative of a civilizational war. Some of their members have participated in ethnic cleansing, torture, and war crimes.
According to the International Center for Counter-Terrorism's report , Russia and the Far Right: Insights from Ten European Countries , this ideological fracture revealed two poles within the same reactionary space: an identity-based Western bloc and an authoritarian continentalist bloc. While the former glorifies the Ukrainian struggle as a "European crusade" against Eastern totalitarianism, the latter sees Russia as a bastion against liberal globalism, feminism, and secular modernity. The report also states that the conflict generated a steady flow of far-right volunteers and mercenaries from Germany, Poland, France, Spain, Scandinavia, Italy, Serbia, and the Baltic states. Many of them arrived in Ukraine through informal recruitment channels on Telegram, Discord , and closed forums. These platforms circulate war manuals, weapons tutorials, information on border routes, and local contacts. Digital recruitment combines war propaganda, nationalist rhetoric, and a sense of belonging that offers what civilian life does not: meaning and hierarchy.
According to Alexander Reid Ross in his book *Against the Fascist Creep* , the far right uses conflicts as "ideological and technological incubators": laboratories where violence becomes a formative experience and war a cultural product. Ukraine is just that-an open laboratory where militants, hooligans, and extremist sympathizers test new forms of organization, communication, combat, and propaganda. Every filmed battle, every badge on a uniform, every symbol on a flag is transformed into viral content.
But the real risk isn't just on the front lines. The return of radicalized fighters poses a direct threat to European security. Many return with military training, international contacts, and a heroic or influential narrative that elevates them within far-right networks.
On the fringes of the front, the global far right found more than just a cause: a space where its fantasies materialize and are exported. In that sense, Ukraine is a laboratory where contemporary fascism observes itself, trains itself, and prepares for its next mutation.
3. Neo-Nazi accelerationism, the digital glorification of violence, and school shooters
*Content warning: This section contains references to sexual violence, torture, child exploitation, and ideologically or ritually motivated murders. These are real and documented events. Reading them may be disturbing, but it is essential to understanding the misanthropic and dehumanizing drift of contemporary extremism.
Neo-Nazi accelerationism is the most violent and nihilistic form of contemporary fascism. It stems from a simple yet devastating idea: the liberal system should not be reformed or politically challenged, but rather completely destroyed through chaos. For its followers, every attack, every shooting, and every crisis is a necessary step toward the civilizational collapse that will allow for the construction of a new, racially pure society. Its motto is clear: "push the world toward the abyss in order to rebuild it from the ruins."
The idea of accelerationism originated in theoretical circles before becoming militarized. Emerging in the 1990s around Nick Land and the Warwick-based CCRU collective , it argued that the forces of capitalism and technology should be pushed to their limits to bring about a mutation of the system. The idea that collapse is both inevitable and desirable became a rallying cry among digital neo-Nazi circles: the goal is not to seize power, but to destroy the current world so that a purified white civilization can emerge from its ruins. Terrorism is justified as an initiatory gesture, a symbolic act that "accelerates" the fall of the system. In this sense, James Mason's book SIEGE became one of the foundational texts of neo-fascist accelerationism: the strategy is that individual struggle and autonomous action will provoke the social collapse that will allow for the "new order."
The two organizations that brought modern neo-Nazi accelerationism to prominence were Atomwaffen Division (AWD) and The Base. Both emerged in the United States in the mid-2010s but quickly spread to other parts of the world, fusing neo-Nazi ideology with a cult of apocalyptic violence. Their members do not seek to seize power or create political parties, but rather to provoke social collapse through bombings, sabotage, and assassinations. A digital ecosystem of Telegram channels, forums, and private servers developed around them, where manuals for making explosives, racist propaganda, and manifestos of mass murderers circulate. One such community is the " Terrorgram Collective " network, which functions as a metaverse of hate: a constellation of channels, groups, and bots that glorify terrorist attacks, disseminate manifestos, manuals, and propaganda, and glorify murderers, classifying them as martyrs. In these spaces, violence is aestheticized and goes viral. The manifestos left by Anders Breivik: 2083 - A European Declaration of Independence and Brenton Tarrant: The Great Replacement function as modern gospels: the former inspired the latter, and Tarrant, in turn, became a model for a string of subsequent killers. Their manifestos and actions contain a visual and symbolic narrative that was later reinterpreted in digital spaces and other actions: fragments, phrases, logos, weapons decorated with dates or the names of former killers, trollish phrases , and justifications that others could adapt to their context, all transformed into propaganda material.
