The Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) community has long resisted the eviction of residents from the Prosfygika area on Alexandras Street in Athens, Greece, under the guise of urban transformation. Aristotelis Chantzis, a member of Prosfygika, has been on a hunger strike since February 5th. We are publishing a letter written by Chantzis on April 30th, translated into Turkish by the Prosfygika Translation Structure.
Earth Mail
We are sharing this text, written by our comrade Aristotelis Chantzis during his hunger strike, which began on February 5, 2026, and has now reached its 92nd day, in Turkish. Following the publication of the text in Greek on April 30, significant developments have occurred: May 1st has passed, our comrade Suzon Doppagne announced that she has begun a hunger strike in front of the Greek Parliament, and the flotilla initiative aimed at breaking the Palestinian blockade has entered a new phase. Despite these developments, the text remains entirely relevant. We believe it is important that this call for common struggle and solidarity reaches Turkish readers.
Prosfygika Translation Structure
To better understand the hunger strike I began on February 5, 2026, I wrote a short but comprehensive letter titled "A Message to Society, My Family, and My Friends" at the start of my strike. Before getting to the main point, I should mention that from the beginning of the hunger strike until the moment these lines were written, people from the three categories I addressed in my message approached me - some courageously, some recklessly, and some relying on their closeness to me; some directly, some indirectly - trying to dissuade me from my decision.
Before starting my hunger strike, I already knew that both I personally, the Community, and especially other political members would have to face this situation. I also knew that as my health deteriorated, calls for me to end the hunger strike would increase. I am only noting these calls because they have not yet crossed the line into hostility. This line means not exhibiting hostility towards what I represent as a political member of the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community; not starting to comment in narrow or broad circles, or directly or indirectly attacking the Community or its other members. Someone who behaves in this way - even if they cannot control their instincts or impulses - indirectly fuels the mill of oppression not only against the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community, but also against communities in general, the world of self-organization, solidarity, social resistance, and the hunger strike itself as a means of struggle.
I must state clearly: I do not characterize any of those who approach me as "enemies" of me, the Community, or the movement in general. On the contrary, I understand that they do so out of affection for me and my person, and with the best intentions for my life. All of these individuals show solidarity; some even go beyond that. However, I want to emphasize the extent to which mechanisms of oppression can exploit instincts, emotions, and impulses; in some cases, this can reach a level sufficient to manipulate not only individuals or organizations, but large masses of people.
Special warfare to manipulate societies and movements.
I will not dwell on the various methods frequently used by state apparatuses to break hunger strikes by political prisoners in Turkey, Northern Kurdistan, Palestine, the US, and elsewhere; instead, I will focus primarily on the Northern Ireland experience and what British authorities call "capitulation."
Leaked documents from the Northern Ireland National Archives over the past decade contain references to one method of suppressing hunger strikes being to "surrender" the striker - that is, to manipulate or directly exploit the suffering of their families, in collaboration with Catholic priests, and persuade the striker to break the hunger strike. While this "surrender" objective, with a few exceptions, was largely unsuccessful, we cannot ignore the fact that the families of the strikers exerted significant pressure on the IRA to end the hunger strikes. Similarly, with the consent of their families, every striker who fell into a coma ended their hunger strike. I am not judging whether this decision was right or wrong; I am merely recounting the historical fact.
Emotional manipulation is not merely a tactic, but one of the primary weapons for governing societies and suppressing movements; because instincts, emotions, and impulses form a primitive survival system that often operates independently of logic. Basic survival instincts such as hunger, thirst, and reproduction activate the amygdala, the brain's emotional centerespecially under fear and anxietymoveracting the prefrontal cortex much faster.
