(en) Brazil, Uni?o Popular Anarquista (UNIPA) - The new wave of strikes and the tasks of the revolutionary (pt)

Road from Porto Alegre, Workers COMPERJ, Garis of Rio de Janeiro and the ubiquitous fight 
against Unionism State ---- Communiqu? No. 39 of the People's Union Anarchist (UNIPA) 
March 2014. ---- The year 2014 began already marked by important fights. The road from 
Porto Alegre in January-February, the workers of the Petrochemical Complex in Itabora? RJ 
since early February and also the sweepers city of Rio de Janeiro in February-March, are 
examples of struggles and strikes. But this exemplary character does not mean they are 
only role models but are examples to be critically analyzed. ---- The strike of road from 
Porto Alegre was started at the end of January. After two weeks idly, pickets and heavy 
ideological campaign road from Porto Alegre ended their battle in the "Court of Justice of 
Labor." On the 17th of February to the labor court judge decided to strike and fix the 
terms of the "agreement".

"One of the leaders of the strike command, Alcaeus Weber said he was surprised by the 
defense made by the union during the trial of bargaining and considered the decision of 
the TRT for the victorious category, although it has been rejected by the same road at the 
last meeting (...) The strike of road from Porto Alegre lasted 15 days, 12 of them with no 
buses operating on the streets of the capital. In assembly on the last day 10, the last 
category refused to supply the company union, but decided to go back to work, 100% of the 
bus fleet in the streets " [1] .

The strike of road from Porto Alegre had an internal tension between the direction of the 
Union of Roads of Porto Alegre, the base category and CUT opposition. The CUT opposition 
in Porto Alegre "road in the fight" denounce the union gangsterism, but arise in the field 
of "governismo" supporting President Dilma and legitimacy of state intervention by the 
Labour Court.


Demonstration in solidarity with the strike of the road brought together thousands of 
students and workers in the streets of Porto Alegre.

In the case of POA the union leadership suffered a counterpoint to Strike Command, Alcaeus 
Weber connected to CUT leader explained his capitulation to the Labour Court decision. 
Your assessment that the strike was "successful", despite the agreement was imposed by 
Justice of Labor shows how the CUT leaders try to legitimize the state's decision contrary 
to the decision of the category that was to reject the deal.

So direction and CUT Opposition were in "hands" to suspend the strike and the state does 
not deepen the class struggle (developing new tactics of struggle and organization).

The end of the strike in the road shows how there is a struggle between union leaders and 
pelegas categories in the fight, but that the groups being organized in movements 
governing coalition leading the strikes and struggles within the frameworks of legalism 
and corporatism. This form weakens the category demoralizing fights and has only produced 
(unlike the name "Unionism Results") defeats for the workers.

Even using violent tactics such as picketing and depredations, the CUT-ruling opposition 
does not represent a real alternative organization for road and working class. The violent 
tactics, off an autonomous organization strategy does not produce wins in the long run, 
even in the short.

The strike of road POA shows as a category will to fight, but the bodies of the existing 
union bureaucracy hamper this fight and systematically prevent the emergence of new 
organizational forms. In POA, the weapon of the bourgeoisie and the state used to 
disassemble the strike was "negotiation" demagoguery. Relied on the internal auxiliary. 
The union bureaucracy.

In the case of workers COMPERJ the strike began on February 5 in defiance of pelega 
SINTICOM direction [2], CUT union representing workers of civil and heavy construction in 
the area. In trying to stop the outbreak of the strike, the union leaders were harassed 
and a union truck was burned. On the morning of 06/02, in retaliation, two workers who 
participated in the mobilization were shot, according to workers, by militants linked to 
union leadership. On the same day the direction of SINTICOM issued the following update:

