WORLD WORLDWIDE BRAZIL News Journal Update - (en) Brazil: FOUNDATION MANIFESTO - Libertarian Socialist Organization (OSL) (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Anarchism is not a beautiful fantasy drawn from the imagination of a

philosopher, but a social movement of the working masses. For this
reason, it must gather its forces in a general organization that acts
constantly, according to the demands of reality and the strategy of the
social class struggle.
Dielo Truda
An effective political practice therefore requires knowledge of reality
(theory), the harmonious postulation with it of objective values of
transformation (ideology) and concrete political means to achieve it
(political practice). The three elements merge into a dialectical unity
that constitutes an effort for the social transformation that the party
postulates.

Uruguayan Anarchist Federation

As a result of the first session of our Congress, which took place in
July 2023 in the city of São Paulo, we declared the Libertarian
Socialist Organization (OSL) founded.

The OSL is a Brazilian anarchist organization created by the groups that
made up the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro (FARJ, state of Rio
de Janeiro), the Anarchist Socialism Libertarian Organization (OASL,
state of São Paulo), Rusga Libertária (RL , state of Mato Grosso), the
Coletivo Mineiro Popular Anarquista (COMPA, state of Minas Gerais), as
well as individuals from other locations in Brazil. It intends to be a
nationwide organization and, therefore, encourage new centers throughout
Brazil.

The choice of this name is a tribute to what was the first national
organization of Brazilian especifista anarchism: the former OSL, which
operated between 1997 and 2000, and whose name was later used by the São
Paulo militancy of that same current, in a process that ended more than
15 years ago. years. There are activists in the current OSL who were
part of these two previous initiatives.

In this Manifesto, we present our references and origins, and also, in
summary, our principles and conceptions.

OUR POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL REFERENCES

When we say that we are an anarchist organization, we have a very
precise notion of what anarchism is, based on an analysis of its global
history over the last 150 years.

Anarchism is an ideology or political doctrine, a libertarian,
anti-authoritarian and revolutionary form of socialism, which aims to
mobilize the oppressed classes - wage earners in the cities and
countryside, peasants, traditional and marginalized people -, through
certain strategy, to carry out a social revolution that establishes a
new society based on socialism, self-management, federalism, equality
and freedom.

Supported by an ethical conception, anarchism starts from a social
critique of all forms of domination - economic, political,
intellectual-moral and, therefore, class, but also gender, race,
ethnicity, nationality, etc. Its aim is this socialist, self-managed,
federalist, egalitarian and libertarian society - in which there are no
more classes and domination, in which property is collectivized, the
people themselves govern themselves, and a concordant culture serves as
the foundation for this entire project. of widespread socialization.

The appropriate means to achieve this end imply the constitution of a
classist and combative social force, which is based on this group of
oppressed subjects, and which can intervene in the class struggle
through processes that involve: increasing participation of militancy,
construction by base, encouragement of conscious struggle and voluntary
engagement, independence from class enemies and their structures.[OSL,
"Defining Anarchism"]

Anarchism did not arise from purely philosophical and intellectual
reflections, but as an ideological and doctrinal expression (action and
thought, practice and theory) of a sector of workers and popular
movements engaged in the class struggle of the 19th century. It was
consolidated with the founding of the Alliance, the first anarchist
political organization in history, which, through secret and public
bodies, acted and decisively influenced the International Workers'
Association (AIT or "First International", 1864-1877).

The Alliance's main militant was Mikhail Bakunin (1814-1876), whose
positions can be understood as a radicalization of the federalist
socialism of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865). Participating in these
popular movements and struggles, Bakunin and other allianceists - such
as James Guillaume (1844-1916), Adhémar Schwitzguébel (1844-1895) and
Giuseppe Fanelli (1827-1877) - contributed decisively to the formation
of anarchism, both in theoretical terms and practical.

Throughout the 1870s and subsequent decades, anarchist positions spread
to the world's five continents. Important for this diffusion were both
the influence of his two greatest classics, Mikhail Bakunin and Piotr
Kropotkin (1842-1921), and his revolutionary syndical experiences, which
inspired the creation, strengthening and radicalization of unions and
social movements.

The relevant participation of anarchists in popular movements occurred
in different countries, such as: Russia, Ukraine, Spain, Bulgaria, the
United States, Portugal, France, Italy, Germany, South Africa, Egypt,
China, Japan, Korea and Australia. It also occurred in almost all Latin
American countries: Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Peru, Bolivia,
Nicaragua, Mexico, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Colombia and Cuba.

