#Worldwide #Information #Blogger #LucSchrijvers: #Update: #anarchist #news and #information all over the #world - 17.01.2020

Today's Topics:

   
1.  yeryuzu postasi: 'Pension Reform' in France temporarily
      withdrawn, unions will continue strikes until complete withdrawal
      (tr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  anarkismo.net - A review of a movie set in World War 1: 1917
      by LAMA - AWSM (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Canada, Collectif Emma Goldman - [Rojava] "We fight for
      life" - Testimony of a Catalan anarchist and feminist who fought
      in Serekaniye (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] 
     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  liberta salonica: Solidarity interventions by AO
      (Thessaloniki Region) at OTE strike (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  anarkismo.net: The Democrats Vs. Trump After Impeachment --
      What Next for U.S. Politics? by Wayne Price (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






French Prime Minister Edouard Philippe, the country's strikes and demonstrations in the retirement reform that led to the full pension of
workers envisaged for the 64-year application has been temporarily abandoned. However, the joint trade unions CFE-CGC, CGT, FO, FSU,
Solidaires, MNL, UNEF and UNL issued a joint statement calling on workers, laborers and youth to continue the strikes until the draft was
completely withdrawn and to strengthen the strike areas. ---- In the statement of the trade unions, the mass actions on 9, 10 and 11 January
were mentioned and the strikes started on December 5 with the participation of workers from all professions such as railway, education,
health, law, energy, refinery metallurgy, and the participation of college, high school and university students. it was emphasized that the
determination of the mass action and the strike would continue to support the public despite the manipulations of the government and the
collaborative media, and that the absurd bill had no benefit to the workers, laborers and youth, and would further deepen the inequality
between the new law and men.

On the 14th, 15th and 16th of January, trade unions calling for kadar to victory yeniden again called on workers, laborers and youth to
participate in the protests and to support the areas where the strikes took place. If there is a negotiation, the pension reform will not be
related to the draft law, protection and improvement of the existing law, increasing wages, raising pension conditions and salaries, and
opening up real negotiations against poverty and futures.

Against pension reform, the Central Bank organized the CGT trade union from Monday 13 January to Paris-La Coureneuve and the northern bank
of Sainghin-en-Mélantois. will launch strikes and blockages towards their stores. It is announced that the two main warehouses are France's
4/1 cash money warehouses. The union said the action could be extended to different regions.

http://www.yeryuzupostasi.org/2020/01/13/fransada-emeklilikte-64-yas-uygulamasi-gecici-olarak-geri-cekildi-sendikalar-tamamen-geri-cekilene-kadar-grevleri-surdurecek/

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Message: 2






Drama comes from giving somebody a task then putting obstacles in his/her way. This fundamental aspect of storytelling is understood in
‘1917' a new movie about the experiences of a soldier in World War 1. ---- Its April of that year and in a reversal of Saving Private Ryan,
a single soldier is sent to rescue a group. A disastrous attack is being planned and the chosen Tommy must cross no-mans-land to deliver a
message calling it off. The added incentive, in this case, being that his own brother is among the battalion in danger. He takes another
soldier with him and they set out on the mission together. That's the story. ---- There is no character development as you might get in
other Ur-quest narratives. Here the growth is not internal, it's simply a matter of geography. In case that is seen as shallow, Director Sam
Mendes employs a few techniques to help us empathise. The most obvious one is a pseudo-single take that repeatedly places the camera behind
the protagonists at either waist level or shoulder height to give us the feeling of being along with them for the ride. This also works by
using the standard horror movie approach of not showing us what the imminent danger is immediately but visually drip-feeding us until we get
the big reveal. Likewise, the overbearing soundtrack that shouts out how we are meant to feel, instead of letting us work that out. Another
is tracking shots to give an additional sense of propulsion. It is manipulative but only in the sense that any constructed artwork is a
manipulation. Since it is well executed, it works to overcome the inherent weaknesses of the scenario.

Mendes has a strong visual sense both in terms of compositions and pallete. He is capable of finding a strange lyricism in the every day
(remember the plastic bag in American Beauty?). Here he takes the two leads and pushes them through an abandoned dugout. They overcome
literal obstacles following an explosion and come out from the actual underworld and cross over into a figurative styx -like underworld. The
obvious and traditional way (the classic example being All Quiet on the Western Front) to go at this point would be to throw a one-sided
array of World War1 signifiers at us (rats, mud, rotting corpses, barbed wire, rain) to let us know war is hell. All of those feature but
Mendes reaches deeper to a less obvious set of imagery. Without wishing to spoil anything, this includes languid views of cherry blossoms in
a deserted farmhouse and later a river, an airplane crash, the blood draining from a soldiers face, a severely bombed-out village at night,
a fire, and a soldier singing a gospel song. All of these are exquisitely framed and look beautiful yet the collective result is one that
adds a kind of morbid creepiness to the feel of proceedings. The metaphysical implications of the protagonists crossing the suggestively
named no-mans-land and then being placed in an often dream-like environment is admittedly hard to quantify but it is there, and is far more
effective than the simplistic techniques already mentioned.

