WORLD WORLDWIDE BRAZIL News Journal Update - en) Brazil, COMPA: 59 years of the Coup: DICTATORSHIP NEVER AGAIN! (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 59 years ago, on April 1st (April Fool's Day) 1964, a coup process organized some

years before, inside military barracks and high Brazilian business offices, was
unleashed. ---- The 1964 military coup began a period of brutal persecution of
popular movements, unions and spaces of struggle. He arrested, tortured and
murdered thousands of social fighters, trade unionists, students, indigenous
people, community activists from the favelas and any voices that attacked the
military dictatorship that started that year. ---- The Brazilian military
dictatorship gradually hardened its apparatus, whose most violent expression were
the Institutional Acts (AI). Number 5 was enacted at a time when the dictatorship
was being much more questioned. Published in 1968, AI-5 instituted censorship,
closed the national congress, and legalized the "national security" policy, which
deepened repression throughout the country. The repression apparatuses used
torture, rape, kidnapping, imprisonment and summary execution as a model of State
terrorism for a long time.

With that, the National Security Doctrine (DSN) was aligned, a violent policy,
stimulated by US imperialism that aimed to combat the "internal enemy" through
the action of military and police forces; this same policy stimulated other
military coups in Latin America, such as in Paraguay (1954), Bolivia (1964),
Chile (1973), Uruguay (1973) and Argentina (1976). Allied to the imperialist
policy of the United States, the military regime destroyed the voices of
opposition and inaugurated a period of darkness, not only in Brazil but in other
parts of Latin America. High military ranks were the spearhead of a system of
domination in its new form.

The 1964 coup and the military dictatorship were the expression of the
organization of a reactionary bloc, which united businessmen, politicians,
military and extreme right movements, aligned with imperialism and against any
possibility of social reforms in Brazil. It was these coup-acting associations,
gathered at the Institute of Research and Social Studies (IPES) and the Brazilian
Institute of Democratic Action (IBAD) that organized the action that ousted João
Goulart and installed a military government, strongly supported by the national
bourgeoisie. These associations financed various reactionary movements, such as
the "Marcha da Família com Deus pela Liberdade" so that Brazilian society would
think that the coup had broad popular support.

On the eve of the coup, there was a strong popular movement, pushing for
agrarian, social, urban and educational reforms, which aimed to reduce the deep
inequality of Brazilian peripheral capitalism. These movements manifested
themselves through specific reforms, in a context of a frankly reformist
government, within the framework of the capitalist system.

The meaning of the coup and the dictatorship inaugurated in 1964, therefore, was
to prevent any income distribution policies, contain social mobilization,
guarantee the interests of imperialism and intensify capitalist exploitation. No
wonder, the average income of the minimum wage plummeted, the participation of
multinational companies in the Brazilian economy grew exponentially and the lack
of mobilization (strikes were punished with imprisonment or disappearance)
guaranteed the high profits of the Brazilian bourgeoisie.

The more open possibilities of mass struggle having been closed, part of the
political organizations of the left migrated to the armed struggle and bravely
faced the regime, suffering the brutal fury of the worst enemies of the people.
Other sectors (such as the PCB) condemned armed action and defended the
"democratic struggle".

Worn out at the end of the 1970s, the dictatorship began to rehearse a process of
redemocratization, greatly stimulated by the change in political orientation of
the institutions of power in the United States and rehearsed a great national
agreement (from top to bottom), which resulted in the Amnesty Law and the
redemocratization of the country. The result of this concertation process was
that the coup and torturer military were granted amnesty, along with the brave
guerrillas who were exiled from the country. Impunity marked this process and
leaves consequences for our contemporary reality. Several torturers, military
coup leaders and their sympathizers became part of national politics and
transited in the high circles of the shift governments. Meanwhile, a large part
of the left abandoned the perspective of radical transformation and the need for
a violent break with this system and adopted an increasingly moderate tone,
believing that it would be possible to carry out a profound transformation with
gradual changes based on bourgeois democracy.