Historically, anarchism has been maintained over time in different
locations around the world, in more and less vigorous moments, between
ebbs and flows, without, however, ever having disappeared. This ideology
or doctrine has constituted a prominent part of unions and social
movements, and has significantly influenced them.[Corrêa, Black Flag]

However, it is not enough to say that our organization is anarchist.
Because, throughout its long history, anarchism has internally coexisted
with many debates and divergences, which have even established its major
currents: mass anarchism and insurrectionalist anarchism.

In broader terms, we join the historical current of mass anarchism,
which had revolutionary syndicalism as its main strategy. This
affiliation can be explained insofar as: we defend the organization
(organizational dualism) in opposition to anti-organizationist
positions, contrary to the organization and which demand individual
action or in small informal groups; we defend possibilism (struggles for
reforms within certain strategic frameworks as a path to revolution) in
opposition to anti-possibilist positions, which assert that struggles
for reforms only reinforce capitalist society; we defend the need for
violence (people with weapons, insurrections, advanced struggle, etc.)
linked to and concomitant with mass movements, as opposed to positions
that see violence as a trigger (propaganda for the fact),

In more specific terms, due to our organizational perspective, we join
organizational dualism, that is, the historical expression of anarchism
in which activists and organizations claimed the need for a simultaneous
organization at a political-anarchist level (political organization or
party) and at a social-popular level (mass popular organization). This
expression had an echo in different parts of the globe, including the
global south, encouraging the creation of anarchist organizations such
as the Mexican Liberal Party (in 1906, in Mexico), the Society of
Anarchocommunist Companions (in 1914, in China), the Federation
Anarchocommunist of Bulgaria (in 1919, in Bulgaria),
the[Libertarian]Communist Party (in 1919, in Brazil) and the Argentine
Anarchocommunist Federation (in 1935, in Argentina).

In organizational dualism, our main historical references are among the
militancy that defended homogeneous and programmatic forms of anarchist
organization (especially platformism and especifism), as opposed to
heterogeneous and flexible forms (as in the case of synthetism).

Central references for us are: Bakunin, his reflections on
organizational dualism, the experience of the Alliance from 1868
onwards, especially his work in the International; Errico Malatesta
(1853-1932), his reflections on the anarchist organization (which he
called the "anarchist party"), on organized anarchist participation in
union, anti-fascist or insurrectional movements, in addition to the
experiences he built: Anarchist Socialist Revolutionary Party (1891 );
Ancona Anarchist Party (1913); Italian Anarchist (Communist) Union
(1919/20).

The Group of Russian Anarchists Abroad is also a central reference for
our organization - in which Nestor Makhno (1888-1934), Piotr Arshinov
(1887-1937), Ida Mett (1901-1973), Jean Walecki (1905-?) and Maxime
Ranko (1905-1952) -, who edited the magazine Dielo Truda and, in 1926,
published the "Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists".

We demand platformism, especially some of its expressions, such as the
Federation of Anarcho-Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB), active between the
1920s and 1940s in Eastern Europe, and the "Libertarian Communist
Manifesto", written in 1953 by Georges Fontenis, in France . We
vindicate, in the same way, the Latin American especifism of the 1960s
and 1970s: in Uruguay, with the experience of the Uruguayan Anarchist
Federation (FAU); in Argentina, with the experience of the organization
Resistência Libertária (RL).

OUR TRAJECTORY IN BRAZIL AND SOME INDICATIONS

In Brazil, the trajectory of our activism dates back to the process of
political opening after the military dictatorship. In that context,
anarchism was reorganizing itself, and some of our oldest militants were
part of this process, still in the 1980s and 1990s, especially in Rio de
Janeiro and, later, in Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo.

In addition to many activities in the popular field (community, student
and union), these activists contributed to different initiatives in the
anarchist field. Among others, we mention: in Rio de Janeiro, the
Círculo de Estudos Libertários (CEL, 1985-1991), and its successor, the
Círculo de Estudos Libertários Ideal Peres (CELIP, 1995-present) and the
bulletin/newspaper Libera (from 1991 onwards) - longest running
anarchist periodical in the entire history of Brazil.

This older militancy was directly involved in the first contacts with
the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU), in the articulations between
the FAU and Brazilian anarchism (in the mid-1990s), in the formation of
the Brazilian Anarchist Construction (1995) and in the writing of the
document "Struggle and Organization" (1996) - process that founded
especifist anarchism in Brazil.

