Anarchistic update news all over the world - Part 2 - 6 Nov 2016

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Uruguay, Alt. Media - FAU: "Part of the government has
      Stockolmo syndrome" - Juan Pilo, Secretary of Organization FAU /
      Lucia Varela (ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Octobre - history, 1956:
      In Budapest working class against authoritarian socialism (fr,
      it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


----------------------------------------------------------------------

Message: 1



The Uruguayan Anarchist Federation turns 60. The Secretary of Organization, Juan Pilo, 
Rompkbzas said that the country must change. "We must attack causes: spread and the 
situation changes in people, you have possibility to live a dignified life," he said. ---- 
FAU opposes the Free Trade Agreement with China. "Do not fuck me Vazquez. Let there be a 
little more than politics and people start to argue. From China, can be cheaper paper than 
we do?" Asked Juan Pilo. ---- The spokesman for the Anarchist Federation he questioned the 
treatment of public security and said the rulers suffer Stockolmo syndrome. " A lot of 
technology to control everything and everyone. But there is to alleviate the causes of 
crime. If you are born in Pocitos, you have very little chance of being criminal. If 
you're born in a sibling neighborhood as the hookah Louse, you probably have relationship 
with it requechear with drugs , "he said.

Pilo also aimed against the economic and financial policy administration. "Some things are 
laughing.? Listen to Astori with financial inclusion What world do you live, Astori In 
Santa Catalina, in New Paris, there is a handle parted in the middle and do you want to 
put it in a bank for I handle it? "launched Pilo.

"Uruguay can produce food for 50 million people, and there are people who are hungry. 
There are people with illnesses who live with 7000 pesos per month. I would give 11 
thousand pesos Minister Aguerre, and take your children to education public and public 
health, "argued Pilo about the situation.

Uruguayan anarchists also question the presence of Uber in our country. This application 
"believes that Montevideo is a Free Trade Zone where you can work without buying a plate. 
If you work in black, they come and they're conminan blank" Pilo said. FAU spokesman 
charged the Patronal Taxi and said that "zero Dourado tab, is one thing that can not be. 
All this has to do with a political articulation".

http://www.espectador.com/sociedad/343315/f-a-u-parte-del-gobierno-tiene-sindrome-de-stockolmo

------------------------------

Message: 2


The Hungarian uprising of 1956 a controversial memory. Proponents of a liberal 
anti-totalitarianism make proof that the Hungarian people adhered unconditionally to the 
capitalist model. Hungarian nationalists transform it into patriotic insurrection. One can 
also see this event for what it was: a massive revolt of the working class against 
authoritarian socialism, which rose direct democracy. ---- The context of the insurrection 
was threefold. On the one hand, following a pluralist period between 1945 and 1948, the 
Stalinist Communist Party, headed by Mátyás Rákosi, had reined in Hungarian political life 
with a particularly ferocious brutality. On the other hand, the Twentieth Congress of the 
CPSU in February-March 1956, which the "revelations" of Stalin's crimes had been timid 
echoes in Hungary, had raised the hopes of supporters of communists some liberalization, 
as Imre Nagy and the intelligentsia. Finally, the summer of 1956 saw a riotous outbreak in 
Poland against Soviet interference and the Stalinists in power.

Uprising steps

The Hungarian uprising began Moreover, among students, on solidarity with Poland, as in 
the circles of the Communist intelligentsia "liberal". Meetings were held at universities 
from 20 October, who formulated the limited claims on the Polish model: revocation of 
Mátyás Rákosi clique, formation of a government under the leadership of Imre Nagy, the 
withdrawal of Soviet troops, but also social demands (increased wages, right to strike). 
In parallel, the Union of Writers organization announced on October 23 a ceremony in 
Budapest in honor of Poland.

Mátyás Rákosi (1892-1971)

hardline Stalinist, who spent the war in Moscow, he led Hungary dictator from 1948 to 
1956, after the rigged 1948 elections, then the Communist Party purged of its "Titoists" 
elements. Also architect of the AVH, the political police, forced collectivization and 
industrialization delirious, a level achieved elsewhere in the countries of the East.
humble beginnings, therefore, essentially calling for reforms of the current regime. But 
the event allowed after the about-face of government, attracted the crowd, well beyond the 
initial circles around 18 hours, nearly 300,000 people flocked to Parliament, demanding 
the return of Imre Nagy. Simultaneously, mobs were formed in different parts of the city, 
overlooking the mobilization as an insurrection: the huge statue of Stalin was making low; 
the Radio House was invested, becoming the site of the first clash with the AVH, the 
political police, and early death of the uprising.

