Hamit Borzalan's work emphasizes that the far right has a long history. He traces its roots back to the 19th century to explain how nationalist right-wing movements developed within a counter-revolutionary framework. This framework was based on the deconstruction of the Enlightenment. Revolutionary right-wing movements rejected the egalitarian principles developed around the French Revolution. At the same time, these movements constructed a revolutionary project based on the concept of the "new man," an eschatological dimension that rejected both the "bourgeois" world, "social emancipation," and "liberalism," perceived as laissez-faire. They relied on an exaltation of the past while seeking to create a "new era" founded on order and authority. These principles took hold in the interwar period, first in Italy and then in Germany. While they seem to have virtually disappeared in their original forms, a number of aspects can resurface over time.
The investigation into the new generation of the far right reveals that while these cultural dimensions remain present, it would be historically inaccurate to establish a direct continuum between the two. The book offers an immersion into the lives of activists who entered politics around 2010 and who have since occupied a significant portion of the media and cultural landscape.
The book concludes with a description of the funeral of Patrick Buisson, the leading figure of the far right. The former Minute journalist, who became an advisor to Nicolas Sarkozy, returned to the fold and theorized a right wing encompassing everything from republicans to revolutionary nationalists. The entire elite of the new generation of the far right was present alongside the old guard.
The aim of the investigation is to demonstrate how this new generation of nationalist and identitarian activists was formed. It benefits from a dual set of circumstances. First, it relies on the rebranding of the National Rally (RN) by its new president, Marine Le Pen, who is shedding some of the party's old habits (tolerance of Holocaust denial, admiration for fascist writers, complacency towards Vichy, etc.). It is facilitating the rise within the party apparatus of young people seemingly without political baggage, of whom Jordan Bardella is the prime example. The second aspect rests on their media-political structure, of which the "Manif pour tous" (Demonstration for All) was the center and prototype. They marched together and share a common cultural background: rejection of migrants, hidden behind the label of Islam, and a strong demand for authority. This new generation, whether they come from the Republicans, the Union for Defense Group, or the National Front (now the RN), shares this common cultural background. A number of former UMP youth are joining this new-look far right. A few ambitious young people imagine that to seize power, the traditional right must break with its historical legacy of Gaullist antifascism and advocate for an alliance with the National Rally (RN). This is what happened in the streets starting in 2013 and continues to this day. These activists then gather in Parisian right-wing social spaces like the Café des Caves or Aux Soupers. For the most part, these young people are well-born and come from good Parisian or provincial families who have moved to the elite universities; most of them already belong to families considered right-wing on the political spectrum. Furthermore, they benefit from an unexpected media platform: the pronouncements of a polemicist, Éric Zemmour, who, like this new generation, shifts from anti-European sovereignty to denouncing immigration. Several activists launch media campaigns. After the sensational stunts of Generation Identity, they sought to seize control of the media. Having dabbled in fringe websites and newspapers belonging to the radical right, Valeurs Actuelles became their first prize. Then, with the help of Patrick Buisson, they secured prominent positions at Le Figaro and occasionally in other media outlets considered to be on the right of the political spectrum. In 2017, some of them founded a newspaper reflecting their ideology: L'Incorrect, which aimed to expose the right wing. With a barrage of posters and advertisements, the newspaper provoked and challenged certain media outlets receptive to this type of agitation and propaganda. They used it as a vehicle for ideological fusion. Finally, the media outlets controlled by the Bolloré Group became their springboard. Today, despite the tripartite division, these young people (Republican, National Front, Zemmourist) feel ready to take power despite the apparent divisions, which in essence resemble more a struggle for positions and tactical disagreements than ideological clashes. The authors, citing one of them, remind us that, fundamentally, they agree and their ideas are gaining momentum; the new leader of the National Rally is, in a way, their standard-bearer.
Walpurgis: Right-Wing Revolutions, 19th-20th Centuries
Hamit Bozarslan
Passés/composés 2026 448 pp. EUR26
Génération Bardella
Marylou Magal and Nicolas Massol
Gallimard 2026 266 pp. EUR9.50
https://monde-libertaire.net/?articlen=8909
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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