The story rolls along to its conclusion with the audience still largely on board. That being the intention, the mission of the film-makers
is successful. It is technically well made and acted and to the extent this can be said to honour the memories of those who died, it is also
successful. However, you may not necessarily learn much about World War 1 from this movie or why so many workers in uniform went out to kill
other workers on behalf of King and Country. Perhaps by keeping the subject of this war in the limelight by existing at all, ‘1917' might
cause a few viewers to take sufficient interest in the topic to use it as a springboard to do just that. Hope so.

Related Link: https://awsm.nz/?p=4393

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31727

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Message: 3






Interview with an anarchist and feminist from Catalonia, who after learning what was happening in the north of Syria decided to join the
revolution and who participated in the resistance of Serekaniye until the moment when she received the order to withdraw. ---- Text
published on the Kurdistan website for women. Link to the original, here . ---- One of the first cities attacked during the Turkish invasion
that began on October 9, 2019 was the municipality of Serekaniye, where 10 days of fierce resistance was waged, until the cease-fire was
agreed - never fully respected - which involved the withdrawal of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) from Serekaniye. ---- Why did you
decide to go to Rojava? ---- I think mainly because of the role that I understood that women played in the revolution, because of their
position in the avant-garde and of all the historical struggle which they developed during so many years. The benchmark they have created -
and still are - for building a society that works horizontally. Because it is true that from here, we listen, read and discuss what is
happening at Rojava, but you must come to see it, and this is something that I understood after the experience of others comrades who went
and returned. See how a territory punished by oppression and totalitarian regimes is rebuilt and accepted in an autonomous territory, in a
democratic system,

I saw in this revolution many things that we miss in Europe. How to build a strong revolutionary project, with continuity, anchored in
society and which includes women, a project where women are at the forefront? And how do you defend all of this? How can we do it at home?
For me, coming here was a logical and necessary step.

How did you end up in the Battle of Serekaniye?

At one point, after spending a little time getting to know the company and working there, I decided to take the step to join the YPJ
(Women's Defense Units). I could see how the women were suffering, join the YPJ to free themselves, because the only prospect of life
socially possible for many women is to marry a man chosen by the family and to be locked in the house. It was something I had been thinking
about for a long time, but after working a lot with women in society, I started to connect a lot with it. I wanted to know more about the
ideological and life process of the Kurdish and Arab women brought up in Rojava.

When you live here for a while, at least this has been my experience, you end up loving somehow the whole history of this land, not only for
what it teaches you day by day, but also for the connection with the history and the struggles where I come from. I also felt that as an
internationalist, my involvement had to be in the defense of this land, these ideas, this history. So I decided to do my military training
at the YPJ and join the defensive tasks of Rojava. One of my first jobs was in Serekaniye. I was sent with an advocacy group and arrived 2-3
months before the first threats from Turkey against the city began. All the while, we were preparing the city, guarding and all that.

What do you mean by preparing the city?

On the one hand, to prepare the city on the physical level, on the military level, to be able to defend it against an air and ground
invasion, to make all the necessary constructions. On the other hand, prepare the city on a social level. On the other hand, many of us did
not know the city well, so we had to spend time getting to know it, but also getting to know all the other groups, helping them with
whatever was necessary, the logistics , The surveillance...

How did society react to this situation?

You spend 24 hours with them, you live with them, in their neighborhood and you get to know everyone. Serekaniye had experienced the war in
2012, they already knew what it was, so the atmosphere was a little tense, quite tense. When you go to talk to families, you have to be
strong, with high morale. There are all kinds of reactions. But I must say that during the preparation time, the people were very lively.
They said, "This is our land, we will defend it." People would open their doors for you. A large part of civil society participated in the
preparation of the city. In logistics, food ... people were very busy, there were a lot of bawerî[faith], a very strong belief in what they
were doing. They knew that one task was no more important than the other, that if one did not cook, the other did not eat and could not
fight, and if one did not fight, they could not defend this, and nobody would eat. That if they don't exist as a society, the YPJs don't
exist either and vice versa. And a very strong feeling, which united everyone, the feeling of bonding with the earth, of wanting to defend
it. Everyone has seen Erdogan's fascism, everyone. There has also been a lot of discussion about the role of the United States, there has
been a lot of discussion around the idea that America is the enemy of Rojava. It was very important for me to be able to have these
political discussions. There has also been a lot of discussion about the role of the United States, there has been a lot of discussion
around the idea that America is the enemy of Rojava. It was very important for me to be able to have these political discussions. There has
also been a lot of discussion about the role of the United States, there has been a lot of discussion around the idea that America is the
enemy of Rojava. It was very important for me to be able to have these political discussions.

