One of the major issues in recent weeks contingent in the imagination of the left nationally, regionally and internationally has been the death of Hugo Chavez. Obviously quite a charismatic and eccentric - leader of the "Bolivarian revolution" - who led a social process, very complex, containing up to now a range of successes, contradictions and limitations. The different political tendencies have sympathy, have raised their opinions in favor of the process or were somehow positioned on this and the process behind it. Libertarians have not been excluded from this discussion process and a set of views are heard in different media is not without controversy. ---- One of the major issues in recent weeks contingent in the imagination of the left nationally, regionally and internationally has been the death of Hugo Chavez. Obviously quite a charismatic and eccentric - leader of the "Bolivarian revolution" - who led a social process, very complex, containing up to now a range of successes, contradictions and limitations. The different political tendencies have sympathy, have raised their opinions in favor of the process or were somehow positioned on this and the process behind it. Libertarians have not been excluded from this discussion process and a set of views are heard in different media is not without controversy. A really difficult and sensitive topic to discuss from our parent libertarian and anarchist communist. On one hand supporting the process as a naive Moctezuma letting Hernan Cort?s-Quetzalcoatl confused with El Salvador, in the city of Tenochtitlan. On the other hand the Jesuits of libertarian communism and anarchism that neurotically repeated rosaries are decontextualized in light of history. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the debate from the perspective of anarcho-communist and social anarchism to encourage discourse and ideological rearmament libertarian tendencies within the working class and the reality of the class struggle, national, regional and internationally. The social process that develops in Venezuela must be analyzed - in my opinion - from a historical materialist perspective What does this mean? It is necessary to analyze a process dialectically and contradictions, which is an exercise that benefits the workers discusivo reset and libertarians on the continent. Socialism and its various expressions have been given in our recent history and Venezuelans have put on the agenda in our region. This does not mean that socialism can not be subjected to an analysis, a critique and taking a political position in relation to their expressions in the international class struggle. Not to have an opinion from our notions anarcho-communists have a skewed view of ideology as hinted several pragmatic. Rather, as libertarians can contribute not only to what is happening in Venezuela but to what comes in other African countries. In Venezuela and in any country where they have radicalized social processes must "analyze the degree of transformation of quantitative into qualitative changes, the emergence of the gradual, changes through jumps, the denial of the initial development and the negation of that negation, repetition, on a higher plane, of certain aspects and features of the initial state "(Osvaldo Sunkel," The Latin American underdevelopment and underdevelopment theory "). It is in this way, recognizing that there may be many more, we can understand if the Bolivarian process is a revolution or is possible to project a set of elements changes by leaps and revolutionaries. The degrees of transformation To the sound of the parliamentary elections, Chavez could address the government of the Republic of Venezuela with 56.2% of the votes on December 6, 1998. What at one time seemed the "repetition" of social contrast to bourgeois neoliberal institutionalism was going to show some changes. Began, gradually, to cause some economic and institutional changes that will result in an offensive of neoliberalism in the region, but not capitalism. Why not capitalism? For the simple reason that not yet a social revolution erupts with such degrees of content and forms of struggle, they have made great leaps in this century. We have not had the privilege of watching or star in such degrees of change for now, but as the Venezuelan processes give us the run-up to project more radical new processes that could explode. In Venezuela we have seen gradual processes that have resulted in mixed economies, institutional reforms and rearmament of the movement of workers and popular movement organizations. It's a new world order stage post-Berlin Wall fell where socialism comes into the scene of the debate. And therefore their analysis in regard to their form of construction is essential. These gradual changes have been a hint of danger to imperialism, what we observe when the ultra-right American and the U.S. got together November 17, 2010 at the summit "Danger in the Andes" to discuss the dangers of American and processes Venezuela special. This is a history and shows that the Venezuelan process worries right and imperialist presence in our continent. The transformations in Venezuela would be interesting to analyze them through the same conceptions of political actors in the process. With respect to the "revolution" Chavez commented on the tasks of the Bolivarian project was: "A program of transition to socialism and radicalization of participatory democracy. We start from the principle that accelerate the transition necessarily involves, redundant, accelerate the process of devolution of power to the people. The lively, effective and full exercise of people's power is irreplaceable leading enabler for the XXI Century Bolivarian Socialism .... The pattern of socialist gains measurement is: to what extent the measures and policies adopted