During the first weeks of the hunger strike, while I was at the signature collection tent on Leoforos Alexandras Street, a stranger approached me; he introduced himself as a left-leaning healthcare worker in the area and began telling me that I should end the strike because it would cause permanent damage to my health and that it wasn't worth ruining myself. Pointing to two young comrades distributing leaflets, he accused them of being "fake solidarity activists distributing leaflets on full stomachs," saying, "Everyone here is eating well." From the moment he approached me until I immediately told him to leave, he displayed a vulgarity that involved belittling an entire group and playing with the feelings of the young comrades present; his tone was designed to instill panic, fear, and suspicion in his interlocutors. While this specific case is a rather audacious example, I must say that throughout this process, many people approached me questioning whether the hunger strike was worth it. I'm sure some of them acted in the best of intentions, but judging their intentions is not my purpose here. I must reiterate, however, that I am not labeling anyone as an intelligence agent - although I do not rule out the possibility that one of the dozens of strangers who approached me might be one. But regardless of intent, the practice of sowing seeds of suspicion, spreading distrust, and slandering has been used throughout history by counter-revolutionary forces to divide movements or to pit cadres against each other within the same organization or between different organizations. The FBI, in its fight against the Black Panther Party under COINTELPRO, employed the "Bad-Jacketing" method precisely for this purpose.
States and imperialism not only use effective methods to crush resistance; they also share, transfer, and develop this experience with each other. In the age of technology, artificial intelligence, and social media, the manipulation of instincts, emotions, and impulses by those in power can now occur on a massive scale, in a targeted manner, extremely quickly, and instantly. It may seem a little ridiculous, but I experienced this: on some of my social media accounts, videos of triglyceride-rich foods being served or consumed ostentatiously started appearing frequently. These videos are, of course, already ubiquitous on the internet for advertising purposes and weren't produced for me, but their appearance on my account, even though I hadn't shown any interest in such content, was rather strange. However, I wanted to share this specific experience - perhaps it was a coincidence. I want to focus on something else that I find more important. There are countless accounts on social media; trolls and bots. They belittle important issues, devalue struggles, assassinate personalities, fuel disagreements, and smear characters, collectives, or various trends through comments, replies, and shares. We often dismiss, block, or ignore these messages. But they persist in the world of social media, influencing public consciousness by activating the reflexes, emotions like fear and jealousy, or erotic desires of various social groups. Unfortunately, social media is severely damaging the social fabric by spreading sexism, the objectification of the female body, misogyny, rape culture, jealousy, unattainable dreams, false realities, and fake news on a massive and targeted basis - always using instincts, emotions, and impulses. However, given the fact that these platforms are used en masse by the entire society, engaging with them - in parallel with other forms of reaching the public and propaganda activities - is a necessity.
We have already had a shared experience with Panos Routsis[1], one of the recent examples of a prisoner who does not fit the classic type associated with "unusual actions," through the smear campaign he faced during his hunger strike. We saw how various trolls slandered him on social media. Similarly, I saw many comments in my case: arbitrarily questioning the strike, claiming that I had already exceeded the limits of human body endurance to withstand hunger, citing Bobby Sands as an example, and generally trying to belittle, devalue, and ridicule the struggle. As long as major media outlets remain silent and the necessary pressure is not applied to bring the issue to the attention it deserves, propaganda mechanisms continue to shape public opinion; so much so that by the time the striker's health reaches a critical point, an opinion has already been formed in public opinion. The aim is to create psychological pressure and exhaustion both on the striker and on the solidarity movement.
Politicizing emotions
Those who try to persuade me in good faith do so clearly out of emotion. Either from the sorrow they feel at the thought that I will suffer permanent harm or lose my life; or from the anger or disgust they feel at the thought that my Community is using me and not encouraging me to leave. We know that from the combination of emotions arise complex feelings such as anxiety, anger, grief, and despair. These feelings can influence a person's behavior, motivating them to act to prevent a bad situation or, conversely, leading to despair. I will only mention this in parentheses: the worst thing in the struggle is despair - that is, the loss of faith that the struggle will be conducted correctly, that victory will be achieved, the exhaustion of hope. Without hope, there is no guarantee of normalcy; no matter how bad things get, as long as there is hope, there is a driving force; losing hope brings inertia. A more complex social emotion is contempt; whether directed at the Community and its demands or at my person. The highest of the complex emotions is undoubtedly love - and I want to pause here. Are we sure that what we interpret as love is always something positive? Are we sure that we don't carry the effects of the world of domination and reproduce it? Indeed, don't our own personalities, shaped by patriarchy, the state, capitalism, and the system of individualism, harbor different tendencies and a host of contradictions? Can someone love without respecting the choices of the person they love? I won't go into detail here about the series of toxic emotions and behaviors that lead to crimes committed in the name of love.