Mothers... it is the mothers we see who suffer the most, because they have no economic resources, they have a lot of children, few
possibilities to move around... But I also saw that in practical terms the the presence of the YPJ helped women a lot. Because you spoke to
them and they said to you: "It is good that you are here", and it was a bestial experience, to create this bond, to give strength and
morality to society. For me, seeing the mothers was a very strong thing because you see, when the girls joined the YPJ, they were afraid, in
a way you steal their hearts, right? But they know their daughters are joining to defend them, to defend their mothers, and they are very
proud. I thought a lot about my mother, Catalonia, my companions everywhere ...

How do you remember October 9, the day the attacks on Serekaniye started?

The day before, there had already been an attack, a bombardment, but it had been decided not to answer. So it was a bit of a backstage
conversation, among the comrades who were part of my little group. We were saying, "What's going to happen?" Two days ago, we were on the
street on night duty and everything was too quiet. At some point, the body feels it because the tension increases and the body feels it.

And on the 9th, I remember it was past noon, we were in our normal position when we heard the first bombing and from our position we could
see the smoke. I remember all my body, all my blood that said to me: "now, come on, let's start". And of course, I had not yet felt such a
strong sensation, and to see it physically... We all met at home and our commander said to us: "everyone is getting ready, take your
backpacks, take a stand ". From that moment on, it was as if things were slowly falling apart ... Suddenly, there are many noises that you
do not understand ... There was a lot of smoke, the city was ready to avoid the observation of the sky by drones and moving around under
this smoke affects you psychologically.

I guess the sky factor was very important, right? How was it to fight an army supported by war planes?

The first days were very hard, because with the first bombings, the first massive victims arrived. They are not war victims of an urban war,
they are victims of explosions, whole groups of people, it is another type of war. In the beginning, for example, transporting the wounded
from Serekaniye to Til Temir was a lottery. Ambulances and civilian convoys, which posed no military threat, were bombed. People were
bombed, and then people who went to fetch the bodies that had just been bombed were also bombed. There were no scruples, just a desire to
conquer the territory.

When there were planes, at the beginning, we made jokes with our comrades. When we felt the noise of an airplane or a drone, there was
always someone who said: "It will happen, it will happen!" But it is really the uncertainty of thinking if they have already detected it
before, if they will shoot where they know they should. The uncertainty of saying "where will it land?" The first feeling is that of flight,
but of course, the fact is that when you run away, it is when you are detectable. We kept our cool, when we saw them nobody was moving, we
controlled fear, uncertainty, that voice which told you if you had done well before and that they had not seen you,

I had a lot of confidence in the comrades with whom I shared the first days, because they have experience in the city, in the mountains and
lost a lot of people, precisely because of the bombardments, so they are very integrated. They know that with this war machine we have no
great possibilities, but we have the strategy, the courage of all these years of resistance, we know that we should not fear air aid, we
know that it is a machine against which we cannot fight head-on and directly, but that is why there are other strategies. Know how to move,
share your fears and doubts and have a lot of patience. It takes a lot of patience: wait and wait.

Would you say that you learned from your more experienced colleagues?

The history of Rojava has a set of values, but I started to really understand these values when I was with them. Everyone is scared, but I
have never seen my teammates hesitate. Their fight is something they carry so deep within them, which comes so much from injustice, from the
decision they made to give everything to the fight, the defense of the earth, that in matters of combat , I saw it on a daily basis.

I saw it in the way they cared for each other, in the way one was tired, the others cared for her. I saw injured comrades fighting, very
young comrades fighting, all always aware of the place where the others were... There were times when we had to continue, but if there was
an injury, the first thing was the injured comrades. And those who are injured, all they wanted was to be treated and come back, to be
treated as much as possible and to continue on the front line. I saw comrades not sleeping for three days, not eating for three days, not
taking their shoes off for days, sharing everything, having no food, no water and sharing the little they had ... No one was left behind.

There was a very strong feeling that we were defending the same thing. That it was a fight to defend the earth, a fight against fascism, a
millennial fight. Because what these people are going through is an attempt to exterminate an ethnic group, a culture and also a movement
led by women. See that everything you had built, it had cost so much trouble, at the level of the organization of society, women, that
everything is democratic, confederal, that there are structures ... to see how it can all to be destroyed in two days ... well of course,
the spirit should not stop, nobody was resting. There was strength and courage, courage which, if it did not come from the heart and the
feeling of "enough", Serekaniye's resistance could not have been like this, because everyone had reasons to flee. Why with the machines of
Turkey, the second largest army in NATO, which can oppose this? Only history, ideological conviction, the defense of the earth, the defense
of the struggle of women, can cope with all this.

And I have not only learned from the most experienced comrades, for me it was incredible to share this time with girls of 18-19 years,
Kurds, Arabs, who joined the struggle to rebel against a life that has them condemned to be the women of the house and to have a man, or who
joined because of ideological conviction. Being so young, they gathered the courage to join the armed resistance, with all that that implies
for society ... I was thinking of the Spanish Civil War, of the women of the CNT-FAI. Elissa Garcia, for example, died on the front at the
age of 19 ... And see how the activists of the movement open the way to other women, to young women. It was unbelievable. There are also
many things that I cannot explain,

What images come to mind when you think of Serekaniye?