"Since the year 2012, people without commitment to workers COMPERJ, driven by vested 
interests have taken advantage of opportunities to promote riots and riot within the 
Petrochemical Complex, making this task clutter your main weapon at the expense of workers 
throughout Brazil. With this, cause several irreparable losses to workers in their direct 
and indirect benefits, all in the quest to obtain political advantages Electioneering. It 
is safe to assume that workers fail to thrive and move forward when walking without the 
aid of real, honest union, fighter classes and orderly. These people that border on 
criminality have no autonomy nor authorized to speak or act on behalf of workers of 
Construction and Industrial Assembly, and their union, SINTICOM that with its board 
legally established by direct vote of the class, has always been guided by act within the 
law, listening to the wishes of employees. Those who participate in criminal acts, as of 
Thursday, Itabora? if they were before, workers are no longer long. Make this your main 
expedient hostile activity, this worthy police. It is a crime in this country the practice 
of: (art. 197 CP) attacking the freedom of labor (art. 200 CP) do work stoppage followed 
by violence or disorderly conduct (art. 201 CP) paralyze the work of collective interest, 
and (art. 203 CP) frustrating right guaranteed by labor law. The terror and 
destabilization of the social order does not raise any relationship. The objective of this 
union entity is the development of Rio de Janeiro state as a whole, and in particular the 
Itabora? that directly receives a big investment, spread to several cities around it. This 
initiative aims to improve the quality of life not only for workers but for all 
Brazilians. Aggression desferida the detriment of the union itself, breaking and setting 
fire to a car on public roads, acquired with resources of workers, not counting the attack 
on many of our employees, including members of the committee of workers alone testifies 
towards that these people are not working. They are part of an "armed gang" aimed 
ultimately set himself in his own cause. These attitudes will never meet the true wishes 
of employees organized around their union. " [3]

On June 08/02 the direction of SINTICOM convene meetings to assess trading and employer 
proposals, criticizing groups that mobilize category [4], but is obliged to accept the 
outbreak of the strike on 11/02, time from which pretends to direct it.


Assembly workers of COMPERJ.

Since then the union leadership has tried three times, in meetings that bring together 
more than 15,000 male and female workers, ending a strike that paralyzes in official 
figures, more than 70% of the category. In these failed attempts have failed demote the 
initial agenda that called for a 15% wage increase and food vouchers of $ 500.00, to 11.5% 
increase and worth 460 dollars.

CUT's stance toward the front SINTICOM changed the intransigence of workers. From one 
moment to the next began to recognize the legitimacy of mobilization and say that direct 
strike and are fighting for workers. However, in practice, following bullying and layoffs 
in construction sites without the union leadership to act effectively to prevent 
anti-union practices.

Indeed, the 'strategy' of the direction of SINTICOM is sitting on the negotiation table 
with Petrobras and the federal government, and none of the two agencies directly represent 
employers of outsourced workers COMPERJ. What bureaucrats do is try to negotiate a less 
damaging to the government output because COMPERJ this is of strategic interest and the 
works are already behind schedule with at least three years. Ie CUT unionists rifam the 
interests of workers in the interests of the government of the Party of "Workers".


Car of the official union ignited by the anger of workers

On 26/02 it was decided by the Assembly to continue the strike until March 10. On the 27th 
the labor courts considered illegal and the 05/03 strike, after the carnival, the board of 
SINTICOM said they would attend court order from the meeting on the 10th. However, on the 
morning of 06/03 used to take a bus strikebreakers for the construction site was torched 
by grevistas.A intervention pelega direction SINTICOM not removed the massive character of 
the strike of workers COMPERJ, but so far , managed to stop the demonstrations.

Have the strike scavenging of Rio de Janeiro had been prepared by a movement of street 
sweepers, contrary to scab union, since the end of 2013. A committee of street sweepers 
and press denounces the direction of the Union, affiliated to the UGT, by trying to sign 
an agreement that does not represent the aspirations of the category. The assembly of 
workers going on strike. The strike began, however on the first day of Carnival, March 1.

Logo on Ash Wednesday, March 05, it announced a mass layoff of workers as we can see by 
the news media:

"According to Vinicius Roriz, president of the dealership, the city will hire other 
sweepers in an emergency. "We've done a contest a few months ago already has a bank of 
people prepared to assume the duties. So some people will ever take calls immediately and 
others will be able to work, "he explained. On Tuesday (4), Comlurb said it would lay off 
about 300 employees. The statement said the measure was taken after the group have missed 
work on Monday (3). The agreement between the category and ensures Comlurb 9% salary 
increase for about 15,000 city street sweepers. By law, the two parties had until March 31 
to close a deal, but according Comlurb, "considering the motion of a representative group 
without interfering with the routine that had the job of cleaning Comlurb in recent days, 
the company and the union have accelerated negotiations and defined important items on the 
agenda of the claims. " The company was already in a process of negotiation with the labor 
union, as it does each year during the collective bargaining agreement. The strike held by 
scavenging Comlurb not have support of the municipal union that denied service paralyzed 
garbage collection. The union attributed to a "representative group without the spread of 
rumors threat of paralysis". [5]

In another report:

"In a statement released today (1), the vice-president of the Union of Employees of 
Companies Toilets and Conservation of the City of Rio de Janeiro, Antonio Carlos da Silva, 
said that" there is no movement of stoppage or strike at town Rio de Janeiro. " According 
to the statement, "the rumors of a threat of stoppage are being flaunted by a group 
without representation in the category." The union reiterated that continues to negotiate 
with the Municipal Urban Cleaning Company of Rio de Janeiro (Comlurb). Also note in the 
city of Rio, through Comlurb reiterated the information given by the union that "there is 
no strike sweepers in the city." The company announced that remains in negotiations with 
the labor union, "as it does every year in the period of the collective agreement". [6]

The mobilizations of street sweepers then gave up not only out of the union leadership, 
but against the union structure as a whole. Workers are not an opposition that "betrays a 
board", but express the antagonism between the category and the process of labor 
exploitation, which is the union of State gear.