actively contribute to the establishment and consolidation well established in a substantially democratic, social and self-control general "(Aram Aharonian, http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=165074). These words spoken are very seductive to libertarians, however, were elements that were in contradiction with the institutional and bureaucratic corruption in government, utilities and the United Socialist Party of Venezuela. But nevertheless, actually make these ideas quantitative changes in qualitative which resulted in the development of political participation of workers and popular movement, but not yet a qualitative leap that promotes a revolutionary process beyond national sovereignty and independent national state imperialism. The Bolivarian project programmatic ideas although in contradiction-that the PSUV himself acknowledges in its strategic lines - say the following: "El Comandante Hugo Chavez has repeatedly called for the Party, for the purposes of establishing a broad policy of popular participation and questioning, impulse control oriented popular governance at all levels. This popular interpellation policy is one of the main tasks of the PSUV and: recognize, organize and enable the broad social demands accumulated in our society, so that they are sustainable solutions in the context of the struggle for the construction of Bolivarian Socialism. We must recognize that this task has been, in many ways, neglected by the PSUV, partly pressured by circumstances of our political process, partly due to a wrong assessment of the relationship between the people, the Party and the government. A party detached from the struggles of the people and their demands, is a party that severely limits their ability to serve as an instrument motorizador of the socialist transformation of society. Thus, it is recognized as an issue of the highest order, as of this moment, deepen and strengthen ties between the Party and the masses. To consolidate these links, it is essential that the popular sectors are recognized in the party, ie the party can not be identified as a sort of appendage of the state, but as an instrument to accompany the people in their struggles and in the construction of Power. "(Strategic Lines of Political Action PSUV). From this we can conclude that there is a first attempt to integrate into the world of the Bolivarian government workers in order to participate in the social process of expropriation of businesses and foster their management, executive and administrative tasks of the state apparatus and utilities. This phenomenon has been gradual gradually installed in Venezuela-is gradual, and that there is still private property and a strategic business conglomerate, not to mention the lack of a true dual power characteristic of any revolutionary process, marks a worrying precedent in the sense that the main political organization of Venezuela wants to develop a popular movement to integrate the state machinery, this conception of power strongly disagrees Bolivarian popular with the notion of popular power of libertarian communism (communist anarchism and social) as it stifles class autonomy in the state, bureaucratized the process confuses workers and gives the conditions for a decline of this social process - and it is unfortunate that "libertarian" turn a blind eye, ignoring the historical project and program of anarcho-communism - . This strategy is very similar to the notion of Lenin in "State and Revolution"-yes removing the pinch of the dictatorship of the proletariat, is derived from a conclusion to overcome the bureaucracy that is wrong. From the libertarian perspective the national state, sovereignty and political power brutalize the proletariat and lead to defeat. The story is unanimous on the facts in front of these logics to operate politically as "libertarian Jacobin". In this last point is worth remembering the dead buried by history to not resuscitate. Revolutions lose oxygen with government intervention, this should be taken as clear-libertarians, and political power, national sovereignty and the nation state are ideological and political structures that will not always be on the side of workers. And Venezuela is no exception, but governments and governments, which means that there are degrees of conflict with some and possibility of tactical agreements with others. But we can never support the political project of social-democratic and populist governments native to dry, it is always important to provide the analysis to point to a revolution and its tasks: making the means of production, socialist self-management, the expropriation of private property and public services with workers' self-management. The social-democracies in the Third World governments were given conditions for the development of the labor movement and boycott imperialism, using even the most brutal means. We know directly the workers of Latin America and the imposition of dictatorship of the second half of the twentieth century were a clear sign of this. Today the new world scenario shows progressive governments in the "third world" in this new scenario can fall into confusion, because on one hand a progressive government does not necessarily translate into better conditions for the workers' struggle and building socialism. In fact progressive governments can pay for hinges antagonisms and class contradictions between the bourgeoisie and working class. What libertarians think? There are several positions that are polarized, when analyzing national problems and the development of progressive governments in the third world and especially for the "Bolivarian revolution". Examine some views on the Bolivarian process. Libertarian Alternative France posed that "Chavez is not a new phenomenon in history. It is in line with the leftist