[Long silence ...]A lot. From the start, I remember when my group was split into two smaller ones. I have the image of the moment when the
comrades of the other group were going to take a stand and we were going elsewhere. I said to myself: "this may be the last time I see them"
and that stayed with me. I remember very well that day, the columns of smoke. And how they carried their biksi[a name commonly used to
designate the PKM light machine gun designed in the USSR]and their backpacks.

And then I have a lot of images of the hospital, because part of the resistance was done in the hospital, which at one point became part of
the front. It was the fifth day, but I remember it like it was 10 hours. I remember the hospital, in the dark, because when the çete[a term
which literally means "gangs" or "mercenaries", in reference to the jihadist groups participating in the Turkish state offensive against the
north from Syria]were approaching, there was no electricity. And in the middle of the darkness, the light of the cigarettes that the
comrades were smoking. And the doors, because the light went through the doors. I watched the injured, asking everyone, "How are you?" Are
you doing OK? - Yes, yes, I'm fine. And the wounded fighters. Because we all knew we were surrounded, that we were going to be trapped in
the city. And we gave ourselves courage, we said "nobody leaves here, because here we defend everything". Finally, when we had to retreat,
the last image of Serekaniye, the city that burns, everything burns...

You were surrounded and because of diplomatic agreements with Turkey, you were ordered to withdraw. How did you receive this order? How was
the withdrawal for you, after so many days of restless fighting?

The order comes in the morning and we don't believe it. We didn't believe it at first. But I remember how quickly the feeling of being
devastated comes. They tell us to leave, to prepare all the equipment. The whole convoy, all the cars filled with all the defense forces, we
go out little by little and discover that the enemies have taken to the streets. They all abandoned their lines of defense and took to the
streets, went out onto the balconies, to make the corridor for us to see them. You saw Turkish soldiers and jihadists, some in military
uniforms but others camouflaged as civilians, up to the hospital. We have seen the faces of those who, until recently, attacked us, hiding
100 or 200 meters from the hospital. I remember one of the commanders saying to us, "Don't shoot, let's not shoot because the war is not
over ". It was very difficult, we did not expect it. All the adrenaline of so many days, all the emotion contained ... but you see the
comrades who have been fighting here for 7 years, plus ten years in the mountains, and you feel that you do not want to be sad.

Do you feel that you have no right to be sad?

I have the right to be sad because Serekaniye was my home, because I saw my companions die, because we defended the streets, because I met
families, like everyone else. But on the other hand, I think it was a difficult but beautiful resistance, that what we did was part of
history. And if you don't keep that in mind, you go down quickly, your morale goes down, the word "defeat" enters your head. Yes,
militarily, it may have been a defeat, but ideologically at no time. Serekaniye was a point of reference, also for the population. Many
people have taken up arms, especially young boys and girls.

Historically, arms and armed struggle have been a closed domain for women. How did you get in touch with this?

I think that women have always been present in the armed struggle, but more invisible. Perhaps in fewer numbers, but throughout history,
there have always been references to women who participated in the armed struggle and who built the base and the road a bit so that many of
them we see it as possible, a road that is also our road.

In all parts of the world and in all social and political contexts, as women and because of the specific oppression that is imposed on us,
we have always developed forms of self-defense, we have always had to use the tools of which we were ready to defend our bodies, our
thoughts, our life, the territory ... As women, we try to introduce that it is not our role, but history shows the opposite, it shows that
we have always been able to find ways out, solutions, ways to fight and that's what's going on in Rojava. Women have organized themselves to
build structures, learning spaces, supports, mechanisms to fight and defend all of this. Why... if we don't, Who's gonna do it? We cannot
leave the decision on how to fight in the hands of others, we cannot entrust our future to oppressive structures. So I think self defense is
something that defines us as revolutionaries and as women in general, it has always been part of our lives because we have always been
oppressed by patriarchy, by the state, by all social institutions. I therefore consider that in Rojava, weapons are one more defense method,
one more element to protect the spaces in which we grow, and a means of defending collective life and the oppressed peoples, whose women
represent the front -keep. For me, it was not easy to take on, it was an excellent learning process. one more element to protect the spaces
in which we grow, and a means of defending collective life and the oppressed peoples, whose women represent the vanguard. For me, it was not
easy to take on, it was an excellent learning process. one more element to protect the spaces in which we grow, and a means of defending
collective life and the oppressed peoples, whose women represent the vanguard. For me, it was not easy to take on, it was an excellent
learning process. and a means of defending collective life and the oppressed peoples, whose women represent the vanguard. For me, it was not
easy to take on, it was an excellent learning process. and a means of defending collective life and the oppressed peoples, whose women
represent the vanguard. For me, it was not easy to take on, it was an excellent learning process.