I am certainly not saying this to demonize the instincts, emotions, and impulses that are so useful for our very existence. However, it is extremely important, first and foremost as social beings and, moreover, as revolutionary forces, to learn to control the behaviors that these emotions guide us towards; especially when we know that counter-revolutionary forces use them for societal control. Emotions are largely constructed by the societies in which we grow up, the rules, values, and ideologies; some are suppressed or restricted by the powers of the time. In any case, emotions define our identity. The better we know ourselves, the better we know how we want to live and what our goals are; this makes it easier for us to control our impulses according to our aims, our political identity, the morality we develop in our collective processes, our communities, and our societies.
Power has alwaysand even more intensely during the colonial periodused methods to construct the image of colonized or targeted-colonial peoples to serve its own interests, to distort their cultural identities, to subjugate them, and ultimately to colonize them. The repentance declarations in Greece, the electroshock experiments on the mentally ill funded by the CIA and later applied to political prisoners and prisoners of war... These methods, continuing to be applied to societies worldwide, encompass everything from classic forms of torture to social media, the spread of drugs, fashion, music, and cinema; everything has been transformed or has been transformed into tools and methods for individuals and societies to lose their identities.
The construction of social bonds, solidarity structures, self-organization, and collectivizationwhich allows individuals to take an active role in common endeavors and enables societies to build their own institutions based on shared material and spiritual needsis the true self-defense of societies against the alienation-inducing assault of the state and capitalism. Thus, we will be able to develop self-awareness and, as societies, determine our own direction without being alienated by the culture of power.
The Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community, in its journey of constantly building its collective identity, was able to respond calmly to the dilemma of collective identity & self-defense versus individualization, at least because it had reached the necessary minimum level of self-institutionalization. Within the community, all appropriate processes are at work, in which the individual's personality is strengthened within the collective social identity, in a whole of sincere social relations, moral rules, tolerance and inclusivity. Communitarian culture is the catalyst that drives every "I" to decide to defend "we". Under these conditions, we decided to join hands to defend our collective identity - even if we dance Zalongo[2]together.
What distinguishes initiative from reflex, action from reaction?
Individual initiative is not a momentary flash of panic or a reflex under pressure. Ultimately, it is not so individual; it is the product of a series of situations and processes that act on the individual undertaking it under specific conditions. For example, what sane person would risk such an endeavor without being certain that their initiative will be strengthened and that all the necessary conditions for a positive outcome are present? The motivation, ethical framework, and outcome of the initiative ultimately determine whether it is right or wrong.
On Labor Day, I will be on the 86th day of my hunger strike, and as these lines are being written, the Attica Region, the Athens Municipality, the state and government, and the major media outlets controlled by them, are displaying a characteristic indifference to the demands of the Community, our just struggle, and my health condition. Despite the increased pressure or the silencing of the issue, we declared from the very beginning that the hunger strike, which will continue until death, will be strengthened by other members of the Community. On May 1st, two hunger strikers will step forward hand in hand and loudly proclaim the words of August Spies: "One day our silence will be more powerful than the voices you are stifling today."
The answer I owe to those who want to change my mind is:
My community, whether you be my friends and comrades, my family, or my supporters, how can you convince me otherwise? This decision is not merely that of an anarchist dedicated to social movements, consciously focused on the goals, means, and risks, weighing the cost and the gain, and deeply committed to our collective identityboth in the present conditions, as an evolutionary dynamic, and as a proposition against the world of individualism. How can an initiative that embodies the collective identity of a communitarian way of life, in its entirety and the legacy it seeks to leave, be undermined by an individualized solution based on the escape of the individual?
I cannot express this more clearly: the conditions under which the decision to go on hunger strike was made are these: impending deaths, concentration camps, deportations, legal prosecutions, and the uprooting of vulnerable social groups, children, and families. All of these will be direct consequences of the plan to forcibly empty Prosfygika under the guise of a "reorganization." A real Golgotha is approaching for these people from diverse social and political backgrounds; moreover, each will experience this process alone and will not even find the mutual support they would normally offer each other. The vast majority of these people are unknown within the solidarity movement; when they disperse, no one will follow them, no one will inquire about their fate.