Mass of workers enraged by poor working conditions, determined to continue the strike 
until victory.

On March 5 justice decreed illegal strike, Comlurb announced the layoff of 300 workers, 
showing the repressive function of the union of State that acts as a helper of repression 
and bourgeois state forces in the event of strike, trying to disrupt the resistance workers.

While in the labor courts POA showed his demagogic face, with the support of the 
leadership and opposition group to the board, in Rio de Janeiro justice showed his face of 
tyranny: strike declared illegal and criminalized the struggles of street sweepers.

But unlike POA, where the CUT opposition accepted the order of the Labour Court and called 
victory defeat, workers cleaning the river kept the strike and turned into a mass strike 
with popular support.

This factor was crucial to the outcome of the strike: the capitulation of the city hall, 
which dropped the layoffs announced, granting a wage increase direct and indirect benefits 
through [7]. The movement of street sweepers have contradictions and limitations? Yes, but 
he expressed the organizational and essential for the development of a class-action 
elements and militant unionism.


The strike by dustmen became a mass strike, polarizing society, and thus taking important 
steps towards self-organization and class consciousness.

It is possible to succeed in strikes? Yes, but for that you need to break with the unions 
of state, with the policy of the union federations and unions scabs. So it strikes 
categories should be transformed into mass strike.

The struggle of the workers and street sweepers COMPERJ as well as the road from Porto 
Alegre, point the way that strikes each category should become a class conflict and it 
must turn into strikes of mass mobilization, as began to be on strike by dustmen, then 
forcing the municipality to retreat for fear of resumption of June days. You need to 
launch the slogan of solidarity strike and increase the pressure to the maximum, involve 
the whole class as outlined in doing victorious strike of sweepers.

But to reach this capacity must be answered: what they meant these strikes? What are your 
relations with the popular uprising of June 2013? Answering these questions is essential 
to have a correct understanding and capacity for intervention.

Where's the Action Unit of the Central and the Left Front? In the dustbin of history ...

The UNIPA was the first political organization to characterize the protests of June 2013 
as a popular uprising. While all the forces of the "left" legal criminalized protests or 
titubeavam, we understood that it was an uprising of the marginalized, a fraction of the 
class that took the centrality of street mobilizations that were initiated especially by 
the student movement.

All communists, socialists and social democratic parties, not to mention the central and 
bourgeois and conservative parties viewed the demonstrations the threat of a rebellion 
against democracy and the bourgeois order. The PT, PCB, PCdoB PSTU and SoL (excepting a 
few chains) saw protests in June just a chaotic explosion of a "lumpen proletariat", which 
is either recognized as workers.

They tried to counter the uprising of June, a national act of "core" and a "left front" 
(multi-party), should present themselves as legitimate representatives of the true 
"protesters" (read why the "peaceful") . The central and parties were terrified with the 
slogan of the general strike that had arisen in social networks and on the streets, and 
soon the State through the office of the presidency of the republic convened a meeting in 
June with representatives of the trade union centrals and parties.

After this meeting was announced the line: unified protests make a "left front" (against 
the fascist threat) and in defense of the representation of the central and parties [8], 
the day of struggles July should be the antithesis of protests violent and messy June.

