Today's Topics:
1. afed.cz: A city for people, not for profit! -- A brief
report from the Ostrava demonstrations against speculation with
apartments. [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL-Rouen: Solidarity with the
people of Kurdistan in Rouen November 5 (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. provo.gr - Athens: Feminist march against rape culture
[Saturday 12/11, 12:00] by Athos Simonetis (gr) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. awsm.nz: Vote For Nobody...Nobody Tells The Truth
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. anarkismo.net: southern africa, In the ANC's battle of
factions there are no superheroes by Shawn Hattingh
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Password the title was on the main banner in a demonstration on Sunday, October 30, 2016
convened to Ostrava local anti-authoritarian initiative Wake houses. Action should refer
in particular to practices of RPG Flats, which according to the organizers of the protest
"a symbol of the criminal privatization of state property, which still hurts." They remind
us, among other things, the fact that in 2015 this company was sold under unclear
circumstances turnkey created companies, which through intermediaries in Luxembourg and
the Netherlands own a giant US investment fund Blackstone. It is known around the world by
coming to declining regions to take advantage of decimation for their own financial
benefit. ---- RPG Flats in Ostrava regularly increasing rents, creating segregated sites
and buildings in its ownership additionally invest practically. The result is worse and
more abandoned housing. The only investments in the housing fund financed from eurodotací.
Exceptions are several lucrative addresses from which the company would RPG liked more
luxurious housing for the wealthy. Even though the company relies on free market rents,
RPGs are higher than those purely market. RPG region has a monopoly on housing prices and
can determine itself. In poor region, where a lot of retirees, it has disastrous consequences.
The demonstration began after the noon hour in the street Žofínský, which for this purpose
arrived about a hundred people. You can see the banners "All Power to the Imagination",
"Key yours. Wake houses "," houses without people. Homeless people "or" "RPG stinks. Flats
people "and many signs with various slogans, such as" The housing nekšeftuje, ""
Capitalism (sometimes) can, in your fucking life "," Speculation is not fun, "etc.
Inscription" The clinic is worth Ostrava, "then referred to the initiative of the Prague
autonomous Ostrava city center to support the demonstration.
Local collective Food Not Bombs ensured refreshments. Wake houses have had a petition
booth and distributed the brochure "City People", which explained the broader context of
gentrification and practices of the corporation Blackstone. Among the first journalist
Sasha spoke Uhlová already about two years following closely what is happening around
speculation of flats in Ostrava.
The head of the subsequent parade, which took the form of street party accompanied by a
mobile sound systems, were several mimes with brooms and buckets who symbolically cleaned
the city from housing speculation. Chanted many themed slogans like "RPG expropriate" or
"City of the people, we'll come again" until there was a building society RPG Flats. There
voiced other speeches. Speakers here Jan Majicek of SocSolu, Monika Horakova of the Green
Party, Jan Snopek on the Platform for social housing, which addresses a man about his
experience with the company criticized in whose home lives. Live musical element arranged
punk singer-songwriter Dasa fon bottle.
In front of the RPG were posted handwritten messages for this company. People in costumes
in front of her seat with stones, but the problem came when one of them tried to clean and
glass doors. You end up before the windows protect the cordon of the city police. Yet they
were policemen relatively calm, many of them because they know and admit that what makes
RPG crap.
The downside was that almost did not reach those who may be most affected by the problem,
ie tenants. According to organizers, they are afraid. No wonder he later discovered that
the action of secrecy involved and the person from the RPG.
Demonstrations, but the protests end. Another was held the next day, on Monday, October
31, when a group of about ten activists got into the building and RPG with brushes and
cleaning agents continued happening cleaning Ostrava speculation on flats. Knowledgeable
company employee in a suit, who monitored the demonstration the previous day, called the
police and tried to appease the present promise that he is still hears outside the
building. Although the proposal to the original plan came to his questions finally get the
real answers as well.
Related Links: Photoreport: RPG Company already smells Ostrava We clean the city from the
speculative housing Cleaning the RPG, yet mock After Bakala could be worse
https://www.afed.cz/text/6554/mesto-pro-lidi-ne-pro-zisk
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Message: 2
Evening organized by the Kurdish Democratic Community Centre in Rouen (CCDKR), Alternative
Libertaire, Together Revolutionary Left, NPA, PCF, Saint-Etienne-du-Rouvray really left,
Solidaires 76. ---- The unit of collective solidarity Kurdistan (including G is a member)
and the Kurdish cultural center Rouen organized an evening debate and solidarity (with
catering and festive party). ---- November 5 Saturday ---- from 7:00 p.m. to 11:00 p.m.