The radicalization process begins in anonymous forums, gaming communities , and dark humor channels where rage becomes identity. Spaces like 4chan, Geb, Skibidi Farm , and other ephemeral forums function as meeting points where hatred is disguised as entertainment. There, racist jokes and jokes about shootings are not censored: they compete with each other and are celebrated. Irony is the perfect alibi. In these environments, the line between fiction and action blurs. Recruiters don't arrive with doctrinal speeches, but with shared codes. Little by little, the victim of this lure becomes accustomed to the dehumanizing language. They start by laughing at an imaginary genocide and end up believing that violence is necessary. It is a pedagogy of contempt, where each message reinforces the feeling that the world is corrupt and that only the "strong"-white, virile, and disillusioned men-can restore order.
Moderators and veterans of these forums identify the most receptive, vulnerable, and unassuming users and invite them to more exclusive chat rooms . In these spaces, everything from propaganda to weapons manufacturing manuals, military training, violent pornography, and survival guides is shared. Anonymity facilitates indoctrination because radicalization doesn't require physical contact, only constant online interaction.
From this fringe environment of the internet emerges a concept that ignores any established ideological framework. "The Soup" is the name given when an ideology functions as an incoherent mix of contradictory references such as "anarcho-monarchism," "bio-Leninism," or "ultracentrism," united only by ironic radicalism. It is not a matter of ideological coherence but of emotional affinity.
Alongside this more violent front, a youth ecosystem emerged that has been key to the normalization of extremist discourse: the groypers . Led by Nick Fuentes in the United States, the groypers are direct heirs of the alt-right , but with a more flexible strategy. They don't seek open confrontation, but rather cultural infiltration. They present themselves as "authentic conservatives," defending Christian and nationalist values, but they introduce racism, antisemitism, and homophobia into their rhetoric, cloaked in irony. In forums, universities, and social media, the groypers have managed to bridge the gap between the traditional right and the accelerationist universe: they are the friendly face of the same worldview. Many of the symbolic frameworks that circulate today on Telegram or in violent propaganda channels are first disseminated in these metapolitical spaces before being radicalized by terrorist groups.
3.1. School shooters and stochastic terrorism
From this process emerge the so-called lone wolves, although the term is misleading. They are not isolated cases nor merely simple mental imbalances, but rather products of a vile and manipulative environment. They act individually, but within the same digital script. They don't respond to orders, but to examples. Anders Breivik inspired Brenton Tarrant, and Tarrant, in turn, shaped the aesthetics and script of an entire generation of attackers who livestream their crimes or leave digital manifestos. Among them are Dylann Roof, Philip Manshaus, Stephan Balliet, Anton Lundin Pettersson, Juraj Krajcík, Guillerme Tauci Monteiro, Robin Westman, Arda Kuçukyetim, Henderson Solomon, and others. Different countries, ages, and contexts, but the same pattern: manifesto, live streaming, memes, symbols, martyrdom cult, and the pursuit of notoriety. Each adapts the narrative to their own reality, but the script is repeated.
These attackers, categorized by intelligence services as White Racially Motivated Extremists (WMRE) , are not seeking to seize power, but rather to spread a message of absolute hatred. They are products of stochastic terrorism. Not all are avowed Nazis, but they share an obsession with restoring a racial hierarchy and punishing diversity. Since 2018, this type of extremism has become the primary domestic terrorist threat in much of Europe and North America.
The concept of stochastic terrorism best explains this phenomenon. The constant dissemination of hate speech, without directly calling for action, multiplies the likelihood that someone will act. It is a terrorism of probability. "Stochastic" means probabilistic: it is impossible to predict who will attack or when, but it is known that someone will. Radicalization does not operate as a chain of command, but rather as cultural contagion. The more hatred is normalized, the greater the likelihood that it will translate into action.
This probability is fueled by the hegemony of extremist discourse. Concepts like "the great replacement" or "the degeneration of the West" are no longer marginal: they are repeated on television programs, in political campaigns, and on social media. What was once conspiracy theory is now public discourse. Violence is disseminated and legitimized because when hate speech becomes the language of the masses, aggression ceases to seem exceptional and begins to seem logical. Radicalization becomes a collective process, even if its expressions are individual. Extremist networks don't need to recruit soldiers, only sow resentment. Violence is democratized and decentralized; anyone can carry it out.
It is in this terrain of shared hate speech and symbols that the culture of accelerationism thrives. And it is precisely here that Order of Nine Angles emerges , a group highly relevant to understanding the logic of the new generation of accelerationists, which gave accelerationism its metaphysical and misanthropic dimension.