Within my family, only men participated in this form of resistance against Franco, essentially my grandfather. But having the reference of
my mother, my grandmother, the women of my family that during the Franco regime and after the Franco regime were oppressed, that some
organized and others did not, but if they had had the possibility, they would not have abandoned this path, as I did, that having the
possibility and having beside us comrades who can introduce us, how could I not participate in this fight?

And it was a process, a difficult, very hard learning. Because the most important thing is not to take up arms, but to know why you take
them. At one point you think, "maybe I will be a martyr here", and the feeling was "we fight for life". It is a learning process and I
continue to learn.

What was the relationship with your male colleagues? Was there a difference in treatment?

Most of the Battle of Serekaniye, in which I was in the defense line, I must say that we were mainly women. There were also men in our
group, but we were mostly female comrades. At no time did I receive an order from a man, my boss was always a woman. Yes, there were times
when I felt overprotected, but I think it was more because I was an internationalist. At the beginning, these moments occur, but they
disappear quickly due to the harshness of the war and the daily sharing.

I was surrounded by women and there was no room for gender differences, at least that's what I experienced. In all politicized environments,
there is always a task that partners must do much more than giving women space to the level of activism they deserve, and this is not where
I say it is. is not necessary and that there is no domination of the male comrades towards the female comrades, but that we see that there
is a work of years in this aspect. Why do we often place ourselves in this role? We internalized it. The women here have an attitude of not
accepting this role, an attitude of saying: "We will not wait for men to change, we are the engine of this change".

Once in the hospital, for example, where there were more men, I noticed more difference, but we weren't having fun. We could not. We were 4
or 5 people treating 40 wounded people every day, apart from the martyrs, and it was a question of functioning, working and working, and in
moments of rest, standing guard and fighting.

In the context of war, everyone knows very well who the enemy is. This is what I have sometimes missed at home, in myself and in others. We
have so many open fronts and so many enemies that we cannot build something solid.

During the clashes in Serekaniye, in Europe and, for example, specifically in Catalonia, there were demonstrations, actions, demonstrations
of solidarity with Rojava ... Did this happen to you? How did you receive it?

During Serekaniye, we did not have much contact with the outside world. Most of the time, the telephones did not work, the Internet did not
work, but the few moments that worked were essentially the following: how was the situation of the territory, what were the movements, share
how the other comrades were and look at it was happening at home in Europe. So of course, every event, every text, every action, every
photo, every story... in 5 minutes everyone knew it.

Everything that we saw, we ran quickly to show it to the other comrades, because the morale went up a lot. For example, seeing in Catalonia
the photographs of the Eastelada (Catalan flag), black flags, YPG and YPJ flags... it was incredible for us. Seeing the union of all these
struggles... and for the comrades in the movement here, it was incredible. Many times they did not believe it. I showed them the photos of
the riots in Catalonia, the banners, the flares, and it was exciting to share that and to be able to say, "Look, look! Catalonia, my land! ".

The feeling was that you were not alone, that the people were connected to you ... We never expected and will never expect anything from the
States, but at the level of society, at the level of the people, of empathy , feeling the same oppression, that was very important. I have
no words to describe how the women's movement, whatever its organization, reacted across Europe to defend and support Serekaniye. I cannot
say enough about how hard women have worked to give us the warmth and responsibility that many people in Europe have felt with Rojava.

What do you think are the lessons that should be exported from here to the Catalan movements and struggles?

I believe that one of the most important things I have learned here is the value of commitment. The commitment to really decide to fight for
the rest of your life. Make a decision that is not easy and devote all your energy and time to build a base, do it over the long term and
with perspective. Do not want to do things too quickly, but have a perspective on what it means to build revolutionary territory, including
society, people. I am not saying that there is no commitment in Catalonia, I am saying that there comes a time when, faced with oppression,
there is no possibility or halfway, is one or the other. And sometimes we would expect to be well versed in responding, but if we respond
without having built the whole base at the social, ideological and structural level,

And then, of course... how should I put it in Catalan? Here, we talk a lot about bawerî, of faith. I believe that at home we do not trust
our own steps, our structures, our commitment, also at the level of life. Because if we don't start on our own, if we don't fight against
our sexist personality, against the competitiveness within us and the capitalist mentality that we have, if we don't learn to live
collectively, how can we consider a real change? This is what I saw here, that life and struggle are the same, that we have to encourage
people to believe again, to organize again and not to be afraid of difference, because the difference is what makes the community. Look
here, in Serekaniye, families and sisters were Kurds, Arabs, Armenians, Turks, internationals... sometimes we didn't even speak the same
language, and we all defended the same thing. And yes, here there is a context of war, but with us there is also war, society also suffers
from war, quite simply in a different way: in the form of paid work, evictions, patriarchy ... And in Catalonia, after the referendum, with
all the repression. The fortress of Europe continues to expand, we continue to have comrades in prison, expulsions of historic projects, the
siege of immigrants, the criminalization of abortion, the privatization of health, world summits for decide the future of the population,
control and police violence of all colors ... And Russia, the Spanish state, Germany, the United States ... alongside Erdogan. War!