and nationalist Mossadegh in Iran in 1952, the Egyptian Nasser in 1956, and the Libyan Gaddafi in 1977. Whenever the ambition behind the rhetoric of "socialist" is emerging as a true national capitalism "(http://alternativelibertaire.org/spip.php?article754). Indeed chavismo is nothing new in these points, because in history we have seen the attempt to develop national capitalisms that conflict with imperialism. And no denying this pued national capitalism in transition to a type of socialism The remoteness of the analysis of this European organization we put on the table the levels of popular organization and certain processes are not the carbon copy of progresismos twentieth century, but not going to rodeos and gives his skeptical position chavismo The Uruguayan Anarchist Federation tells us that "people's pain is pain that hurts" and that convictions invites us to reflect with questions after giving condolences to Chavez and the Venezuelan workers duel: "In this town which goes on multitudinous Street in Venezuela's expression of pain, sense of loss of something dear. At the same time within the marked pain that a way forward, that was a line. So live it, feel it and say. "Our duty today is to continue further with socialism, the struggle of the project that the commander gave us" answers a reporter interviewed one step. Others say similar things and struggle and socialism mentioned again and again. What was this experience social subjectivity in the bottom? Difficult to respond quickly and less today. He lives in you dimension of emotion, anxiety, feeling battered. Also rebellion. That brought these winds so fluid, so contradictory, with both hope for broad sectors of the real underneath. Place where more extensive support for Hugo Chavez. What ideological elements occurred? How these elements are expressed in the morning near? " Revolutionary Anarchist Organization of Venezuela, who called to vote for Chavez, has a very interesting reading recognizing differences: "As anarchists, we always consider Chavez a partner, a brother, one in our trenches of struggle. Despite our differences and our mutual criticism was always the unity of the people and the potential of your organization articulated slogans that kept our actions. These are times to continue the fight began on 27F 1989. These are times to claim the path of struggle for life, for libertarian communism, the revolution, the revolution. "(Http://www.anarkismo.net/article/25055) There are contradictions in the discourse of several libertarian organizations and activists in relation to autonomous action, self-management and popular power in contrast to the State, bone the problem of political power. We must remember the origins of social anarchism! Workers who opposed the parliamentary political participation within the international I remind us who we are as a libertarian, although the pragmatic and revisionist blood yerba them to allege facts as "distant" in our history, but it is tail tread talking about national sovereignty as the Jacobins in the French Revolution. Or who deign to mention Bolivar Creole elite and the peasantry Latin American left wing of the mercantile oligarchies and landlords! Obviously there are different positions within the libertarian world, which expresses that libertarian communism need greater understanding of reality and a strengthening of the speech to guide the working class in the class struggles worldwide. We must remember what we are and not be Philistines. The libertarian communists we must raise awareness of the popular movement and the revolutionary subject, current events show us that lack debate, analysis and proletarian organization that accumulates both in a new revolutionary subjectivity, as well as in the construction of the bodies of our class struggle for socialism. Some conclusions Libertarians, pointing to a way of building the popular movement, we call to mind our teachings and our conclusions to not repeat our historic defeats. Self-management and control of the means of production by the workers through armed struggle to expropriation d lso d media production class autonomy in relation to the state and its inevitable fight against this, direct democracy and direct action within the labor movement, the struggle against bureaucracy and verticality are elements of our trend and that we must not forget - fuck! - This set of colleagues who dare every day in implement our convictions, which are organized in the territories, on the fronts student unions in all expressions and goings of the labor movement is a force to drive on a daily basis to build a new social fabric, revolutionary subjectivity and organs of the working class in order to create a new socialism, from below and to stand up for socialism that failed. Chavez is dead and that's unfortunate because he loved his people, but the revolution has not yet begun and Venezuela lacks a truly revolutionary direction, as the PSUV is in contrast to the construction of a new, revolutionary socialism and socialism XXI century is not very different from the advanced democracies of the twentieth century. Workers may emancipate themselves and even more progressive governments place impediments to the working class to fulfill its historic tasks and revolutionary!. Workers and the Venezuelan people's movement have a great task ahead and dependent upon the configuration of the new arena of the class struggle in the continent managed to break the structures which hinder its passage. Above the fighting! For socialism and freedom! http://www.anarkismo.net/article/25154
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donderdag 21 maart 2013
(en) Anarkismo.net: Anarchist communists Reflections on the Venezuelan process by Jos? Francisco Mago (ca)
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