3.2. Order of the Nine Angles, Satanism and Misanthropy
Within this universe, the Order of Nine Angles (O9A/ONA) occupies a unique place. Born in the United Kingdom in the late 1960s, within occult circles that dissented from Anton LaVey's Satanism, it proclaims itself a secret society that fuses Satanism, mysticism, and a cult of violence. Its ideology combines spiritual elitism with the physical extermination of the "weak." They preach that violence is not a criminal act, but rather a test of spiritual will; an exercise in transcending human morality.
Unlike LaVey's "atheistic" Satanism, the ONA conceives of evil as a real cosmic force. It does not understand it as the opposite of God, but as a primordial energy that drives human evolution through conflict and destruction. Its doctrine is structured around the idea of "Aeons," spiritual eras that mark the development of humanity. Each Aeon is a civilization; when its energy is depleted, it must be destroyed for another to arise. The goal of the initiate (new member) is to accelerate this transition, pushing the world toward the chaos that will allow the birth of the new Aeon -that of a superior humanity, beyond morality and empathy. Judeo-Christian values such as compassion, equality, and humility are considered diseases of the spirit. They believe that only those who overcome these "weaknesses" through acts of violence, manipulation, rape, and murder deserve to lead the new era. Therefore, "roles of understanding" are an essential part of their practice: the initiate must infiltrate hostile environments (religious organizations, armed forces, political groups, even rival movements) to learn how to dominate, deceive, and destroy from within.
In the symbolic structure of ONA, the 9 Angles represent portals between cosmic dimensions: archetypal forces that the initiate invokes through rituals, dissonant music, geometry, and sacrifice. They do not seek the worship of a deity, but rather direct contact with the energy of Chaos, understood as both creative and destructive power.
This theology of chaos translates into an ethic of action. It teaches that deliberately killing, manipulating, or "hunting" human beings strengthens the spirit and destroys the limits imposed by modern morality. Hence their recurring phrase: "The strong act, the weak suffer." Cruelty, for them, is a form of personal evolution.
The group lacks a formal hierarchy and operates through small cells called nexions , which function autonomously. This has allowed its global expansion without a visible structure: from England it spread to the United States, Eastern Europe, and Russia, where its ideas merged with neo-Nazi, paramilitary, and accelerationist movements. Although the ONA does not define itself as a terrorist organization, numerous members and sympathizers have been arrested or convicted for murder, sexual assault, and violent conspiracies.
The influence of the ONA lies in its worldview, not its size. Its message that evil, destruction, and sacrifice are necessary for the evolution of the species has served as a symbolic matrix for the groups we will discuss shortly.
3.3. Nihilistic Violent Extremism (NVE)
Content warning: This section contains descriptions of sexual violence, torture, child exploitation, and ideologically or ritually motivated murders. These are real and documented events. Reading them may be disturbing, but it is essential to understanding the misanthropic and dehumanizing drift of contemporary extremism.
In December 2025, Canada designated 764 and Maniac Murder Cult as terrorist entities, amid growing international concern about what the FBI and the U.S. Department of Justice have termed Nihilistic Violent Extremism ( NVE). Also in December 2025, New Zealand took similar measures against the Order of Nine Angles and Terrorgram , two networks associated with far-right accelerationism and frequently cited as influential within NVE ecosystems. These designations reflect increasing government concern about the rise of "violence-centric online communities," particularly those linked to The Com and its affiliated groups. Since the late 2010s, these communities have proliferated online and expanded globally, with arrests recorded in at least 29 countries as of September 2025, according to Marc-André Argentino.
3.3.1. RapeWaffen
In the late 2010s and throughout the 2020s, a constellation of digital networks transformed misanthropy into a system. Inheriting the ONA's idea that evil can be a path to power, the earliest documented case is RapeWaffen , a faction linked to AWD and ONA. Its main characteristic was the promotion of rape as a programmatic tactic: a deliberate sexualization of violence understood as an ideological and spiritual tool. Its existence came to light after the arrest of a former US Marine who was planning rapes and an attack on a synagogue. RW conceived of rape both as a punishment for white women for having relationships outside their race or for supporting feminist causes. He used it as a means to produce more white babies.