---- in the great hall of the Halle aux Toiles in Rouen ---- (free entry) ---- Video,
buffet lunch, tea, dance and folk music ... ---- Debate with: ---- Pascal Torre
(Association France-Kurdistan) ---- Tuba Ezer (Peoples Democratic Party HDP) ---- Khalid
Issa (Democratic Unity Party, PYD-Syria) ----
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Solidarite-avec-les-peuples-du
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Message: 3
we want to be free - not brave ---- A year ago we gathered feminist groups and individuals
and organized microphones in thisio occasion raping a woman in response to sexist violence
that we accept all day. K Inactive rape is not an isolated incident . Today we go down the
street to shout that behind them there is a whole culture: the culture of rape. ---- The
culture of rape is the result of the overall patriarchal culture and are part of our
everyday lives. We learn from small to live and survive in it. It is in every sexist joke
on tv, music, legislation, in the street, in the words and attitudes. However, it is most
often tacit, veiled, a common secret. ---- The culture of rape is not a theoretical
scheme. It is our daily lived experience. Affect all objects that do not belong to the
dominant masculinity. On the way, we have to deal with Psst Psst, the "What ... are you?",
The wink, the whistle, chouftoma the bus and everything else that everyone feels "right."
At school we must take care not to tell us "virgin," but no "easy". In our homes, husbands
/ boyfriend always come first before our own desires, uncles or family "friends" will
stretch out a hand and nobody will learn, because "non in dimo in the house" and the shame
must be always ours. At work, bosses or peftoulas colleague, one who underestimates us,
making sexist comments and we need to caulk and be grateful that we work. Hiding sexist
comments, suggestions on how to park. When self-appointed knights appear to say "do not
bother the girl" - the same types that comment and rate our bodies as if we are objects,
or who think that a lesbian would "estrone" if they had the appropriate cis straights
lover. Everyone believes that he has reason for our sexuality, and right on our body and
our behavior - we are told to smile more often, not to be grumpy, sour, excessive.
The "right woman" is an impossible ideal, made of contradictions and male fantasies. Must
be nice and sensible, tidy but not pickled, but not kitty slut, experienced but without
having gone to many coke. Whatever departs from these stereotypes are derided, violation,
punishment or becomes invisible (does not exist after having not looking at / commenting /
violate). But everything converges in most of these standards is not spared from the
above. Similarly, the "right man", another ideal, according to the patriarchy must be
strong, energetic, courageous hunter, with unrestrained impulses - to and is entitled to
discharge them. The construction of this masculinity begins very early, with instructions
and exhortations of an entire social environment that screams "men do not cry", "show who
is the man", while consent or turn a blind eye when men fleeing to gendered violence to
assert their sovereignty. At the same time, the responsibility for what is happening to us
falls upon us. Blame provocative dressing, flirting, place and time we release that drank
more, we wanted to have sex and then changed our minds. But never blame the one who
stretches out his hand, which never asks, that ... that ...
Fear of rape, beyond justified, constitutes a functional element of rape culture. Educated
from young to fear the possibility of rape and this keeps us disciplined. Fear has played
such a crucial role in our socialization, so we know when to adopt precautionary
strategies. Fasten the jacket to prevent us recruit male radar as "apocalyptic" dressed.
Wait to get into the building, our girlfriend who escorted her home, or to keep the number
of taxis.
The rapes are not isolated events do not occur under specific conditions nor the rapists
are breed specific. In public discourse classified as 'dragons', but we know that it is
ordinary men: fathers, spouses, neighbors, girlfriends, classmates, teachers, classmates,
coworkers, bosses, comrades. Are the men next door - not "monsters". There is also no
coincidence that the media often presented as mentally ill, "irregular" migrants Other
racially and religiously. So rape is opportunity to play racist speech and responsibility
always belongs somewhere 'else', not the bunch Greek patriarchal culture.
Not to remain the treatment of rape culture a solitary process, discussing between us all,
we find many common points, we come closer, we become stronger. As if each person survives
in it, it is good to know that you do not need to be alone. We are here for each other .
We support ourselves, our friends, our mothers, our sisters, our neighbors, the unknown
that we meet on our way. Trans, cis 1 , migrant, indigenous, girls, boys, slut, thick,
blonde, hairy, every age, out on the street and into the house, all together we can
resist. We learn to defend ourselves, we learn to pit, we learn to talk with each other
with respect and listen to others. We make groups to demand the space you need.
Protest against rape culture . We dare to question the gendered self explanatory
eterokanonikis matsilas of ethnopatriarchikis disgust. So, even a little, alafrainoume
gendered baggage loading us: guilt, shame, fear. We will not stop this fight until the
last of us to be able to move out there, as she wishes. Because no one can be truly free,
until we are all free .
Athens, 12/11/16
Coordinating groups and individuals (LGB, bra-stards, Beflona) against rape culture
1Cis: people who identify as their gender, sex assigned to them at birth or rather sex
that express not go against the sex believe the parents and so on society that they must
express, based on the physical attributes of their bodies. Individuals who are not called
cis trans. The term used to destigmatize the term trans. When I admit that I am cis, it
means that I accept that there are people who are not cis, and therefore does not attach
"normality" in my situation and depreciation on their own.