She contributed to the construction of the Libertarian Socialist
Organization (1997-2000), the aforementioned national pioneering
organization of Brazilian especifista anarchism, and the Popular
Resistance trend in different states (from 1999 onwards); participated
in the founding and struggles of the Gaucho Anarchist Federation (FAG,
from 1995 onwards), the Rio de Janeiro Anarchist Federation (FARJ, from
2003 onwards) and the Organized Anarchism Forum (FAO, from 2002 onwards).

This militancy also comprised anarchist organizations in São Paulo (Luta
Libertária, Organização Socialista Libertária) and Mato Grosso (Rusga
Libertária); built the FARJ support network - which helped the
articulations in several states and the founding or re-founding of
organizations in São Paulo, Ceará, Santa Catarina and Paraná (between
2008 and 2011); coordinated the approach and entry of this network into
FAO (between 2009 and 2011); participated in the FAO and in the
preparation of the founding of the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination
(CAB, 2012).[OASL/FARJ, "Elements for a Historical Reconstitution of Our
Current"]

Between 2012 and 2022, the militancy that is now part of the OSL made up
different state organizations of the CAB and collaborated with the
development of these organizations and the CAB itself.

Even though all these initiatives in recent decades were the work of a
much larger group of activists, we can say without fear that we had
significant relevance in all of them. So, modestly, we are proud to have
contributed, in Brazil, to the successes and mistakes of the
implementation, growth and development of anarchism in general, and
especifista anarchism in particular.

At OSL, we are already working to promote four objectives that, in our
view, were fundamental to the construction of our anarchist current in
Brazil:

First, expand action beyond the cultural field and invest, mainly, in
the construction and regular and permanent participation of/in popular
movements (union, community, student, agrarian, peasant, indigenous and
others), seeking to influence the social struggles of masses from
within, with a clear and defined program. Intervene in the Brazilian
social reality and have a role in shaping a left, built from movements
and not from traditional parties (especially the Workers' Party and its
satellites), through a grassroots, classist, combative, action
perspective direct, independent, self-managed, federalist and revolutionary.

Second, form a real political force, which not only contributes to the
struggles of the oppressed classes, but which is recognized by other
political forces and popular movements, which can develop alliance
policies and attract workers to the struggle. In some way, work to
return anarchism to its historic position as an active tool of
intervention in workers' struggles, and to build a revolutionary project
of popular power capable of transforming Brazilian society.

Third, break with principism (purism that prevents us from acting in
reality as it actually is, and thus adequately articulating political
principles and practice) and iconoclasm (focus on aesthetically shocking
society, not on transforming it) and , thus, recognizing that reality
certainly has many problems, but it is with them that we must deal
concretely. Our principles need to guide our actions, but we have to
know how to move politically in this concrete and material reality
(which is not an idealized world). It is essential to leave aside
anarchism that is restricted to "lifestyle" and act as a "fish in water"
among workers, that is, as workers and among workers.

Fourth, definitively abandon synthesis, in favor of a homogeneous and
programmatic organizational position, with theoretical, ideological and
practical unity, with collective responsibility and discipline. To
achieve this, it is essential to separate ourselves from individualists
and focus on workers with another militant profile. We intend to build a
profile of commitment to the struggle and collective demands, and avoid
proximity to ideas and practices that often come close to liberalism,
even if they call themselves anarchist.

At the same time, we incorporated into our organization five indicators
that, for us, summarize the lessons learned from these almost 30 years
of activity of especifist anarchism in Brazil.

First, since our creation we have been able to move forward with
accumulation, even if between ebbs and flows, even if we have to keep in
mind that our project is long-term. Moving forward really requires
accumulation, looking over time and seeing that the strategy is
advancing. It also requires maturity, both individual and collective.
Collective accumulations must be respected, as well as the militancy
that carries this accumulation.

Second, unity cannot be built with disregard for collective
accumulations; Unity cannot be built with regional/state autonomy and
exaggerated particularism in practice, nor with negligence and
incoherent pluralism in theory. It is essential to build a political and
organizational culture that is not one of conflict, distrust,
disrespect, accusations, implicit threats of split/disconnection and
unnecessary disputes, but which, at the same time, does not encourage
permissiveness, which accepts inconsistencies, problems and unethical
attitudes. We must encourage freedom of thought, respect for minority
positions and that education precede punishment.