3.3.2. The Com
In recent years, The Com Network , also known as The Com or The Community , has emerged . It is an international, decentralized network of individuals and groups involved in a wide range of illicit activities, both online and offline , including hacking , ransomware, cyberstalking, swatting, SIM swapping, bricking, sexual extortion, distribution of Child Sexual Abuse Content ( CSAM ), fraud, youth radicalization, extreme violence, drug trafficking, and acts of terrorism. Described by the FBI as a "distributed cybercriminal social network," it operates on platforms such as Discord and Telegram , where individuals and groups, many of them minors, compete for clout -status within the community-through illicit and violent acts.
The Com is a fluid ecosystem that blends digital and gaming subcultures with prestige dynamics based on the public display of crime. Its structure is based on three pillars: Cyber Com (cybercrimes such as ransomware and swatting), Sextortion Com (sexual extortion and the dissemination of CSAM), and Offline Com (violence and terrorism inspired by accelerationism, occultism, and National Socialism). This community often overlaps with the True Crime Community (obsessed with school shooters ).
The FBI warned in 2025 about its rapid global expansion and the manipulation of minors through sexual coercion. The Com Network represents a new form of hybrid threat, where the digital and physical intertwine in a cycle of notoriety, violence, and dehumanization.
3.3.3. 764
One of the most notorious groups within The Com is 764. Born in the world of sex extortion and gore, it evolved into a culture of filmed aggression. Its members, mostly young people, share videos of attacks, threats, or self-harm, accompanied by nihilistic iconography. The organization combines the language of video games with the logic of criminal prestige: each recorded act of violence increases the perpetrator's status. In January 2025, ABC News confirmed that the FBI had more than 250 open investigations related to 764 and its associated networks, describing it as one of the major emerging threats in organized youth violence.
3.3.4. No Lives Matter (NLM)
From 764 emerged No Lives Matter (NLM), a misanthropic, neo-Nazi, and accelerationist organization. It is dedicated to disseminating guides to violence, such as NLM x 764 Classified, which combines elements of jihadist propaganda with urban guerrilla techniques. These texts instruct on how to attack, record, and disseminate murders, presenting the violence as proof of authenticity.
3.3.5.Maniac Murder Cult
The Maniac Murder Cult (???????: ????? ???????? - MKY) shares the same pattern. Originating in Dnipro, Ukraine, under the leadership of Yegor Krasnov and later Mikhail Chkhikvishvili (" Commander Butcher"), it developed a series of manuals that make cruelty a method of initiation. In January 2023, the Russian Supreme Court declared MKY a terrorist organization, and between 2024 and 2025, international investigations linked Chkhikvishvili to plans for attacks and mass poisonings in the United States.
These groups don't recruit based on ideology, but rather on vulnerability. They use anonymous forums and gaming communities to identify lonely young people seeking belonging. The process often includes "tests" of self-harm, aggression, or participation in blackmail. Humiliation becomes a method of control. The FBI and European cybersecurity agencies have documented how coercion and sexual blackmail turn victims into aggressors.
The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) calls this phenomenon "terror without ideology": violence replicated through imitation and viral spread. The manuals of NLM and MKY now serve the same purpose as old terrorist manifestos; they are technical guides for killing. Radicalization no longer requires belief. Connection is enough, and that is worrying. This opens a new frontier in neo-Nazi extremism where the violent act becomes the ideology.
4. Active Clubs and the aesthetics of violence
The cult of the body occupies a central place in the aesthetics and politics of the new far right. Since the 1930s, the fascist ideal has associated racial purity with physical strength and bodily beauty. The body was the visible expression of a disciplined, virile, and homogeneous community. In the 21st century, this imagery resurfaces in a version adapted to digital culture and combat sports. This fitness fascism transforms musculature into ideology and physical discipline into political morality. Gyms, martial arts clubs, and outdoor training sessions become spaces for socialization, belonging, and recruitment.
The contemporary model of this movement originated with the Rise Above Movement (RAM) , founded in Southern California by Robert Rundo and a group of activists from racist skinhead and alt-right circles. RAM defined itself as the "alt -right MMA club " and built its identity on physical combat, male brotherhood, and the glorification of the "white warrior." Between 2017 and 2018, its members engaged in violent clashes during rallies in Berkeley, San Bernardino, and Charlottesville, where they documented and disseminated their assaults as propaganda material. Following a series of arrests, several members were convicted, and Rundo was extradited from Romania to the United States in 2023. A year later, he pleaded guilty to conspiracy to incite riots and was released in December 2024. Although RAM was dismantled in the United States, its legacy persisted in a more flexible, discreet, and decentralized form.