"What does it mean to stop a hunger strike before it reaches its peak? What are the costs of stopping any struggle before it reaches its peak?" we ask. After all, what is the peak of a struggle if not victory, or at least the exhaustion of all efforts expended for victory, or partial but satisfying gains toward the goal? What are the consequences of this for future hunger strikes? How will society react if the awareness that the chosen means of struggle is rendered meaningless by the person who chose it is ingrained in the collective subconscious? What kind of argument and methodology does such a precedent offer to the arsenal of repressive weapons? When we stop our struggles, when we don't make demands, when our struggles don't reach their peaks, when we react reflexively to the state's actions, when we fail to recognize the right moment to take initiative, what legacy do we leave for future struggles and future generations?
How can we imagine 200 Kaisariani[3]fighters advancing with such determination, raising their fists, with honor in the face of the enemy's rifles - if they did not possess this collective spirit, their organizational processes in Haidari, their belief that their common stance would be forever etched in the minds of the enemy? Those photographs surfaced at just the right time: those who resist can walk to their deaths upright and proud, with the assurance of victory; even though they know they may never live to see it.
To end the hunger strike on my part would demonstrate a lack of serious justification and would belittle the strike's demands; whereas we have already made it clear that this would mean the destruction of a social whole, a social project. It would be a disregard for the Prosfygika Community and, by rendering the hunger strike a means meaningless, any subsequent hunger strike would leave a bad legacy for future struggles and generations.
"Ideas cannot be evicted."
Unfortunately, past defeats have accustomed us to waging battles without aiming to win, to surrender before even starting, to making no demands, and to fighting at the lowest possible cost, even as gains won with rivers of blood are lost.
For many years, after every eviction attempt at occupation and self-organization, the slogan "ideas cannot be evicted" has been adopted - and indeed it is, it must be, and we must continue to defend it if we want to continue to exist. Defending the "idea" means not betraying it, not bowing down to it, continuing the struggle. For example, when an anarchist defends their "ideas" at every trial, regardless of the cost, they also build a material foundation: they armor the "ideas" against the mechanisms of prosecution, they revitalize the solidarity movement, they spread the "ideas," they inspire new fighters. Anarchist comrades Marianna Manoura and Dimitra Zarafeta, who were tried in the Ambelokipi case[4], left just such a legacy; they defended their political identity, the political identity of the anarchist martyr Kyriakos Xymiteris, anarchism and the "idea."
But can an "idea" continue to exist without the material subject that carries it, without being rooted in the ground? Do we grasp the dialectical relationship between the ground and the "idea"? How long can an "idea" continue to exist without being rooted in the ground? When we say "ideas cannot be evicted" or when we defend our "ideas," we are clearly referring to our collective identity, beliefs, moral principles, and values. Ultimately, could all of these have any meaning without the material ground in which they manifest? Historically, many tribes uprooted by colonialism also lost their "ideas," beliefs, and collective identities. Similarly, the modern urban lifestyle displaced the traditional rural way of life, excluding communal culture as a collective identity. "Ideas" emerge to meet a collective need; a collective identity develops, becoming culture, institutions, and civilization. Internally displaced people, uprooted from their villages, acquired needs shaped by the new living conditions of the city; their identities also adapted to these new conditions. In rural life, collective labor is a material necessity, solidarity is dictated by harsh conditions, and sociality arises from the space itself. Urban life, on the other hand, is structured in a way that fosters individualism, loneliness, and alienation.
Fighters who defended their "ideas," identities, beliefs, and values in courtrooms continued their struggle both inside and outside the walls.
In the case of Prosfygika, the idea of "Community," while present in the minds of some occupiers, was not conceived as a design from the outset. What created the community was not an ideology; rather, it was the space itself, material needs, and spiritual needs within specific conditions. Based on these needs, infrastructure, organizational functioning, decision-making mechanisms, and a framework of principles were formed. All of this was not static; it developed in a vibrant relationship where space, needs, collective identity, self-institutionalization, and renewal through critique constantly nourished each other.
Could the idea of a "Community" survive when its foundation was lost, when it could no longer collectively defend its most vulnerable members, when its members were physically removed and expelled, and when rupture and disintegration occurred? How could the "idea" continue to exist when its material realization had completely dissolved?
An extreme positivist might say, "What matters is that the experiment is successful, therefore the theory is applicable." But besides not seeing ourselves as guinea pigs, human relationships develop in communities, not subject-object relationships.
