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woensdag 29 maart 2023

WORLD WORLDWIDE FRANCE News Journal Update - (en) France, CNT-AIT, femmes [BROCHURE]: Veil: neither religious obligation, nor state ban ---- NEITHER GOD NOR MASTER (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 A Jewish mother (let's remember here that to be one, you don't have to be Jewish

or even be a mother - it's a universal archetype) gives her son two ties, one isred , the other is blue. To please him, he wears one the next day, let's say thered one. Seeing him, annoyed, the mother burst into tears: "I was sure that theother would not please you". Inevitably, if he had worn the blue, he would beentitled to exactly the same scene. Faced with this "double constraint", he isleft with only two choices: to wear both ties together, that is to say, to gocrazy, or to wear none, that is to say, to break with his mother. The link withMuslim women?They are also subject to a double constraint: religion requires them to wear theveil while the state forbids them (at school). To free themselves from one ofthese powers, they are forced to submit to the other and vice versa. They arethen left, just like the Jewish son, with two possibilities. Either they submitto both authorities, so they try to wear and take off their veil at the sametime, which is contradictory and therefore impossible. Either they simultaneouslyrefuse the obligation and the prohibition to wear it, which is absurd butconstitutes the only logical answer to the absurd world in which they live. Thissecond choice is as contradictory as the first but, here, the contradiction issurmountable: refusing the two injunctions amounts to breaking with all thepowers at the same time, in short, to intoning once again this good old "neithergod, nor master". ".Finally, it is not only Muslim women who find themselves in the same situation asthe son who received the two ties, it is the case for all people who, in all goodfaith, wish to take a position in this debate. Indeed, if they speak out againstthe headscarf, they risk being suspected of racist ulterior motives. If they takethe opposite position, they will be given objective complicity with theIslamists. This is the classic situation that leads to self-censorship for fearthat the truth can be used by the adversary. Experience shows how much this typeof approach leads to the opposite of the desired result. During the Cold War, the"left intellectuals", called upon to choose between the two blocs (i.e. betweenstate capitalism and market capitalism) mostly opted for the Soviet bloc andsuppress his crimes so that their disclosure does not strengthen the Western campand so as not to "discourage Billancourt". A decade later, the truth -despitetheir efforts- was known to all and the discredit reflected not only on theEastern bloc but also on the very idea of Revolution which has since beenassociated with that of totalitarianism. Only some dared to refuse the whole ofthe alternative imposed on them and criticized, from a revolutionary point ofview, the USSR, contributing to the fact that the new Billancourts could stillconceive some hope.In the same way, in the current debate, it is necessary to tell the truth -whatever the advantage that this or that adversary may derive from it in theshort term. In the long term, as everyone knows, "only the truth is revolutionary".NOR GOD...It turns out that the Islamic veil is both a sign of religious affiliation andgender discrimination. In him are opposed the rights of women and the "rights" ofreligion. To defend one is to deny the other. As libertarian communists, weunhesitatingly defend the rights of the individual against those of his culture.Here, it will essentially be a question of Islam, since the current debateconcerns its practices, but what will be said about it applies broadly withoutdifficulty to the three monotheisms (Jew, Christian, Muslim, in order ofappearance ). They have in common a deep contempt for women and a hatred ofsexuality. More precisely, they start from a double postulate: desire would beexclusively masculine and, moreover, it is -with some exceptions- culpable. Theyconclude that in order to repress this desire, it is necessary to repress itsobject: women. And for that, hide them. Thus the sharia imposes that women, by akind of apartheid, be confined in the intimacy of the home and, when they leaveit, duly accompanied by a guardian, that they are veiled.Resentment against women is not only expressed in this way. It consists in alsodenying their pleasure and their desire. This negation, which is sometimesexpressed physically by excision, symbolically means that women can only be theobject, never the subject of desire. Their inequality is thus founded.Conversely, lending women any desire should have led, symmetrically, to veilingmen.  And, even without going that far, guaranteeing a minimum equality of thesexes, should have led to rather locking up men with such fiery, uncontrollableneeds...It should be noted that violence against women is coupled with another violence,of less intensity, but with just as perverse effects, which is exerted on men.Indeed, by veiling the woman, we designate her, in a paradoxical way, asexclusively and completely an object of desire. Forbidden object, therefore evenmore desirable. The veil prohibits/arouses the envy of men; forbidden because itarouses, arouses because it prohibits.Religion, like the other powers thus perfects, like a firefighter-pyromaniac, thesocial control over individuals.Reading the above, and seeing the debate over the veil, rendered extremelyconfusing, some will suspect a specific animosity against Islam, or even racism.The lines that follow hope to demonstrate not only that refusing the veil is inno way racist, but that tolerating it is.To be racist means to reproach someone not for what he does (example: having agiven religious practice) but for what he is (being born Arab, black or white).However, being an Arab is not the same as being a Muslim. Religion, despite allthe pressures that come with it, is a matter of choice. One can be Arab andChristian, Jewish or atheist. There are thinkers and poets in Arab history, borninto Muslim families, who chose to be heretical and even blasphemous like Hallaj(858 - 922) who said: "I am Allah".