In early 2021, Rundo launched the Active Club Network , a project conceived as the "third generation of white nationalism." Unlike the explicitly neo-Nazi groups of the 1990s, Active Clubs adopt the guise of a sports or cultural association. Their structure is based on small, local, and difficult-to-trace cells that combine physical training, aesthetic propaganda, and ideological camaraderie. In collaboration with the Russian neo-Nazi Denis Nikitin (White Rex), Rundo disseminated the model through a podcast and his production company, Media2Rise, which presents the clubs as alternatives to the "decadent modern lifestyle." The network expanded rapidly: by 2025, open reports identified a presence in at least 25 US states and branches in Europe, Oceania, and Latin America.
Active Clubs function as training and recruitment spaces. Training sessions, hikes, and camping trips in nature serve both ritual and operational purposes: they strengthen group cohesion, create a sense of mission, and reinforce the narrative of racial rebirth. Their communication strategy relies on a carefully crafted visual aesthetic, redesigning neo-Nazi symbols with athletic and minimalist styles, circulating without raising alarm. An ethic of the strong body, white brotherhood, and warrior self-improvement is disseminated. This image is amplified by videos, music, and merchandising such as T-shirts, patches, and stickers, which monetize the ideology and spread it among young recruits.
The Active Club model has been particularly successful in Europe and the United States, where it connects with traditions of hooliganism, ultranationalism, and street militias. In Germany, at least a dozen active groups have been identified, linked to gyms and martial arts tournaments. In Sweden, a 2025 hate crime trial revealed how far-right fitness clubs served as a front for recruiting and training militants. Similar initiatives are also emerging in Spain, such as Comunidad Identitas, Facta, and Viri Montis, which combine workouts, excursions, and identity propaganda under a discourse of spirituality, patriotism, and healthy living.
Behind the language of well-being and self-discipline lies a logic of preparation for conflict. In their manuals and conversations, members of these groups speak of an "inevitable race war" or the "defense of European civilization," for which physical training would be the first step toward a future mobilization. They learn basic survival techniques, encrypted communication, and first aid, and rehearse a culture of civilian militia under the guise of sporting activities. What they present as "self-defense" is, in reality, the construction of an ideologically driven combat community that considers the political adversary, the immigrant, or the dissident as an internal enemy.
Recent analyses by various international counterterrorism observatories agree that the Active Clubs network represents a new phase of contemporary extremism, merging gym culture, digital propaganda, and political and racialist militancy. Its strength lies in its adaptability. It doesn't preach, it trains. It doesn't debate, it acts. It doesn't offer a political program, but rather an immediate physical identity. In this universe, the body becomes a boundary, training transforms into ritual, and violence functions as a shared language. Fitness fascism represents a form of politics that no longer seeks to convince, but to impose itself-a politics inscribed on the flesh and transmitted through force and discipline.
5. International Cooperation
The contemporary far right has achieved a level of transnational organization unprecedented since the interwar period. It currently functions as a network of affinities operating simultaneously in the streets, gyms, online, and in intellectual circles. Its power lies in this flexibility. It may appear as a combat group, a media outlet, or a cultural foundation, but behind each form lies the same aspiration: the preservation of a white European identity, the exaltation of militarism, and the rejection of democratic pluralism and the neoliberal order.
The Ukrainian case symbolizes the convergence point of these dynamics. Since 2014, the Azov Battalion's sphere of influence has become an international hub for nationalist militants from various countries. Through its political wing and training camps, the movement offered a framework for practical cooperation between groups such as the Nordic Resistance Movement, the German Der Dritte Weg, and far-right sectors in Eastern Europe. On the opposing side, the Russian Imperial Movement, designated a terrorist organization by the United States, along with other groups, provided military training to European and North American extremists in St. Petersburg, consolidating a space of violent socialization where combat becomes a foundational experience. In this sense, the war has functioned as an ideological laboratory: it has allowed the far right to redefine its discourse in terms of a civilizing crusade and to train cadres for future conflicts.
Europe is the stage where this network manifests itself most intensely. Large nationalist marches, such as the Lukov March in Sofia, Independence Day in Warsaw, or the annual commemoration of Acca Larentia in Rome, are rituals of cohesion. These events bring together representatives from CasaPound Italia, Groupe Union Défense and Lyon Populaire in France, Der Dritte Weg in Germany, Légió Hungária in Hungary, and the Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny in Poland. More than mere commemorations, these gatherings function as informal assemblies where strategies are shared, alliances are strengthened, and logistical and media support networks are forged.