In parallel, the government took two decisions, one intended to appease the protestors and 
the other to take control: the appointment of Imre Nagy as President of the Council, and 
the call using the Soviet troops, accompanied by the proclamation of curfews and martial law.

Therefore, the insurrection mobilized new groups, revealing the class contradictions of 
the Hungarian society. The workers and workers of all: from the morning of the 24th, the 
strike is spreading in the factories of the capital (Csepel, Ujpest) and province (Gyor, 
Miskolc), which began to organize various forms in advice, we will return.

The army, then: on the 25th, the largest barracks in the capital, Kilian, commanded by 
Colonel Pàl Maléter passes in the camp of insurgé.es, soon followed by almost all the 
military forces of the country. Faced with the extension of the uprising, the old 
communist Imre Nagy took in the following days, several important measures: the 
introduction of ministers peasant parties after the war in the government (26 October) on 
the opening of negotiations withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary (27), but also 
abolish the one-party system (30).

In parallel, he promised the legalization and integration into the state apparatus of the 
various achievements of the insurgency: workers councils, municipal committees, insurgent 
forces. Finally, on 1 November, Nagy proclaimed the neutrality of Hungary, that is to say 
the output of Hungary from the Warsaw Pact. At that time, the strike stopped in Hungarian 
factories, at the express request of the Government, supported by the leaders of the 
workers' councils.

Repression and resistance

This was too much for the Russian leadership: from 1 November began the second Soviet 
intervention, with 2,500 tanks, 1,000 various vehicles and 75,000 Soviet soldiers. On 
November 3, the tanks entered Budapest, following a route to isolate the center of the 
city workers' quarters, including the island of Csepel. They opened fire around 4:30 am, 
while the insurgent-es stood barricades in several places, and at 8 am, the Soviet army 
had taken possession of the Radio House.

Nagy (1896-1958)

Rather close to the ideas of Bukharin, also spent the war in Moscow. Leader of the 
Hungarian government from 1953 to 1955 at the time of de-Stalinization, he tried a "new 
way": sharing peasants, partial authorization of private trade, alleviation of censorship. 
Removed from office in 1955, he became a benchmark for the nascent opposition, and the 
1956 uprising began around to claim the return of Imre Nagy to power.
Thus, for four days, Soviet troops scoured the streets of the capital, opening fire 
indiscriminately on houses to demoralize the insurgent-es - even today we see the traces 
surprisingly many in the city. It was the workers' districts which, again, opposed the 
most important resistance and longer: the districts of Ujpest, Pest-Szent-Erzsébet 
Soroksár, Csepel had been armed the previous days and have opposed an obstinate resistance 
to November 11th. In the provinces, too, is in the industrial cities that have opposed the 
strongest resistance: Pécs for example, the revolutionary council, to avoid the 
destruction of the city, decided to organize fighting in the surrounding mountains near 
5,000 working men and women, as well as students, joined the insurgents in the Mecsek 
mountains, resisted for nearly three weeks, inflicting losses to the Russian soldiers, 
before retreating in Yugoslavia.

In all, the fighting caused about 3,000 dead, 13,000 injured, and caused the emigration of 
200,000 people. As for Imre Nagy, he was arrested on 22 November and deported to Romania 
he will eventually executed on 16 June, after a mock trial where he was accused of 
plotting a conspiracy, with the help of foreign imperialists, against the Republic People 
in Hungary. More than a thousand people were executed after the end of the insurgency.

Analyses of the profound significance of the movement diverge. What is not in doubt, 
except perhaps the initial impetus around students and writers is his character worker. 
Note that Hungary very rural country until 1945, suffered from 1949 the most ambitious 
five-year plan of all satellites of the USSR in terms of industrialization.

News 1 November 1956:

In 1956, a young working class, concentrated in huge working class suburbs as Csepel, or 
in the new cities of provinces as Sztalinvàros (which increased from a few thousand to 
nearly 30,000 people in the meantime), was formed. Thus, on October 23, the crowd gathered 
in front of Parliament, and assaulted the house of the radio was largely composed of 
working men and women of the suburbs of Budapest. Between October 23 and November 1, the 
working strike in the capital but also the province contributed to the balance of power 
with the government, forcing it to harden his vis-à-vis the emissaries of the USSR 
positions. It is finally in working class neighborhoods that armed resistance to the 
second Russian intervention was strongest.