????:http://tinyurl.com/zgg7y5s
http://www.provo.gr/antirape_demo/
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Message: 4
The recent local elections have seen a continuation in the decline in the numbers of the
people taking time to vote. Along with this comes the usual soul searching and hand
wringing among commentators in the media wondering just what is going wrong, and how can
it be fixed. ---- The usual possible solutions are offered including on-line voting,
making voting compulsory, a "none of the above" option being placed on the ballot paper,
or a "no-confidence party" being formed for the disaffected. Of course some just consider
the electorate to be too distracted by other things, too ignorant, too ungrateful of
living in a democracy, or just too lazy. ---- From my experience of talking with people
who don't vote there is an instinctive repulsion for our politicians and the system that
hands them a nominal position of power, while not really troubling the corporate giants
who really hold the reins. They know that their vote is worthless, politicians make
promises they have no intention of keeping, and that it doesn't really matter who you vote
for as things will not change. There is a famous anarchist poster that says, "vote for
nobody, nobody tells the truth," and it certainly seems that with each passing local and
central government election nobody is getting more and more popular.
While we're not against democracy per se, the problem with relying on voting to change
things under our parliamentary system is that it still locks the individual into the
system that has been reflecting and defending their interests pretty poorly. We need to
change our whole thinking of how to look after our interests. Trusting them to politicians
is not working.
As we face a world of climate collapse, poverty in the face of obscene wealth, and
permanent war, our representative democracy is in fact part of the problem of a broken
system. It endorses and legitimates an unjust political system and makes us look to others
to fight our battles for us, while at the same time offering us the illusion that electing
parties to office means that people have control over their own lives.
With the goal of electoral politics being to elect a representative who will act for us,
our system blocks constructive self-activity and direct action, and leaves most with a
tendency to entrust important matters to the "experts" and "authorities," when the reality
should be the opposite. No one else is suited to know what is best for us than ourselves.
In fact far from empowering people, electioneering dis-empowers them by creating an
expectation of a "leader" figure from which changes are expected to flow. Because of this,
instead of building worthwhile alternatives in our communities and workplaces, political
participation merely becomes the activity of campaigning and voting. Instead of
participating in decisions that affect our lives, we become passive observers as we hand
that power over to others who don't necessarily have our best interests at heart.
Instead we need to be looking outside of parliament and local authorities to solve our
problems. Such extra-parliamentary activity, based around individuals solving their own
problems by their own actions, not only can achieve changes, but also builds confidence in
people, teaches them how to use their initiative, and helps create solidarity between us
all. Most importantly it breeds a sense of individual and collective power, giving a sense
of what we do matters and that we can change the world.
Nothing will ever change unless we ditch our reliance on politicians and act for
ourselves. It is only through the use of action that we can force the establishment to
respect the wishes of the people. In short, what happens in our communities, workplaces
and environment is too important to be left to politicians, or indeed the ruling elite who
mostly control governments.
Abstention from the ballot box allied with vibrant and powerful movements built around
extra-parliamentary activity is the only way we can meet the challenges facing us as we
face an increasingly uncertain future, and will send a powerful message to the powers that
be that we are serious in our desire for change. However, if you must vote, don't expect
too much, and remember that what is really important is what we do every other day of the
year to protect our own and our community's interests.
http://www.awsm.nz/2016/11/02/vote-for-nobody-nobody-tells-the-truth/
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Message: 5
The battle between Pravin Gordhan and Jacob Zuma has been presented along the lines of a
superhero comic. Gordhan, the hero, is portrayed as the last defence against the rampaging
villain, vile Zuma. And like all superhero tales Gordhan the good appears to be gaining
the upper hand over Zuma the bad - especially since corruption charges have been dropped
and the damning Public Protector's report on state capture has been released. ----
Certainly Zuma is deserving of our contempt: he is the most corrupt President South Africa
has had since 1994 and offers very little that is positive. Yet, it is an
oversimplification to blame him solely for the corruption that wracks the state or the
factionalism that exists to gain hold over it. Doing so avoids looking at the harsh
structural realities that fuel it - the legacies of apartheid, the nature of the state,
the orientation of the ANC, and neoliberalism. On the other hand, it is also an error to
see Gordhan as embodying all that is good, and for the workers and the unemployed, and
specifically black workers and the unemployed, his faction triumphing offers little.
Superheroes, none of them are.