"Convened at events on Facebook and postings on YouTube and Twitter by movements not 
identified, the general strike announced for the 1st July does not count with the support 
of major unions in the country (CTB, CUT, For?a, CGTB, UGT ). The stations have announced 
through their media, there is no downtime scheduled for next Monday (1st) and that is a 
cold call. President of the Central of Workers of Brazil (CTB), Wagner Gomes, said that 
this call has no validity and that is another action of conservative and opportunistic 
sectors. According to him, the CTB, as well as other plants, has its action agenda 
presented to their respective bases and stressed "the working men and women of Brazil know 
that social network does not summon stoppage or strike and, more so, the unions and the 
central union. They know and trust their representations. " On occasion, Wagner reported 
that CTB is guiding their state to hold a series of demonstrations, on 2nd July at 
airports in major Brazilian cities. Speaking to reporters, the secretary general of the 
Union Force, Jo?o Carlos Gon?alves, Juruna. "(The act) July 1 is not the union movement, 
of any plant, is of no union, is not in any federation. It's cold, "warned the secretary 
general of the Union Force, Jo?o Carlos Gon?alves, Juruna. According to him, the events 
scheduled by social networks are creating misinformation that do not correspond to 
reality. "Facebook is just a social network, anyone write what you want. The worker must 
follow the guidance of your union, "he said. In a statement, Treasury reaffirmed that 
"whoever calls general strike is not union and Facebook events. Neither the Treasury nor 
the other union federations, legitimate representatives of the working class, called a 
general strike for the 1st of July, "says the text of the ACFTU, which accuses" 
opportunistic groups "for creating the Facebook event. (...) In order to reaffirming their 
flags, working through their unions and core class as well as social movements, call for 
July 11 a National Day of Action with strikes and mobilizations. [9]

Two were the main arguments to justify this position. The first concerned the fact that 
the protests have taken on the "violent forms" [10] (it would be better to speak of 
insurrectionary tactics with attacks on the state, capital, and destruction of property). 
The condemnation of the violence of the masses needed another justification. Order the 
right of resistance itself debunks the reactionary character of this policy.

What was that argument? The myth of "bang right and fascist threat". Designed as every 
myth he had with reality a superficial contact: the fact that assaults occur against 
"leftists" in the acts and arise slogans "nationalist and anti-corruption", which belong 
"to the right". The fact arise in various manifestations of the slogan "outside party, 
outside union" was also used as a justification.

This simplistic analysis relates solely to justify the policy of broad front of political 
parties and central government and the shield of the hegemonic political union in the 
country and the damnation of insurrectionary tactics employed in the demonstrations.

But nothing like a day after another day. The roots of the sentiment of the masses refuse 
to parties and unions derive from the simple fact that the masses, following a materialist 
logic, call chair chair. Unions and parties act as agents of capital and the bourgeois 
state. The case of the strike of the POA and road sweepers RJ (like the strike of 
education professionals of RJ and SP in 2013) show this clearly (to name only the most 
recent examples). Ie, the pervasive sense 'out and out party union' express an objective 
relationship: the integration of parties and unions in gear bourgeois domination.

The masses confuse a historical form of trade unionism, unionism itself is not surprising, 
since PT, PCB, PCdoB PSTU and SoL confuse unionism state and social democratic trade 
unionism with "itself", see no alternative outside than exist (so that accuse us of 
wanting to "destroy the unions" when we opposed trade unionism of State). Not differ, in 
that, the masses. The difference is that some want to keep this union of state for their 
benefit while the masses reject this unionism without even visualize how to fight it and 
destroy it.

The unity of action of the central and left front now show their real face, for those who 
thought she was not naked enough. In reality, this policy is now held up to ridicule: the 
June days had numerous direct and indirect gains, which the suspension increasing the 
passage of urban transport was only one. The unity of action of the central and the left 
front, but also contribute to the fights? In defeat, as in the case of POA. Direction and 
CUT opposition only worked to dismantle the State of Greve.

What is the result of unionism results? The acceptance of the imposition of the state of 
wage agreements that do not meet the needs of workers. The June days ("disorganized", 
"spontaneous", we can use all the adjectives used by reformers to disqualify the mass 
movement) produced concrete results.

But before there was the excuse that it was not manifestations of the working class. And 
the strikes that followed? What is the position of the lead before the strike? Why do 
plants not called a strike in solidarity with the street sweepers in Rio de Janeiro? Why 
accepted, as in the case of CUT opposition POA, the intervention of the Ministry of 
Labour, without triggering a strike to continue fighting for the claims? Because, as in 
the case of COMPERJ the CUT trade union leadership is not going on strike to paralyze the 
great works?

Did not, would not, will not. The answer lies in the political line of the central unions 
and the Communist and Socialist parties. As we shall see, this line is obstacle to 
autonomous organization of the masses and the development of its power to pressure and 
mobilization.

What to do? The thesis of the "lesser evil" argument x of maximum mobilization for minimal 
gains

A statement from a militant pro-CUT category of road POA is very emblematic. Before the 
intervention of labor justice and the capitulation of the leadership group and the CUT 
opposition, he declares: "There is a victory. She is small, but it exists. The biggest 
gain is implicit: true union of the category towards a goal. We managed to create a 
strike, the strike build and grow in the strike. "

This idea is a reversal of the principles of unionism. The strike is a form of struggle. 
Making the strike is not a victory. But for him and a whole bunch of trade unionists, the 
medium is transformed into "order" to justify the absence of a militant policy in the 
union. The strike ceases to be a principle and a means to be an end "in itself". The claim 
is lowered to fit the interests of capital. The labor courts intervened and decreed the 
index proposed by employers. This is a defeat in the fight capital-labor. Organizational 
gains do not override the class struggle.