Councils, the proletariat weapons

But above all, the working class has set up autonomous bodies, of two types: first workers 
councils and the municipal councils of workers, or revolutionary councils, which gradually 
conquered the power in municipalities - both bodies merging in reality often.

Thus, from October 24, a series of workers' councils began everywhere in place, starting 
with the city of Miskolc, where a council of workers and soldiers took power and 
formulated on 25 by radio his claims which show the ambivalence of the general mood: "Stop 
the massacre of Hungarians in Budapest ... that Soviet troops leave Hungary. Make cease 
fire. We have had enough. Enough of the autocracy of certain leaders. We also want 
socialism, but in accordance with our requirements specifically Hungarian, Hungarian 
socialism, reflecting the interests of the working class and our most sacred patriotic 
sentiments. "

Power vacuum

Besides the impulse of movement, workers' councils have gradually attributed an autonomous 
social organization role. The proof is that even after the fall of Imre Nagy and the 
second Soviet intervention, the workers' councils wanted to federate, actually benefiting 
from the power vacuum, whether in government - rendered illegitimate by the use of Soviet 
troops - or even at the factory management.

Here is how Ferenc Töke, a communist worker, describes the formation of a central workers' 
council, of which he was vice president in early November: "Before the second Soviet 
intervention, the project to create a central workers council was not even formula. The 
idea was initiated only during the confused days that followed to November 4th. The 
country was without a master, the government did not exist in reality, few employees have 
the confidence of the Russian soldiers were traveling in armored cars. It is 
characteristic that the members of the ousted regime, forced by the workers to resign, did 
not dare return to the factories. "

That said, one should not overestimate the project company that represented this form of 
organization. Still for Töke, "No one suggested that the workers' councils themselves 
could be the political representation of workers. (...) Certainly, as I have said, the 
workers' council had to meet certain political, because it was against a regime and the 
workers had no other representation, but in the minds of workers, c 'was provisionally. "

Recovery of the revolution

Unfortunately, the Hungarian uprising is not mobilized today, at least in Hungary, to 
promote the merits of a self-managed way to socialism or self-organization of the working 
class. Until fairly recently, the memory that dominated was that of Hungary of the 1980s, 
liberal, who saw the dead 1956 martyrs of Westernization, the willingness of Hungarians to 
leave the Soviet bloc to join the market economy and representative democracy.

For ten years, the 1956 memory is reclaimed by the government, and worse by far-right 
militias. Include the demonstrations following the 2006 revelations of corruption scandals 
of the Social Democratic government in power: at this time, far-right militias staged a 
riot in front of the Radio House to celebrate in their own way 50 years of the beginning 
of the insurrection of October 1956 chanting "Gyurcsány[head of government in 2006]dirty 
Jew! " On a more institutional level, Parliament Square, which was the starting point of 
the event, is now decorated with various symbols of the uprising: knowing that the 
planning set up in this place of center Budapest respond as a whole to a protofasciste 
aesthetic, emphasizing, besides 1956, the heroes of the nation and of the nineteenth 
century ... the authoritarian Horthy regime between the two wars.

That said, we must be clear about the intentions of the actors of the uprising: except for 
a few aristocratic émigrés that emitted from a radio station in Vienna, he was for anyone 
going back to the capitalist system.

Gyula (U 93)

THE YEAR 1956 IN HUNGARY

February: Twentieth Congress of the CPSU and "revelation" of Stalin's crimes.

28 June: Uprising in Poznan, Poland.

October 23: Demonstration in Budapest in support of Poland, which is transformed into 
insurrection; Nagy return to head the government; call for help to the Soviet troops.

October 24-30: constitution of workers' councils; passage of the barracks to the 
insurgency; Nagy concessions to insurrection (back to multiparty system, announced the 
neutrality of Hungary ...).

November 3: Entry of Soviet tanks in Budapest, start of the crackdown that will 2500 deaths.

Late November: End of the insurrection, formation of a government of Janos Kadar around.

June 16, 1957: Execution of Imre Nagy.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?1956-A-Budapest-classe-ouvriere

------------------------------