It may sound like a cliché, but the origins of the corruption within the state and related
factional fights within the ANC, have their geneses under the form of capitalism that
developed during colonialism and apartheid. Central to capitalism within South Africa has
always been the racial oppression of the black working class. This oppression enabled huge
profits to be made, because it allowed the wages of large sections of the population to be
held at extremely low levels. The same racial oppression also meant that aspirations of an
elite within the black population were also violently and deliberately frustrated. To this
end, colonialism and apartheid stunted a black elite developing into a genuine capitalist
class.
In its orientation, the dominant leadership within the ANC has traditionally been
comprised of this frustrated black elite. This leadership never sought to overthrow
capitalism - in other words the key people in the ANC did not intend to overturn the
social relations, defined by the exploitation of the working class, that shape it. It
rather sought to overcome the frustration of this elite through opening the space within
capitalism for them to rise into a capitalist class. Even the nationalisation of the mines
and banks as outlined in the Freedom Charter was not about socialism; it was rather about
using state ownership of these to build up a black section of the ruling class. Nelson
Mandela, himself, made this point explicitly at the time. In fact, states - along with
playing a central role in ensuring capitalism functions - are hierarchical structures that
generate a section of the ruling class in their own right (the Soviet Union was a prime
example) and the ANC leadership intended to use this feature to do just that.
Fast forward to 1994. By the time of transition, using nationalisation had fallen out of
favour. Nonetheless, due to the legacy of apartheid top positions in the state, and links
to such people, remained essential for building a black section of the ruling class. In a
seminal document produced in 1998 - the State, Property Relations and Social
Transformation - the ANC was extremely open about this. It outlined that the state through
government procurement and regulatory interventions was key to furthering the development
of a black capitalist class. This also formed part of the deal that was made during the
transition in 1994. One of the key outcomes was that white capitalists were guaranteed
continued ownership of the mines, banks, factories and farms. In return an ANC elite was
allowed control of the state and in conjunction with BEE this would enable an ANC linked
elite to join white capitalists in the ruling class.
Neoliberalism has played a central role in this process. The ANC led state has attempted
to use outsourcing at every level to foster a black capitalist class and middle class. The
national government alone now spends more than half of its budget on procuring services
and goods - in other words there is massive outsourcing and tendering.
From the very beginning this fuelled the prospect of competition, the lining of pockets
and accompanying factionalism. This has resulted in the elite in the ANC being at war with
itself at every level, fighting over opportunities for accumulation through the state and
the tenders it offers. This is precisely why a faction around Zuma challenged the Mbekites
for control of the state. It is why when side-lined from opportunities to accumulate
wealth through the state, Malema and his cohorts challenged their erstwhile patron, Zuma;
eventually forming a new party. The battles between the Gordhan faction and the Zuma
faction are also mostly about access to wealth through the state; for most of the
participants they are not about principles, but rather material interests. This though is
not unusual, the apartheid state too was defined by such features. The wealth of an
Afrikaans elite was dependent on connections to the state - as English capital was
dominant in the private sector - and nepotism and factionalism were key features. In
essence we should not be surprised factions within the ANC are fighting to control the
state: their wealth depends on it. The trough, however, is small; only a few can ever join
the ruling class.
Consequently, what we are seeing is simply one faction fighting another. Gordhan's faction
is close to white capital - as some commentators have pointed out and which the Zuma camp
has played up. But this faction is also not just simply a puppet of white capital, it is
also comprised of elements that want to leverage opportunities via links to white capital
certainly, but also through control of the state. Some of its members too have
traditionally used the state and BEE to accumulate vast amounts of wealth - Zuma's faction
was pushing them increasingly out, and now there is a backlash. Its members have also
implemented neoliberalism in their own class interest. In doing so the faction has been
profoundly anti-black working class. The wealth of this faction - like that of white
capital - derives from the exploitation of the black working class. It is, therefore, not
a faction of saints and superheroes.
The Zuma faction, on the other hand, is using the state to make hay while the sun is still
shining - make no error it is pillaging on a vast scale. But it too has historically had a
close relationship with elements of white capital, it too exploits and oppresses the black
working class, and it too has implemented neoliberalism. Certainly leading white
capitalists are now feeling a growing discomfort with Zuma, but not because of principles
- as they have been in corrupt relationships for decades - but because his faction's
looting is just too blatant and some of them are being left out.
The fight, therefore, is not about one good man standing up to one evil one. The path that
has led us into a situation where factions fight over the state comes from the past. It
stems from the orientation of the ANC; the manner in which colonialism and apartheid
shaped relations in the country; the nature of the state as an instrument of class rule
and accumulation; and neoliberalism as a vehicle for business opportunities and
accompanying corruption. The solution for workers and the unemployed is not to back one
faction against another - both factions offer them nothing. Rather the solution lies in
fighting the social relations, and accompanying structures, that have led us down a horrid
path. The saviour of workers and the unemployed, and in particular the majority black
section of this class, are the workers and the unemployed in terms of their own actions
and self-organising - and acclaimed superheroes be gone.
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/29749
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