Anarchist ideas taught me the struggle of revolutionaries in the civil war, the comrades I have in Europe taught me the strength and the
need to interconnect struggles, of internationalist solidarity. The comrades of Rojava and Kurdistan taught me the importance of unity and
commitment to build a land and defend the oppressed cultures under mountains of ruins. And you have all taught me the value of the struggle
for the defense of the earth and the freedom of mothers, sisters, comrades, as well as the construction of another society, of revolutionary
values with a solid base. I look at the future differently ... The destruction of the state, the overthrow of prisons and police stations,
the isolation of banks and big business,

Mutual aid, collective decision-making, organization of neighbors, defense structures, commitment, courage ... We are ready, let's start
walking.
Listed 3 hours ago by Collectif Emma Goldman

https://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2020/01/rojava-nous-nous-battons-pour-la-vie.htm

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Message: 4






The Anarchist Federation (Thessaloniki Region) held a two-day solidarity intervention outside the shops of the Germanos and COSMOTE chains
in solidarity with the strike of OTE and COSMOTE workers. ---- More precisely, on Friday 10/1 there was an intervention in a shop of
"Germanos" chain in Aristotelous Square. Banners were opened, thousands of tricks were thrown into the square and the text of the Anarchist
Federation on the issue was shared. On Saturday 11/1 at the branch "Germanos" in Tsimiski 10 banners were opened, tricks were thrown and the
text of the Anarchist Federation was distributed to customers and employees. They also threw 10 thousand tricks out of Germanos stores in
Tsimiski with Pavlos Melas, 42 Metropolis Street, Ag. Dimitriou 93, Pestas with Cleathous (Kato Toumpa), Gr. Lambraki 123 (Ano Toumpa) and
OTE / COSMOTE stores at 109 Tsimiski, 40 Ermou Str. Venizelou 15 and Egnatia 80.

The media have imposed a veil of silence around the strike, which is nothing to do with the advertising packages they receive from OTE. We
break the silence of the media and support the strike by all means.

SOLIDARITY IN OTE / COSMOTE

WITHDRAWAL OF ALL DISCLAIMERS, SIGNING THREE YEARS AND SAFETY EMPLOYMENT POSITIONS FOR ALL EMPLOYEES

The text of the anarchist federation that shared the speeches is at https://tinyurl.com/w8f4u5g

https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/01/13

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Message: 5






What happens next after Trump's impeachment and trial? What is the Democratic vs. Republican conflict really about? Does the Constitution
provide any guidance? How should anarchists and other radicals position themselves politically? ---- As I write this, the U.S. House of
Representatives has passed articles of impeachment against President Donald J. Trump-by its Democratic Party majority. Unless an asteroid
hits the earth, Trump will be acquitted, by the Senate's Republican majority. This is in spite of the way in which the personally vile Trump
has repeatedly abused his power, broken laws, violated the Constitution, truckled to foreign governments for his own interests, and acted in
a generally incompetent manner against both human decency and the interests of the U.S. imperial state. His actions include the caging of
children at the U.S./Mexican border, the betrayal of the Kurds, a war on the environment, making money off the presidency, and, most
recently, almost causing war with Iran without consulting Congress. These make the issues listed in the impeachment articles (which are real
and justified) seem minor, like the indictment of Al Capone for tax evasion. After the Senate acquittal, both parties will gear up for the
2020 national elections, less than a year away.

At the same time, Democrats and Republicans have worked to produce several "bipartisan" bills of significance. This includes a lightly
updated North American trade bill, opposed by the Autoworkers and Machinists unions and which does nothing against global warming The two
parties passed a new military policy bill. At $738 billion it is one of most expensive military plans in U.S. history. It authorized a new
branch of the military, a "Space Force." It does nothing to prevent Trump from again raiding military funds to pay for his idiotic,
nativist, border "wall." It continues military support of the U.S. for Saudi Arabia's aggression against Yemen. The bill was passed over the
objections of a handfull of progressive Democrats and "libertarian" Republicans.

The Democrats claimed that this was the best military bill they could get. They pointed to its expansion of family leave for government
employees. But really the Democrats agree with the Republicans on the key issues: the need for massive U.S. military power, bigger than the
next 9 military forces combined; the need for dozens of military bases around the globe; for being able to wage several wars at once; for
enough nuclear bombs to be able to exterminate humanity several times over. These goals have been carried out through a series of Democratic
presidents and Democratic-dominated Congresses, well before Trump. Consider President Obama, who passed a hugely expanded nuclear missile
program, stepped-up the war in Afghanistan, and used drones to kill people around the world in countries with which the U.S. was not at war.

These military and trade laws show the real nature of the political system we live under. Democrats and Republicans, while squabbling over
the spoils, are in fundamental ("bipartisan") agreement over maintaining U.S. military might and domination of world trade.