The more ground we give to those in power, the more we compromise on our gains, the less we resist, the more we will ultimately either lose our "ideas" or adapt them to new conditions. There are many historical examples of physical defeat being followed by ideological defeat; the consequences of past mistakes continue to haunt today's struggles.
Hunger strike: The last weapon in a just and fair struggle for legitimate and concrete demands.
A hunger strike is a means of struggle based on a decision to bring an issue - a matter of life or death - to the forefront, even at the risk of the striker's health and life. To demonstrate to the target audience - whether public opinion or a solidarity movement they wish to unite - that they are not abusing the means of struggle or recklessly blackmailing with their life, it is not enough to merely have general and vaguely just demands; the institutions involved must also be clearly committing an injustice.
The potential eviction of Prosfygika would violate a number of human rights and numerous provisions and articles of Greek, European and international legislation:
a) violation of the right to adequate housing, b) violation of the right to inviolability of the home, c) violation of the right to a fair trial, d) violation of the principle of equality and non-discrimination, e) violation of the right to respect for human dignity and personal development, f) violation of the right to protection of family and children.
In addition, the interventions suggested by the Region's study alter the appearance of buildings registered as contemporary historical and cultural heritage monuments by the Ministry of Culture and the Council of State.
Under these circumstances, a hunger strike functions as a pressure tactic to prevent injustice; it directly confronts institutions with the dilemma of either eliminating injustice or bearing the cost of the direct loss of human life. Of course, when we speak of institutions, we are not referring to something abstract and detached from the central system of power civilization, but to very concrete organizations created in the form and likeness of the state - the state whose greatest ancestor, the structural element of its existence, is injustice. The only thing that is certain is this: the state will do everything in its power to avoid making any concessions and to force the striker into a state of surrender. In recent years, there have been many instances where the Greek state has brought hunger strikers to a truly critical point, facing the danger of permanent health damage or death. Despite the reactions of the solidarity movement - which in some cases was quite broad-based - it is risking and playing with the lives of the strikers. The state is clear: it will not back down, will not succumb to "blackmail," will not bypass necessary institutional procedures, will not dismantle institutions, will place the responsibility on the striker, will call on the striker to end the strike, and will leave the rest to the authority of the doctors and hospital staff.
The cost is linked to the question of whether the state can manage the tension and instability that could be triggered by the death of a hunger striker, especially when the strike's demands are based on international human rights conventions. The decisive role in any potential retreat by state institutions will depend on a significant segment of society becoming sensitized to the insensitivity of an impending death.
In the case of this hunger strike, despite all the factors that could sensitize collective consciousness, including among moderate conservatives, and despite the strike having been ongoing for over two months, the issue has not yet received sufficient attention from the public.
Since its inception, the hunger strike has been supported by a broad base of solidarity. The main propaganda tools have been exhausted so far: three marches involving thousands of solidarity supporters from all parts of the area; interventions at regional and municipal councils, and in the parliamentary courtyard during a meeting of political leaders; parliamentary questions from a journalist and political parties; interviews in online news sites and newspapers; actions against Greek embassies and solidarity actions abroad; visits and statements by well-known artists to the Prosfygika neighborhood; international solidarity statements ranging from the Zapatistas to Rojava, from the USA to Singapore; and actions at concerts and theatrical performances. Thousands of signatures have been collected to support the community's demands; the support campaign continues daily in Syntagma Square and Leoforos Alexandras.
While the opposition movement maintains a constant presence across the country through writings, banners, and solidarity actions, in Athens, many opposition movements have moved their assemblies to the Prosfygika Social Center. Simultaneously, numerous events are being held at Prosfygika; cultural and political events take place almost every day.
Apart from the hunger strikes of 11 political prisoners in Türkiye, this is the only hunger strike in Greece that has exceeded 80 days. Generally, as a long-term hunger strike approaches its 50th day - and in many cases much earlier - the striker's health deteriorates significantly; this, as the situation becomes clearer, becomes a decisive factor in the frequency, participation, creativity, and intensity of pressure and solidarity actions.
The strategy of this hunger strike focuses on prolonging the process with electrolyte supplementation in order to buy time for the strike's demands to be communicated within the solidarity movement and to the public. Simultaneously, the aim is to create a timeframe that will allow for the necessary pressure to be applied to the responsible institutions, but I must point out that this timeframe is not guaranteed, nor is there any assurance that the striker's health will not deteriorate day by day. With each passing day, the hunger striker puts their life at risk.