Why not face this reality, the intervention of the State imposed a defeat for workers? To 
preserve the myth of the state as a neutral agent, fair arbiter between classes. This idea 
is shared by what we call social democratic unionism (and communist) and conservative 
unionism (State and / or corporate).

The Social Democrat or Communist unionism has its theoretical, strategic and tactical 
foundations in Marxist theory. This theory was consolidated in the Social Democratic Party 
of Germany that unified socialist Marxist Democrats and Republicans (Social Democrats 
expressed this fusion). What was the political union of social democracy? It is the policy 
of the lesser evil.


COMPERJ confrontation between workers and the military police. The confrontation with the 
state is placed, but capitulated by union scabs.

The politics of the lesser evil has two principles: 1) reduce the program, policies and 
economic demands, to make them supposedly more viable, "acceptable" by the bourgeoisie; 2) 
restrict the forms of action than that legally established, not compromising the strategic 
activity that is the activity of the Party within the governments, parliaments and 
bourgeois elections, within the "order." The politics of the lesser evil is the policy of 
accepting a proposal lowered the boss and not fight the proposal of categories and a mass 
socialist program, since the party or coalition party do it through legitimate, legal and 
peaceful [11] channels .

This thesis, accepted by Marx and Engels themselves, became hegemonic in so-called 
socialist and social democratic parties worldwide. Revolutionary syndicalism, anarchism 
which had its theoretical basis, was another who developed political union, lifting the 
level of organization, awareness and action outside and against the bourgeois order. The 
revolutionary trade union confederations were the main agents of this process.

Only in Russia, Bolshevism, the left wing of social democracy, employed forms of 
revolutionary syndicalism in the organization, following the organization of the masses in 
the country. But the Bolsheviks did just an instrumental use of this form of organization. 
After conquering the power created the "Union State", controlled by the Party / State had 
a monopoly on the legitimate representative of the employees union. Every attempt at union 
organization outside this state should be suppressed. Fascism copied this model and 
Get?lio Vargas created state of the union in Brazil, as well as Peron in Argentina in the 
1940s.

The Social Democrats, the influence of liberal republicanism, advocate a union with some 
degree of autonomy from the state, the Communist parties advocate the "uniqueness" (they 
think the uniqueness imposed by the state is equivalent to the unit class, which 
historically made through the freedom to organize) because they crave a state-controlled 
union that might be in the future, its monopoly. Bolshevism, post-revolution, gave birth 
to Trotskyist and Stalinist bureaucracy and to a centrist political union.

Thus, the social democratic parties and then the communist parties, adopted a very close 
union politics. The Bolshevik leaders themselves admitted that they could not break with 
the politics of the lesser evil. [12] The politics of "lesser evil" thus becomes the 
center of union policy, which determines all forms of organization, methods and program 
direction.

Mainly CUT, most central, CTB and CSP-CONLUTAS. They then try to make union activity serve 
as an instrument of the Party, and party politics affirms the necessity of forming an 
electoral front to contest elections or regular convening a constituent assembly.

Therefore, before the pre-insurrectional movement of June 2013, the watchword of the 
central unit is the front left because they feared an uprising of the people more than any 
attack by the State and bourgeoisie to the working class.

Besides the social democratic trade unionism, have conservative business unionism, and the 
State. This unionism has two bases: 1) the defense of "law and order", ie are unions that 
are in fact part of the bourgeois state; 2) the defense of the minimal losses to capital, 
ie, they represent the interests of business to the workers and not the opposite. This 
unionism is represented by the Union Force, UGT, NCST and the Confederations officials and 
thousands of notary unions.

Hence, there is a conservative business unionism and defending the interests of the 
employer, a policy and supposedly pragmatic method (results). And there is the Social 
Democratic and Communist unions advocating that one should accept the "lesser evil" in 
political union, while the party fights the "greater good" in the state.

But as the parties themselves capitulated in the state and can not perform any renovation, 
the entire system of trade union and party representation is in crisis because they simply 
have no real function for workers. The long experience of betting on reformist blocks (in 
the 1960s, the PTB block, nationalists, PCB, Communists and now the years 1990-2013, the 
PT, social democrats and communists) is crumbling before the workers. But the collapse of 
reformism is not inevitable. Reformism, just as capitalism will not fall alone, someone 
needs to take him down.