The Impeachment

As soon as he was elected in 2016, there were Democrats who called for Trump's impeachment; these calls increased after the 2018 mid-term
elections which returned the House to Democratic control. But the established leadership of the Democrats, especially Nancy Pelosi (House
Speaker and Democratic leader), opposed impeachment. They felt that it was too dangerous for them politically, that it would turn off
moderate "independents," and that it might rouse up the Republican base. A number of Democrats had been elected in fairly conservative
districts; better not risk their re-elections. There was only a year or so until the next election; it would be wiser to focus on health
care, raising wages, drug policies, and other bread-and-butter issues. So they reasoned.

These calculations may have been right, from the viewpoint of conventional politics. We will see how impeachment actually impacts on the
next election. But the Democratic leaders probably had no choice, once Trump's shenanigans with the Ukrainians came to light. Lacking any
sense of right or wrong, and being fairly stupid, the freakish Trump simply could not hold himself back from outrageous and illegal
behavior. They had to respond.

The Republicans' defense of Trump has been rather limited. He didn't do it, and anyway you can't prove he did it, and even if he did do it,
it wasn't so bad as to be worth impeachment and removal. Trump himself has rejected the last "defense"-he wants complete exoneration. The
Republicans have tried to confuse the issue every way possible, by denouncing the Democrats' motives (they don't like the president!),
condemning the process, claiming that Trump was really trying to deal with Ukrainian corruption (as if Trump was ever concerned about
corruption besides what he could get away with!). They even puffed up the nutty conspiracy theory that the Ukrainians, rather than the
Russians, intervened in the 2016 U.S. elections. (Why the Ukrainians? Why not the Zambians or Uruguayans?)

The Trumpites have a point about the Bidens. When Joe Biden was Vice President and frequently dealing with Ukraine for President Obama, his
son Hunter Biden got a high-paying job on the board of a Ukrainian oil company. His only qualification seems to have been his last name.
Whether there was any actual U.S. government help for his company, it was not very ethical. But for Trump, with his family making business
deals all over the place while he is president, to cry "corruption" is laughable.

The Constitution

Everyone swears deep love for the U.S. Constitution. Indeed the Constitution is a founding myth of the system. It was drawn up by a
coalition mostly of big landowners, merchants, and slaveowners. They did not want another king nor a revolutionary dictator (this was before
the French Revolution but not that long since the English Revolution had resulted in the dictatorship of Cromwell). But they also did not
want a "democracy," which most of them regarded as mob rule. ("Your people, sir, are a great beast!" said Hamilton.) Too much power to the
majority might result in breaking up big landed estates or cheap money policies which would benefit poor debtors. So they devised this
system with its two houses (the Senate with six year terms), different election years for different positions, two Senators from each state
regardless of population size, Supreme Court judges for life, limited controls on a president (an elected monarch), the Electoral College,
and so on. The undemocratic aspects of the Constitution were so obvious, that the Jeffersonian left would only support it if they got a
promise to add a Bill of Rights immediately after its passage.

The founders did not foresee the evolution of the parliamentary system, where an unpopular leader can be challenged through a vote of
confidence. So they put in the impeachment process as an emergency control on a corrupt or dangerous president. They also did not foresee
the two-party system, which has made impeachment such a difficult matter.

As history ground on, the Constitution got better in some ways, such as abolishing slavery, providing the right of women to vote, and being
"interpreted" as including a "right to privacy" which protected women's reproductive rights and LGBT people. But the current system remains
essentially undemocratic, with its gerrymandered election districts, the domination of big money in elections, the massive lobbying, the
biased media (now with overtly reactionary television and radio channels and social media), and so on. While not a fascist or Stalinist
dictatorship, neither is this truly a democracy. That is why I am not excited by fervent statements of loyalty to the Constitution raised by
hypocritical politicians of whatever stripe.

The Democrats are not so much interested in reviving the Constitution as in restoring business-as-usual for U.S. capitalism. They want the
national state to be run rationally and smoothly. They want at least the appearance of concern over global warming, without actually ending
fossil fuel use. They want to seem to care about benefits for the working class. They want other nations' governments to trust the U.S.
again, to rely on the U.S. military and diplomatic policies. They want reasonable government efforts to limit economic downturns, to the
extent this is possible. They want immigration reforms to provide cheap labor for big business. They want to keep a lid on overt fascist and
racist movements. They want trade deals to keep wages down and promote profits. Sections of the capitalist class which have traditionally
supported the Republicans also want these things.

During the impeachment hearings in the House, the Democrats made a point of puffing up the security forces of the CIA and FBI, foreign
affairs officials, military officers, bureaucrats, and others whom Trump has denigrated as the "deep state." Instead, they praised the
professionalism, honesty, patriotism, and honor of these people. Whatever their personal virtues (being more honest than Trump is a low
bar), these people are part of the repressive and imperial apparatus of the state-what the left has long called the "permanent government."
They have overthrown foreign governments and supported terrorism around the globe.