In my case, according to recent measurements, I have lost more than 20 kilograms - that's 30 percent of my initial body weight. I experience muscle wasting, frequent dizziness, and constant numbness in my lower extremities. My blood tests show direct signs of starvation, and I continue to be at risk of sudden crises. I also experience orthostatic hypotension and tachycardia when I stand up; sleep disturbances are also persistent. Beyond the daily symptoms, the serious crises I experience include: fainting spells, severe hypoglycemic attacks, and dangerous arrhythmias due to electrolyte imbalance.
According to doctors, all of this carries a risk of sudden complications, even though I haven't lost my functionality yet. This hunger strike method is as new and unknown to me as it is to the vast majority of Greeks; therefore, all I can share is my personal experience and historical examples.
According to the collective experience of revolutionaries, particularly in Türkiye, this strategy allows for much longer survival times compared to hunger strikes conducted without any supplemental support. In many cases, hunger strikers who follow this strategy suffer permanent damage to vital organs; some fall into a coma, suffer strokes (Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome), or die after a prolonged hunger marathon. There is neither a specific limit nor a clear time interval in these cases. Previous health status and medical history, initial body weight, the individual's physique, the extent to which they can maintain their physical strength, and balanced water and electrolyte intake; as well as many unpredictable factors such as possible infections, viruses, and arrhythmias, can suddenly cause the hunger striker's health to collapse.
My first contact with a group undertaking this type of hunger strike was in 2020, when members of the music group Grup Yorum began a hunger strike to protest the mass arrests on charges of "terrorism," attacks on cultural centers, and the banning of their concerts, and to demand a fair trial. The first to die was Helin Bölek, who continued her hunger strike even after her release; she passed away on April 3, 2020. Her story shook me and left a deep mark; I'm sure this wasn't just true for me. I remember those days; while talking to a comrade, she told me she imagined Helin Bölek chained to a rock in the Caucasus, with an eagle devouring her intestines for 288 days. Helin Bölek's flame has not been extinguished; it continues to illuminate humanity in every corner of the earth, in every struggle against injustice.
In his honor, and in memory of all the martyrs of Grup Yorum, the 200 of Kaisariani on Labor Day 1944, Tasos Tousis who fell on May 9, 1936, and all the martyrs of the May 1936 Thessaloniki uprising[5], the anarchist martyrs of Chicago 1886, and all those who lost their lives for universal freedom, I would like to dedicate these lines from Aeschylus' tragedy Prometheus Bound:
"I already knew this news, and
who brought it to me;
and I consider it an honor that my enemies
torment me as if I were their enemy."
Come on! Let
the double-edged flame of fire descend upon me;
and let the sky shake
with thunder and
the pounding of wild winds.
May their assault
shake the very roots of the earth,
and may the roar of the sea's waves
obscure the paths of the stars in the sky.
And let it hurl my body
into the dark Tartarus, into the vortex
of relentless necessity
!
No matter what he does,
he won't be able to kill me!
"Oh, my revered mother, and oh ether,
oh all-encompassing light,
do you see
how I suffer in injustice?"
Current situation and emerging opportunities
As the systemic crisis deepens and its concrete repercussions manifest at the local level, I understand better and better that this hunger strike is not limited to demands alone; it is also being conducted in a context that is both critically important and presents new opportunities.
Highlighting the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) community as a bottom-up model of social self-governance should be a fundamental part of this struggle and the effort to support and sustain it.
Don't think I'm suffering from a superiority complex: I believe that every attack by the enemy must be turned into a counter-attack. Furthermore, I don't separate the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community from other social self-organization and solidarity structures, from free struggle spaces, from occupations, from struggles against foreclosure sales, from grassroots unions, from the direct and unsupervised struggles of the social base. Much more importantly, I don't detach all of this from the communitarian culture ingrained in our DNA from the "natural society" era, which manifests itself in every social contact, in every instinct of solidarity and mutual aid, in every action where the "I" defends the "WE." This culture, these organizational structures, are our communes; they are the proposal we will offer to the world with the tools we possess and from where we stand. Our goal should be their organic connection, coordination, common strategy, and dissemination.