The Bolsonaro government is the result of this conciliation process with coup
leaders in suits and uniforms. Bolsonaro is a member of the most reactionary
stratum of the military barracks and his political trajectory demonstrates that
the non-punishment of the coup plotters was a true tragedy for the social life of
the poorest. Bolsonaro's election was not the work of an individual agent, but is
the result of the action of the uniformed party, coup businessmen and a renewed
reactionary bloc. This bloc began to organize itself even more clearly during the
Dilma government; dissatisfied with the social compensations organized by the PT
government (even if small and incapable of jeopardizing the structural privileges
of the dominant classes), they began to rehearse the break with the conciliation
government and with social paints. It was with Bolsonaro's candidacy that this
political bloc was able to condense into a more concrete movement. As in the
1960s, they also aimed to withdraw rights and deepen capitalist exploitation. No
wonder, it was with the legal-parliamentary coup that overthrew Dilma and put
Temer in power that the biggest withdrawals of rights were approved, sparing the
senior military officers and their allies. Bolsonaro's election, therefore,
becomes part of this offensive, with the attack on social and labor rights, the
rights of women, indigenous peoples, with the advance of ecocide, repression and
massacres against the black and peripheral population. With his government,
Brazil aligned itself in a completely submissive manner with US imperialism and
adopted the economic policy of exporting raw materials and commodities as its axis.

Even having been defeated at the polls, the coup military and the reactionary
bloc are still alive and active. Be it clearly acting as institutional opposition
to the incumbent government, be it inserting itself into the government itself
and mitigating any weak reforms that it prioritizes. And, once again, a large
part of the left continues with institutional illusions, that it is possible to
defeat this bloc through institutional apparatuses and without a prolonged struggle.

As socialist and libertarian militants, we believe that it is not possible to
defeat this bloc without great mass mobilization and reducing the action of
social struggles to palace agendas. The political sectors that are in the wake of
PT governmentism make the same error of conciliation and illusions that lead to
the defeat of popular struggles. Reformism disarms the class and prepares the
scenarios for the next defeat. The maintenance of a new tax ceiling represents
the surrender of the current government to the financialization of the Brazilian
economy and its domination by usury of speculation.

The power of agribusiness, real estate speculation, the national bourgeoisie, the
uniformed party and the neo-Pentecostal churches, which led to the 2016 coup and
the 2018 tragedy remain unchanged. Even under a new round of class conciliation,
the current government in turn does not dare to face them, when it does not
support many of their agendas. As long as the material bases of these sectors
remain intact, their reactionary political expression will continue to be present
in Brazilian society.

On this anniversary of the 1964 coup, we must demand the immediate punishment of
the torturers and guarantee, in social struggles and memories, the permanence of
the struggle against the dictatorship and its authoritarian debris.

Combating the party in uniform and its bourgeois partners does not pass through
the negotiation table of bourgeois democracy, but through the deepening of the
social struggle, the occupation of land, occupation of public buildings, closure
of roads, stoppages, strikes and combative actions that aim to uproot economic
and social reforms.

For this we need, as anarchists, to be politically organized and coordinated,
with a well-defined perspective of the necessary steps for this transformation.
Building or strengthening popular movements (rural and urban), unions (or union
oppositions) and community movements that materialize the necessary social force
for this endeavor. We know that this is a huge task and that it will not be done
overnight, nor will it be done "spontaneously". We are also sure that this will
not be carried out by a single political organization or popular movement, but
will be the fruit of a much broader process, with which we certainly want to
contribute organizationally and influence its consequences.

For the immediate punishment of the torturers and members of the military regime!
For the punishment of the scammers of 2023!
For the immediate punishment of the Bolsonaro family and the expropriation of all
their assets!

Coletivo Mineiro Popular Anarchista (COMPA-MG)
Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro (FARJ)
Libertarian Socialist Anarchist Organization (OASL-SP)
Libertarian Rusga (RL-MT)

Yesterday and today: suits and uniforms against the people

https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=534450008867726&set=a.285647957081267
https://anarquismosp.wordpress.com/2023/04/01/59-anos-do-golpe-ditadura-nunca-mais/
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