Terceiro, só se faz uma organização política nacional pensando
nacionalmente e em unidade, e essa organização só tem condições de
promover um projeto nacional se conseguir crescer e se diversificar nas
regiões e nos estados. Isso exige a superação da cultura dos pequenos
grupos de afinidade pessoal e a promoção de uma cultura política e
organizacional que busque permanentemente a unidade teórica e
estratégica, fundamentada na autogestão de base e nos mecanismos
federalistas, que constroem o todo a partir das partes. As partes não
podem ser autônomas entre si e alienadas da construção do todo; e essa
construção do todo deve ser feita de baixo para cima.

Fourth, growing and diversifying nationally requires creating the
conditions for it. It requires an adequate entry process, without
militants coming and going, and the logic of concentric circles,
allowing militants in different conditions to remain. It also requires
adequate political monitoring and training. It is essential to be able
to transmit practical accumulations and historical debates to new
activists, and not neglect training and practical guidance. We must not
be guided only by the search for hurried numerical growth, without
organicity.

Fifth, a national project cannot be advanced without a critical
assessment of the past and a plan for the present and future. Popular
power cannot be built without work and social insertion - mass struggles
and anarchist influence in these struggles -, nor without concrete
analysis of reality and application of theory in practice. Good practice
requires good theory, and good theory requires good practice. This is
because practice and theory are inseparable. Those who disdain the
practice do not change anything in the world. Those who disdain theory
do it without knowing what they are doing, and are constantly used in
other people's projects without even realizing it.

OUR PRINCIPLES: BRIEF SUMMARY

The OSL is based on a set of principles - non-negotiable concepts that
permanently guide our political practice -, which express our
philosophical, theoretical, strategic, programmatic and organizational
concepts.

These principles and conceptions are detailed in the document "Our
Principles and General Strategy: philosophical, theoretical, strategic,
programmatic and organizational conceptions". This document can be read
by anyone who wants to know more about our positions.[Read this document]

Libertarian Materialism/Realism and Libertarian Social Theory

In terms of a theoretical-methodological approach to the analysis of
social reality, we adopt what we are calling materialism or libertarian
realism and libertarian social theory, drawn mainly from anarchist
classics. This approach differs from Marxist, postmodern,
(neo)positivist and, obviously, liberal analytical assumptions; it is
not synonymous with economic determinism nor does it recommend any
pragmatism of realpolitik, which implies the abandonment of our
principles and our political identity.

In short, libertarian materialism/realism is a method of analysis that
is, at the same time, naturalistic, realistic, experimental,
comprehensive and critical. Libertarian social theory is a concrete
application of this libertarian materialism to the analysis of society.
This theory, as an articulated set of scientific conceptual instruments
for understanding reality, is linked to anarchist ideology or doctrine
and has a structural/systemic focus, supporting the analyzes of the
forces at play (social conflicts), power/domination relations and of the
scenarios in which these conflicts occur.

This approach reconciles theory and history, social structure and human
action, reproduction and social transformation. It proposes to
distinguish, as necessary, facts from ideas, concrete elements from
abstract ones; structure, situation, action and thought/discourse,
prioritizing the former over the latter, according to their depth and
influence on social reality.

Conception of a capitalist-statist system

Taking advantage of this approach, we conceive contemporary society as a
capitalist-statist system, a mode of historical power/domination that
can be analytically divided into three inseparable and interdependent
fields: economic, political and intellectual-moral (cultural).

Its structural logic is based on the permanent accumulation of economic,
political and intellectual-moral capital; its social formation is the
product of class struggle (social classes are not restricted to the
economic field and relations of exploitation), of conjunctural and
structural changes and transformations. Capitalism-statism destroys the
environment and natural resources; Furthermore, it incorporates and
modifies three other forms of structural domination:
colonialism/imperialism, racism and patriarchy, which are structurally
relevant in its reproduction.

Revolutionary transformation and libertarian socialism

We support a political practice that culminates in a social revolution,
abolishing class society, property (private and national/state) of
economic, political and intellectual/moral means, imperialism, racism
and patriarchy. After a period of transition - now without capitalism,
the State and its legitimizing institutions -, we defend the
establishment of socialism or libertarian communism, our final
objective, a mode or system of power that is not based on domination.

It will be an ecological society, based on equality, freedom and
self-managed/federalist democracy. A society marked by the socialization
of ownership of economic (production/distribution), political
(administration and control) and intellectual-moral (production and
dissemination of knowledge and beliefs) means; in which decisions will
be taken by the workers themselves in their councils and associations,
in proportion to how much they are affected by the decisions.