To quote Isaac Puente, author of the pamphlet that formed the basis of the CNT's libertarian communism, presented at the Zaragoza Congress in May 1936: "The new society emerges from the shell of the old. The elements of the future society are already present within the existing order. These are the trade unions and free communes - old, well-established and dynamic popular institutions; structures that spontaneously organize and encompass all towns and villages in urban and rural areas."
What can we offer to our societies, which have lost all faith in any alternative model, if not social self-governance? What can we offer when Greek society once again takes to the squares and streets en masse, if we do not critically evaluate the experience of the past? The Tempi movement[6]showed that the organization of a "MARTYRS" family association and the central slogan "JUSTICE" was enough to mobilize and unite social forces and dynamics. Ultimately, where is the social dynamic that resists and brings about transformation if we cannot see it in the struggles that sprouted in the post-Cold War era, especially at the dawn of the 21st century? Can we recognize the social dynamic in the struggles of peoples against the plunder of their own lands by capital, in the squares, in the parks, in the struggles to protect nature, in the occupation attempts, and in the internationalist efforts that blossomed in Seattle, Genoa, Thessaloniki, in Indymedia, in anti-war rallies, in anti-fascist struggles, in social justice struggles? And ultimately, how can we transform all this accumulated knowledge into a revolutionary proposal without critically addressing issues such as isolationism, the disconnect between struggles, elitism, over-reliance on will, and hegemony?
While the European Union is integrating as a community-state with a yearning for defense autonomy, NATO has planned a decade-long war preparation run against the Russian and Chinese threat from 2020 onwards. In the unstable geopolitical environment where old war technology is being replaced by new weapons channeled to Russia, the military model is being restructured, Greek society is rapidly being militarized, the Greek state is increasingly actively involved in the conflicts of imperialists, Greek army officers are being trained in conflict zones and the "ASPIDES" operation[7]is being coordinated, direct military intervention does not seem like a distant threat.
The Greek state has transformed the country into a network of detention camps facilitating the controlled flow of labor to Europe, migrant cemeteries along its sea and land borders, and a large military base and energy hub supplying cheap energy to Europe at the expense of rural areas. Simultaneously, the country sits at the intersection of two competing economic corridors (the Belt and Road Initiative and the IMEEC) and is becoming increasingly dependent on the tourism industry. Following the damage inflicted on small and medium-sized producers by the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), the growing reliance on the pharmaceutical industry, monoculture farming, and the devastation caused by the so-called green transition, the remaining economic sectors are being liquidated through agreements with Mercosur countries.
With the economic crisis deepening due to the conflicts, the IMF began to intervene in the Western Balkan countries and Greece; while the country was in the process of fully transitioning to a neo-liberal model, the Floridis penal code and 8 new prisons were preparing to subject society to a new dystopia.
Within this context, and considering a series of scandals and allegations heavily impacting the government, the country is heading towards an election. The current state of power dynamics and potential coalition combinations suggests that the next term is highly likely to be one of governmental instability, where no bourgeois-parliamentary party can even offer the classic illusion of stability. What is certain is that the entire political system can only offer poverty, scandal, corruption, repression, the devaluation of human life, and deeper involvement in the imperialist war machine.
It seems that Greek society will experience another powerful upheaval in the coming period. On the other hand, the reactionary forces, who portray themselves as "anti-system," have already made it clear in the past that they want to organize and grow.
While the Mitsotakis government appears to be trying to ensure stability and an orderly course of events in the upcoming election process, in such a fluid and multifaceted deep crisis environment, it is likely that comprehensive attacks against the poorest social groups and the opposition movement will come to the fore. With the loss of voters in the center, the increasing repressive policies are becoming a tool for the New Democracy government to attract and consolidate its far-right and conservative voter base.
The task of the resistance movement forces is to defend our political identity and proposals, to protect the social structure inherent in the community, to resist conditions of existential oppression, and to be an active part of the social fabric.
While bourgeois parties prepare for the election race, we too must shape ourselves on the roads, in resistance, and through the processes of struggle. Together, we must demonstrate that an alternative based on social self-governance is possible, as opposed to a system of governance based on will. The Prosfygika struggle and hunger strike can create a common ground where different struggles and lines of resistance can intersect. It can also enable self-organized initiatives to come together and act in a more coordinated manner.
With a deep belief in societal reflexes, solidarity movements, and the righteousness of the struggle, we can win and leave a legacy for the arsenal of future struggles.