What's left to do? The anarcho-communist alternative and most diverse small Marxist groups 
(autonomists, Maoists, Trotskyists, councilists) is to ignore this and not worry about the 
race of the masses, the majority. Or fall in isolation or hipness and sectarianism. And do 
not reflect present no proposal.

The anarchist, Bakuninist alternative is revolutionary syndicalism, is to change the 
strategy and tactics of union politics. Unlike the "lesser evil" Anarchism advocates the 
policy of maximum mobilization to conquer even the least materialistic method of 
mobilization. The activity of local resistance should be connected to a claiming program 
to develop class consciousness and association. Ie, you must use the tactics of a general 
strike, solidarity strikes, the resistance box to support dismissed.

The tactic of maximum mobilization is expressed in June 2013: marches, occupations, 
boycotts and roadblocks on a national scale can concrete results. This tactic assumes the 
centrality of the autonomous organization of the class in the revolutionary process. And 
history shows: the class struggle is hard, and only after sequences of general strikes, 
insurrections, wars and crises and major macroeconomic policy changes were made. And it is 
in this context of widespread insurgency that a socialist revolution is possible.

But it is possible a revolutionary syndicalism in the midst of many difficulties, 
demagogy, repression and bureaucracy? Yeah Revolutionary syndicalism arose and developed 
amid repressive contexts such as the current and adverse. But we still have a strategic 
advantage: we are entering a world cycle of class struggle, in which internationalism and 
revolutionary syndicalism are favorable objective and subjective conditions. The task 
today is to build revolutionary syndicalism as an alternative to pasta. We need to 
understand how the situation requires us to take on this task.

Loft and turned historical: organizational dilemmas of the new strikers struggles


Revolt of the workers Jirau in 2011 puts into question the government and union scabs

Just as we were the first to state that in June 2013, Brazil was a popular uprising, now 
affirm: we are in an upward cycle of strikes which the main contradiction is between union 
status (as union leaders or even groups of social democratic opposition, as CUT) 
oppositions and categories of workers, or to use a metaphor from clearer direction 
(organization leaders) and bases (categories in the fight).

The hallmark of this cycle were strikes at construction sites of the CAP, especially Jirau 
when workers attacked and destroyed facilities of the company and the union. This upsurge 
of strikes and struggles is associated with a number of objective and subjective 
conditions. We must remember that in ultramonopolista stage of capitalism, some systemic 
movement is occurring:

1) The international division of labor have led to the deepening of the expansion of 
capitalism in the countryside, the relative reprimarization of the Latin American economy 
in Brazil and intensification of environmental and land conflicts;

2) The impact of these dynamics on the previous industrial structure and strategies of the 
Government Lula / PT, led to an association of the industrial bourgeoisie, especially 
companies "auto", the financial capital (which was interested in loans, especially for car 
purchases but also many others) and the agrarian bourgeoisie which is investing in ethanol 
production and forms of energy;

3) The combination of industrial restructuring, with neoliberal reforms that deepen 
precarious employment, increasing outsourcing and other forms of super-exploitation in 
national and global

The popular uprising of 2013 in turn showed how marginal proletariat and other sections of 
the proletariat (industrial, in commerce) feel not only the operation in the sphere of 
production, but also the movement (transportation costs, health which prevents a way of 
life). So the struggle to reduce the prices of transport and its efficiency is not a fact 
of minor importance.

There is a whole occupational diversity in the fraction of marginal or precarious 
proletariat: workers overexploited industry, trade and services, workers under various 
forms of precarious employment and self-employment, underemployment and etc..

The fragmented and repressive character of labor relations may mean that workers are 
unable to perform under a public model and open the union or that he can not act in and as 
a category. But the historical experience of the nineteenth century and the experience of 
the uprising of June in Brazil teach a few things: the mobilization can occur not only 
because of contradictions generated in the sphere of production (in the workplace and 
having as object wages, working hours and working conditions) but also because of 
contradictions generated in the sphere of circulation (ie, exchange and consumption), 
hence the importance of issues such as public transportation, inflation and price and 
quality of public services, which also affect life and reproduction of workers and 
oppressed sectors.

Hence, too, the importance of the issue of collective rights posed by popular uprising. 
The fight in this sphere is also anti-capitalist. But the characteristics of marginalized 
workers are: 1) are subjected to long working hours, 2) having to live in the suburbs, pay 
dearly for transport services and have poor housing, education and health, 3) they are 
subjected to various types of discrimination and repression; 4) work under severe 
repression and without freedom of organization without labor and unemployment insurance 
guarantees in flexible working systems, in units of small and decentralized production. 
They take action for many of the characteristics of living under this condition.