Just recently a scandal broke out. It was shown that the FBI had cut corners and even lied to judges (!) in applying for warrants to
investigate people. Since the victims were on the right (as opposed to leftists or poor people of color), this was shocking, shocking! Also
a movie is showing about the CIA's torture of prisoners and destruction of evidence afterwards (The Report, with Adam Driver). Such matters
were not raised during the hearings.

The Underlying Problem

The Republicans and Democrats are thrashing about because they are dealing with an unprecedented situation. Within the U.S. and on a world
scale, the capitalist economy is weak. After the shock of the Great Recession, the recovery has been weak, uneven, and brittle. Those at the
top have gained much, while the rest of the population has had stagnant wages, insecure jobs, and poverty-stricken regions, with vastly
increased inequality. Mainstream economists are greatly worried that when the inevitable downturn comes, the system will not have the
resources to deal with it. Meanwhile global warming is advancing at an alarming rate, with nothing being done to moderate it, let alone
reverse it (even as Australia burns). Wars continue to rage around the world, always with the background threat of nuclear extermination.
The rulers of the U.S. are frantic about the decline of U.S. power and wealth in the world, which has led to the increased influence of
China. Since at least Obama, the U.S. state had determined to "pivot" toward China (new military bases in Australia, etc.) but it has
remained stuck in the secondary theater of the Middle East. Having a totally incompetent national administration has only exacerbated matters.

One result of these developments has been a massive increase in popular dissatisfaction. Given the U.S.'s politics and culture, much of this
has been channeled into the right. Despite all his failures, Trump has the staunch support of about 40 % of the voting population. This
Trumpian "base" dominates the Republican party. Once a broad right party, it has become utterly reactionary. A big minority of this minority
is neo-fascist (for using guns to overturn the more-or-less democratic mechanisms of the state) while a small but vocal minority is overtly
fascist (Nazi or Klan). This right-wing growth is partly due to racism, nativism, and misogyny. White evangelicals are at the core of
Trump's base, motivated by superstition and sexual hysteria (fear of homosexuality, women who are sexually free, and Mexican "rapists"). But
for many people, attraction to Trump is also due to economic decline, poor jobs, and real suffering, all associated (correctly) with the
status quo of established Democrats and Republicans.

On the other hand, there has been an increase on the left of liberalism and even "socialism." About 40 % of the population has a favorable
view of "socialism" and so does an even higher percentage of younger people. What "socialism" is, or what they mean by it, is quite unclear
of course, but it is no longer an evil word to the extent it once was. Bernie Sanders has an apparent possibility of winning the Democratic
nomination, while calling himself a "democratic socialist" and calling for a "political revolution." The Democratic Socialists of America
(DSA) has grown to about 60 thousand members. Despite having an anarchist caucus, the DSA is strongly electoralist and deep into the
Democratic Party. In no way is it as militant on the left as the Republican base is on the right. Meanwhile, the part of the historic left
with the potentially greatest power, the unions, is mostly quiescent. Their leaders are totally tied to the Democratic Party, even as union
numbers decline. There have been some important strikes, but no movement for a major working class struggle against capitalist attacks. But
this may yet change as conditions worsen.

As the situation decays, the middle falls away. Even so, there are cries to return even more to the center-a center which is further to the
right than it was in the past. As I write, the Democrats are torn between those who want to swing to the "left" and those who insist on
sticking to the "middle". How much should they promise the voters? How much should they worry about turning off their big donors? How much
should they worry about the "moderate" voters (who have been deliberately miseducated by these same big capitalists)? How much should they
rely on exciting their own base by promising them all sorts of new approaches? But will they risk disappointing their excited base when they
are unable to carry out their promises once elected? (The DSAers are excited about "socialist" candidates but seem to have no knowledge of
the history of socialist politicians elected to manage capitalist states. They are apparently ignorant of recent examples, such as Lula in
Brazil, Syriza in Greece, the ANC in South Africa, Morales in Bolivia, Allende in Chile, the Labour Party in Britain, etc., etc., and so on.
Socialist electoralism has never ended well.)

Personally, I regard Trump's impeachment as probably a Good Thing But I doubt that even a Senatorial removal of Trump (not going to happen)
would be a Very Good Thing. No, not even the defeat of Trump in the 2020 national election (a probable but not certain outcome). It would be
good to see him gone, this disgusting human being and malign influence. But the fundamental problems would remain: the decline of U.S. and
world capitalism, the growth of inequality, the looming environmental crisis, the continuing wars, the dangerous right wing movement
(including the growth of outright fascism), and the incapacity of the rulers-conservative and liberal-to know how to handle any of this.

As the left wing grows, in rebellion against both the conservatives and the Democratic liberals, we have to build a revolutionary,
anti-imperialist, libertarian socialist, direct action, and anti-electoralist wing of the movement. If at all possible.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31726

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