This street-level dimension is complemented by a sphere of intellectual and propaganda cooperation. Forums, congresses, and conferences bring together delegations from various organizations under the banner of a white and spiritual Europe. Events such as the Remigration Summit in Milan, the meetings of the Institut Iliade in Paris, the Instituto Carlos V, and the conferences of the Alliance for Peace and Freedom in several countries have facilitated the articulation of common discourses among French identitarians, Italian neo-fascists, Eastern European nationalists, and American white supremacists. From these spaces emerge contacts that later translate into joint campaigns, editorial exchanges, and shared audiovisual projects.
The cultural ecosystem that sustains this network is as important as its militant structure. Publishing houses like Arktos Media , Passaggio al Bosco , and Ediciones Fides , along with alternative magazines and media outlets such as Éléments and Europa Popolare , disseminate the same narrative: that of the decline of the West and the need for a civilizational restoration. Foundations like Europa Terra Nostra function as centers for ideological and financial coordination. The thought of Alain de Benoist, Aleksandr Dugin, and Julius Evola circulates among these platforms as a common grammar that legitimizes their metapolitical project.
In Spain, this process has taken on its own forms, yet remains connected to the rest of Europe. Groups like Democracia Nacional, Hacer Nación, Facta , and Núcleo Nacional replicate the aesthetic and organizational codes of CasaPound and Der Dritte Weg and participate in the same international networks. Spanish activists regularly attend marches in Italy, Poland, and Hungary, and host representatives of foreign organizations at local events. Collaborations with international collectives are constant and visible in both aesthetics and propaganda.
The project emerging from this network is not merely political but civilizational. Its strategy is inspired by a reverse reading of Gramsci. Rather than seizing power, they seek to shape culture, colonize language, and contest common sense. In their discourse, the battlefield is no longer parliament but the collective imagination. The idea of Europe is transformed into a racial and spiritual myth, and its defense is conceived as a protracted war against cosmopolitanism, immigration, and diversity.
What exists today is a reactionary international that combines aesthetics, discipline, and discourse. Through this network, diverse groups from around the world perceive themselves as part of the same struggle. Their objective is not to reform politics, but to refound civilization under a new moral and ethnic order.
6. Strategies of the new radical right
The new radical right no longer marches in uniforms or seeks classic dictatorships. It disguises itself as a community, a gym, a podcast, a meme. Its war is not fought in parliaments, but on screens and on bodies. It doesn't want to seize power: it wants to shape culture, feelings, and language.
Cultural metapolitics - Culture first, then power. Their publishers and media outlets rewrite history in the name of tradition and identity. Aesthetics replaces ideology.
Network politics - No leaders, no headquarters, no flags. Hundreds of micro-groups connected by the internet act like a swarm, each repeating the same narrative.
Decentralized action - A system without a center. Small cells or individuals act alone, but within a shared narrative. They strike from the shadows, without a visible structure.
Body worship and the aesthetics of conflict - Physical strength becomes an emblem. Training is military, fighting is belonging. The body as a political boundary.
Ideological syncretism - They mix left and right, anarchism and authoritarianism, ecology and racism. They confuse to recruit, not to convince.
Community infiltration - They present themselves as sports clubs, neighborhood associations, or cultural groups. They construct a sense of normalcy around authoritarian discourse.
Digital propaganda - Memes, jokes, and viral videos. Hate enters as entertainment. Violence disguises itself as irony.
White transnationalism - Azov, CasaPound, III Weg, Patriot Front, GUD, NRM, Legio Hungária , or Lyon Populaire . They march and travel together with the same objective: a besieged white civilization.
Appropriation of language - Freedom, sovereignty, self-determination. Words emptied and turned against their original meaning.
Economic and technological autonomy - Cryptocurrencies, closed channels, proprietary platforms. A parallel ecosystem where hate is financed and reproduced unchecked.
The new radical right does not seek immediate confrontation, but rather the construction of a cultural hegemony capable of withstanding the test of time. Its war is symbolic, emotional, and aesthetic. Understanding its mechanisms is not only an analytical exercise, but also a form of defense. Only by knowing its codes, its symbols, and its methods of infiltration can we anticipate its advance and generate collective responses that counter its power before it becomes our destiny. I hope this text has served as a starting point for a better understanding of the radical right phenomenon.
Don Diego de la Vega, a militant from Liza.
https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2026/02/06/la-modernizacion-de-la-derecha-radical-segunda-parte/
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Link: (en) Spain, Regeneracion: The Modernization of the Radical Right (Part Two): An Introduction to the Most Extremist and Violent Expressions. By Liza (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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