[1]Moreover, if we generalized this confusion between Arab and Muslim, we would beforced to also confuse Western and Christian, which is, not surprisingly, theposition of the National Front. According to the logic of this same party, beingfor abortion is an anti-Catholic and therefore anti-French position.Surreptitiously, therefore, hesitating to condemn the veil for fear of beingracist turns into a racist position. Indeed, this presupposes defining Arabidentity in religious terms, as if an "Arab race" existed and was geneticallydetermined to be Muslim. Moreover, this leads to tolerating for Arab women whatwould be refused for Western women, just as if freedom and equality wereexclusively Western values and could not be conceived or claimed by othercivilizations. Once again, we join the so-called differentialist positions of the FN.That said, distinguishing Arab and Muslim is not enough. Indeed, a society isonly a field of struggle between several groups, ideologies, currents, ... andespecially social classes. To consider it as a homogeneous block would be toreduce it to the dominant group and its discourse and therefore to become itsaccomplice. Talking about collective identity (whether Arab or Muslim) serves tomask the domination of Arab women by Arab men, of Arab workers by Arab bosses andfinally of agnostic and atheistic Arabs by religious Arabs.Is it really necessary to remember that this same logic applies to other"identities" (French, Christian, Jewish, Occitan, etc.)? For us, the only valididentity is that of the individual. Which means that our rejection of religion iscoupled with a rejection of the nation-state.NOR MASTERMany "left" consciences in agreement with the above will see no other way tofight the veil than to endorse its ban by the state. This amounts to replacing areactionary master with a new "emancipatory" master. But, a partial release isonly a new bondage. It therefore remains for us to free ourselves from ourliberators, and first of all from the myth of an emancipatory power. This lastexpression is indeed a contradiction in terms: power cannot seek to emancipateits subjects under pain of disappearing. But it can happen that he seems to seekthis end; in reality, it then aims to legitimize and preserve itself againstother powers that compete with it. By appearing to fight the oppression exercisedby his rivals, he hides his intention to eliminate them in order to replace them.In the case before us, it is not difficult to see how the devious state does notsincerely seek to defend women or even secularism.Two facts first, of unequal importance, occurred in the months preceding the planto ban the veil at school. First of all, a law recognizing the legal personalityof the embryo was about to be adopted, which could have led to a criminalizationof abortion. Power therefore prohibits the veil with one hand, and seeks toabolish the right to abortion with the other. On the other hand, the "ChainedDuck" revealed, with supporting evidence, how Bernadette Chirac had written to aprefect to authorize a nun to pose veiled in the photo of her identity card.Another proof of the state lie: the Republic only "defends" Muslim women whenthey are veiled, not when they are "simply" victims of racism, poverty andexploitation, while these latest injustices explain the vogue of sail. Indeed,some veiled women (those who are not forced to do so) choose the veil as a meansof protest. It is the paradoxical and desperate choice of servitude as a means ofliberation. It is also a choice largely conditioned by the State itself, which,if it wanted to seriously combat the veil and therefore Islamism, should haverather than intervene at the level of the symptom by legal prohibition, to combatit the cause, that is to say exclusion in all its forms.Only, the state only pretends to oppose fundamentalism. By staging thisopposition and publicizing Islamism, it paradoxically prescribes it to thesuburbs as a "good" means of revolt (that is to say the least dangerous foritself), while maintaining it within certain limits. . Designating Islamism as anew theology of liberation for the suburbs makes it possible to move them awayfrom the Social Revolution, which has the disadvantage for the rulers of aimingat the totality of the system and of bringing together beyond "ethnic"differences and religious. Islam can then, as Christianity did before it, serveas a policing force in poor neighborhoods.Moreover, by simulating the fight against religious theology, the state slylyasserts its own theological character. Thus, the school is a "sanctuary" andHuman Rights are "sacred". The alienation remains unchanged. Like any other"opium of the people", state rhetoric conceals, through its incantatory formulas,the injustice of this world. Through the equality of rights in a sort ofconstitutional beyond, it consoles for the inequality that reigns here below.Moreover, by limiting the powers of religion, the state seeks to extend its own:the Stasi report on the veil recommends the prohibition of not only religious butalso political signs. The authors of the report justified this provision by theconcern not to appear to offend Islam. In reality, it is a revealing slip of thewill of state power.The ban on the veil, justified with arguable grounds (freedom of women),constitutes a precedent facilitating the future extension of this measure toother modes of expression of opinions undesirable by the State.Finally, let us note that, if the Republic is currently posing as the guardian offreedom in the face of religious obscurantism, this situation could one day bereversed. Indeed, it has already happened in the past that religion proclaimsitself the main force of resistance in the face of state oppression: this was forexample the case of the supporters of Khomeini during the tyranny of the Shah ofIran and also that of the church under communist party dictatorship in Poland andRussia.Mistrust in the face of any power claiming to be defender of our rights musttherefore be in order. A final precision: we, libertarian communists, we do notundertake to free veiled women. Nor do we intend to dictate their conduct. If weacted in this way, we would send them a paradoxical injunction: by freeingthemselves, they would obey us. In a way, they would therefore remain dominated.Their only means of asserting their freedom, in the face of our suggestion, wouldthen be to remain submissive!In reality, the liberation of Muslim women will be the work of Muslim womenthemselves or it will not be. On the other hand, if as we hope, this work ofself-emancipation takes place, our solidarity is acquired without limits. Not outof generosity, but because their emancipation, far from being limited tothemselves, would also extend to us, for whom it is very difficult to feel freewhen others are enslaved. Everyone knows that individual freedom remainsimperfect if it suffers from even one exception. "The freedom of others, far fromlimiting mine, extends it to infinity"...#Mustapha[1]c. Lower the sails, Chahdortt Djavann, Gallimardhttp://cnt-ait.info/2019/06/09/voile-ni-obligation/_________________________________________A - I N F O S  N E W S  S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca

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