Another aspect of class analysis is the analysis of class struggles. Consider here the 
indicator of strikes: From 1998 to 2002 there is a radical decline in the number of 
strikes in Brazil. One of the main explanations for this is exactly demobilizing work to 
favor the election of Lula as president. Between 2002 and 2008 the number of strikes is 
reduced to the lowest level since 1985. It is under the effect of the global crisis of 
2008 strikes back level to intensify. The Dilma government can not have the same tools of 
containment and control, the union bureaucracy fails (as we have already indicated in 2010 
in our Fourth Congress). In 2012 we have the largest number of strikes since the year 1997 
(March in the fight against privatization in the 1990s).

At the same time, according to IPEA estimates, in 2008 were 6 million outsourced in 
Brazil. In 2011 were already 11 million, or outsourced duplicate number and entry 
coincides with a resumption of strikes. In this sense, the strikes were taking place 
against the will of the union leaderships and the year 2013 was when this trend of labor 
protest and social frustration crossed with other demands, enabling the popular uprising. 
Consider the graph of the time series:



Thus the data seem to suggest that the experience of finding that marginal proletariat 
bureaucratized unions, conciliators in 2009-2012, explains the anti-union sentiment and 
anti-party which was expressed in the streets. Because in reality, many of these workers 
must have had prior experience in corporate frustrated and ineffective struggles strikes, 
there have fallen, when they had the opportunity, in large general collective struggles, 
creating a subjective expression of latent classism that clashes with corporatist unions.

An analysis of this dynamic allows us to raise some hypotheses:

1) and the delayed unions were unable subordinates as directions, to put as a reference 
for the uprising, ending any type of fetish in the workers' revolutionary innatism exalted 
by Marxism;

2) the collective struggles (education, transportation, land), has anti-capitalist content 
(against neoliberalism and statism) and anti-imperialist, economic and political sense, 
indirect (because even if giving the sphere of circulation, they increase the indirect 
wage workers, thus reducing the margin of capitalist accumulation or creating difficulties 
for state accumulation and investment in these other sectors considered strategic) and 
direct (when the wage struggle and investment in public forms implies changing the balance 
of the appropriation the Union budget to the work thus negating the capital).

We are a global cycle of struggles with objective and subjective bases that favor the 
development of revolutionary syndicalism. But you need to create an organized force 
capable of transforming this potential into reality. Here lies an historic dilemma: 
advanced struggles, insurgent tactics emerged in June 2013, must intersect with the 
struggles of categories, under penalty of them remain in parallelism and weaken, allowing 
a resurgence of the union bureaucracy.

Under the apparent fight leftist organizations (CUT CTB) and right (For?a, UGT and etc..), 
The real contradiction is between types of conservative / corporate and 
social-democrata/comunista unionism. You need to explain that the fundamental 
contradiction is the masses with unionism state, whether social democratic or 
conservative, and you need to walk to forms of autonomous organization.

The dilemma lies in the fact that despite the objective contradictions produce fights, not 
necessarily those struggles produce alternative and sustainable forms of organization 
capable of maintaining the autonomy and combativeness of categories. As we can see from 
the case of strikes Jirau, which marked the beginning of hard struggle against the union 
bureaucracy, but it managed to restore protection on construction sites thanks to lack of 
an alternative.

"The 25 thousand workers of hydroelectric plants on the Madeira River in Rond?nia, went on 
strike today amid negotiating annual adjustment. Since construction began, there was 
always strikes in this period of negotiations. For now, only the consortium Santo Ant?nio 
Energia confirms the strike, given the morning of Tuesday. But by early afternoon, also 
Jirau workers decided to stop the services. However, unlike previous years when there were 
riots and violence in at least one of the works, the weather this year is relative 
tranquility, as reported by telephone Claudio Gomes da Silva, president of the National 
Confederation of Trade Unions of Workers in Construction affiliated to CUT (CONTICON). 
Claudinho participated in meetings today in Jirau and Santo Ant?nio plant. - In the two 
assemblies, workers rejected the proposal of business and decided to await the completion 
of stalled negotiations. But unlike the other times, it's all quiet. The union has total 
control of stoppages. The National Pact (presented by the Planalto Palace) did a job very 
well done, and this strike complies with the rules, with workers being extremely correct 
in their conduct within its normality - Claudinho said. Strikes in large projects across 
the country, mainly from the Growth Acceleration Program (PAC), led the General 
Secretariat of the Presidency last year to develop this national covenant, so that 
businesses and workers would improve their relationships and avoid atritos.O according 
brought advances such as union representation in the workplace, but has not been fully 
implemented. " [13]

As we see, the union bureaucracy has launched a counteroffensive. Are by all means trying 
to protect the workers' movement, so as not to disrupt the interests of capital. The union 
acts to regulate the action of workers now in Jirau to prevent fights undertake systemic 
interests.