It is primarily organized forces and solidarity movements that will force the state to back down in the face of the price that the death of a hunger striker will bring. If a new phase characteristic of an Erdogan-type regime has begun, then the state is preparing the public for a new dystopiathat is, what those who resist will facethrough the "reorganization" of the neighborhood and attacks on the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community. At the same time, it is prepared to counter any wave of anger triggered by the death of a hunger striker with extreme repression.
In such a situation, I will be the first to carry the coffin on the shoulders of those who remain. Without underestimating the opportunities I possess as a person who has dedicated my life to and faithfully committed myself to social struggle; as someone who has lived longer than the children of Prosfygika, more than the younger members of the Community, as someone free from any obligations, as a man in my own country, and as someone who enjoys all the privileges of being Western, I choose to be the first in line. But beyond that, I have a certainty that every aim, every dream, and every moment I wish to live will continue within the struggles of the collective structures to which I belong: the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community and the Confederal Unity Platform. Ultimately, all of these will continue to live on in every commune, every structure, every liberated space freed from the state, capitalism, and patriarchy. If I am to be the first to die, I can say it now, boldly and without hesitation:
The fertilizer of freedom is the first to die!
? A comradely call to the world of solidarity, to everyone we walk alongside on this path:
Increasing solidarity actions with the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community.
Strengthening solidarity processes and initiatives with the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) community and the hunger strike.
Supporting the signature collection points set up daily in Syntagma and on Alexandras Street.
? Strength and solidarity to anarchist comrades Marianna Manoura and Dimitra Zarafeta, imprisoned by the state.
? Strength and solidarity to the Koukaki Occupation Community
Imprisoning the occupiers is unthinkable.
? I wish a safe and successful voyage to the Kyriakos C and all the ships of the Global Sumud Flotilla, which are paving the way for free people to break the Palestinian blockade.
Your compasses are showing us the path of resistance.
? Victory in the fight for justice for Vasileios Maggos, who lost his life as a result of state oppression.
? Our ever-unifying anarchist comrade Kyriakos Xymitiris is immortal, he is with us in every struggle.
The demands of this hunger strike are as follows:
The Attica region should immediately cancel the agreement.
All residents of the Refugee Housing (Prosfygika) are to continue to live in their current homes, places, and regions to which they are connected by social, cultural, and organic ties.
The urban non-profit organization, "Katoikoi Kai Filoi Prosfygikon L. Alexandras AMKE" (Residents and Friends of Alexandras Avenue Prosfygika), must provide concrete guarantees that it will renovate the Refugee Housing with its own funding! - Not a single public penny should be spent on the "renovation" of the Refugee Housing!
We will either win or we will win.
Aristotelis Chantzis
Leoforos Alexandras, resident and member of the Prosfygika Occupation Community,
has been on hunger strike since 5/2/26 until
30/4/26.
[1]Panos Routsis lost his 22-year-old son Denis in the Tempi train accident in Greece in 2023, in which 57 people lost their lives; he went on a hunger strike demanding justice and a transparent investigation.
[2]Zalongo Resistance: In the resistance against the Ottoman Empire in 1803, women and children in the Souli region, besieged by Ali Pasha's forces, ended their lives by jumping off a cliff rather than being taken prisoner.
[3]On May 1, 1944, 200 communist prisoners were shot dead by the Nazis at the Kaisariani Shooting Range in Athens. The prisoners had previously been held in the Haidari Camp, which is known for its severe torture.
[4]Ambelokipi Case: In the case opened following an explosion in Ambelokipi where the anarchist Kyriakos Xymitiris was martyred, two female anarchists were sentenced to imprisonment.
[5]The general strike started by Thessaloniki tobacco workers in 1936 is one of the major labor movements in the country's history. The bloody attacks that suppressed the strike also paved the way for the dictatorship period.
[6]The Tempi movement is a major justice movement in which various groups come together to demand the prosecution of high-ranking officials in particular, against the series of state negligences that came to light in the major train accident that occurred in 2023.
[7]ASPIDES is an operation conducted by the EU in the Red Sea to protect EU ships and secure commercial traffic against the Houthis.
Aristotelis Hantzis Greece
https://www.yeryuzupostasi.org/2026/05/16/fikirler-tahliye-edilemez-aristotelis-hantzis/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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