Flag Opposition Forum for Base (FOB), an organization that advocates the reconstruction of 
Revolutionary Syndicalism, flutters in the march of the strike of sweepers in Rio de Janeiro.

The analysis proves Strikes: Do not just denounce the bureaucracy, not enough to 
participate in militant street protests, not just stay in the contradiction between the 
right and left organizations who advocate capital pro-union policies. Not enough to fight, 
you need to turn the battle in autonomous and sustainable organization.

Hence the historical responsibility of those who claim to be anarchists: the task of 
organizing themselves as anarchists to build revolutionary syndicalism and organize as 
workers compete for the masses, tearing claws of the bureaucracy, the bourgeoisie and the 
bourgeois state movement and the struggles of workers. Everything outside of this task is 
illusion.

So do not just fight pelegas union leaders, we need to fight against unionism state. Not 
recognize or fold before the intervention of the Ministry of Labour or the Labour Court; 
strengthen commands and strike committees base, strengthen the organization for the 
workplace. Create union oppositions which are embryos of future revolutionary syndicalist 
confederation. This is the task of anarchists and revolutionaries on the situation of strikes.

Enough of Illusion: It's Time for Action!

Organized people will make revolution!

----

Notes:

[1] 
http://g1.globo.com/rs/rio-grande-do-sul/noticia/2014/02/rodoviarios-de-porto-alegre-celebram-vitoria-e-encerram-estado-de-greve.html

[2] 
http://economia.estadao.com.br/noticias/economia,comperj-no-rio-amanhece-com-greve-de-trabalhadores,177344,0.htm

[3] http://www.sinticomrj.com.br/visualizar_noticias.php?id=60

[4] http://www.sinticomrj.com.br/visualizar_noticias.php?id=61

[5] 
http://g1.globo.com/rio-de-janeiro/noticia/2014/03/multa-para-sindicato-dos-garis-aumenta-para-r-50-mil-diz-trt-rj.html

[6] http://jcrs.uol.com.br/site/noticia.php?codn=155553

[7] "Garis and mayor of Rio de Janeiro reached an agreement at the end of Saturday night, 
with proposed salary increase of 37 per cent ending the strike started at the beginning of 
the carnival and leave large amounts of accumulated garbage in the city. The agreement was 
formalized in a conciliation hearing at the Regional Labor Court, according to the mayor, 
who had to give in before the carnival started negotiating to end the strike. " ( 
http://br.reuters.com/article/topNews/idBRSPEA2800120140309 )

[8] http://www.pragmatismopolitico.com.br/2013/06/greve-geral-no-proximo-dia-1o-e-boato.html

[9] http://www.pragmatismopolitico.com.br/2013/06/greve-geral-no-proximo-dia-1o-e-boato.html

[10] "On the other hand, also deserves our condemnation the minority that takes advantage 
of these events to vandalize public property and cause inconvenience to the lives of 
passers-by." Treasury Note, June 2013

[11] A Bolshevik leader wrote: "The social democratic reformist parties and trade unions 
often advocated in recent years the theory of the" lesser evil ". The reformists advise 
the workers accept a wage cut of 8% instead of 12% that employers "require" (not without 
prior agreement with the reformists). Then represent a victory this "profit" of 4% in 
favor of the workers. The social democratic parties hold the most odious laws that oppress 
workers with exorbitant salary contributions and gnaw on the pretext that the government 
and the bourgeoisie had intended to require workers an even higher tribute. And present it 
as a victory of the workers. " ( 
http://www.marxists.org/portugues/piatnitsky/1930/mes/forjar.htm )

[12] "How do you explain this inability to boot the working masses of the Social Democrats 
and Socialist parties and the reformists and gather, organize, and retain in our ranks who 
went to the Communist Party and the revolutionary trade union movement in the capitalist 
countries? Mainly by the fact that the reformist and social democratic traditions are 
still deeply entrenched in all areas of activity of the Communist parties, the red unions 
and union operations. " http://www.marxists.org/portugues/piatnitsky/1930/ mes / forjar.htm

[13] 
http://oglobo.globo.com/economia/trabalhadores-de-jirau-santo-antonio-voltam-entrar-em-greve-8009562