Self-managed popular power project

We defend, as a path to this transformation, the construction of
self-managed popular power, the foundation of our general transformation
strategy. To achieve this, it is necessary to transform the capacity of
the oppressed classes to achieve social strength. The most appropriate
path for this is to organize and engage the proletariat, the peasantry
and other oppressed classes in popular movements (unions and social
movements) and, in addition, give strategic and programmatic direction
to these movements.

When creating, strengthening and participating in these movements, we
have to defend certain characteristics and ways of promoting struggles,
which involves: the breadth and massification of these movements; its
classist and combative bases and perspectives; its class independence
and direct action policy; its organizational and decision-making methods
based on self-management and federalism; the construction of a
transformative and revolutionary perspective, through struggles for
immediate reforms and achievements; the unification of the oppressed
classes, crossing class-based combat with environmental, nationality,
race-ethnicity and gender-sexuality issues.

Role of the anarchist organization

In this general strategy, the role of the political organization or
anarchist party is central, as it affects the working masses (oppressed
classes). It does this by mobilizing, organizing and engaging workers in
popular movements, enhancing and accelerating the conversion of their
capacity for achievement into social strength. It also does this by
focusing on popular movements and promoting strategic and programmatic
direction (our self-managed popular power project).

The anarchist organization enhances the social strength of anarchists in
its action, and seeks to influence unions and social movements; taking
this further, he faces some of his tendencies, as well as enemies and
adversaries. It promotes the need for social revolution and libertarian
socialism, seeking to make movements and the masses the main
protagonists of this process; discards avant-garde methods, as it
considers that the relationship between anarchists/party and
movements/masses must be complementary, interdependent and based on
self-management (anti-authoritarian and non-hierarchical, therefore);
rejects "base" perspectives and the role of rearguard.

Concept of anarchist organization

We demand a conception of anarchist organization: organizational dualism
- anarchists organizing themselves, at the same time, as workers, in
popular movements, and as anarchists, in the specific political
organization. This means sustaining the differentiation between the
social level (of masses) and the political level (of cadres, anarchist),
and the relationship described above between them. At the social level,
our proposal is close to the historical forms of revolutionary
syndicalism; at the political level, it has references in the historical
forms of homogeneous and programmatic organizations: platformism and
especifism.

We are an anarchist organization of cadres (active minority), which
expresses, articulates, organizes and coordinates ideological and
doctrinal (anarchist) positions of a sector of the oppressed classes.
And it operates around four organizational principles: 1.)
Self-management/Federalism: bottom-up decisions; base-controlled,
rotating, and revocable delegations; concentric circles, consensus/vote;
2.) Theoretical and ideological unity: clear and unitary political line,
defended and promoted by all activists; 3.) Strategic and tactical
unity: clear and unitary programmatic (strategic and tactical) line,
defended and promoted by the entire militancy; 4.) Collective
responsibility: each militant is responsible for the organization and
the organization is responsible for each militant.

OUR MILITANCE

We have encouraged a certain profile of activism, both for those who are
part of the organization and for those who intend to join. They are
militants (first of all, workers like others, who do not need to
dedicate themselves to in-depth studies of anarchism or be
intellectuals), who have the conditions and interest in organized
anarchist militancy, and who are willing to participate in the anarchist
struggle on a daily basis. , with internal organizational work and
social work in popular movements. In general, we join people who already
participate in unions, social movements and various struggles, but also
those who are interested in starting work of this type.

Our activism is in agreement with the principles and conceptions of the
organization; she develops and follows a militant style and collective
work method. This requires adopting certain postures and discarding
others. Among the postures to be adopted are: encouraging organicity,
unity and self-discipline; focus on constructive work (focusing on
reality and not just criticizing or self-discussing); collective work
practice; rational engagement in debates; development of the capacity
for criticism (respectful and constructive), self-criticism and constant
learning; maintaining ethical relationships of trust and respect;
promoting healthy relationships between activists and in work spaces.

Among the postures to be discarded are: informality, autonomy,
individualism and lack of responsibility; debates based on subjectivism,
disrespectful or destructive criticism; moral/moralistic disputes;
promotion of a climate of permanent conflict; arrogance, arrogance and
self-proclamation; condescension to unethical conduct; "lynchings" and
trials outside our libertarian criteria; permanent surveillance of the
militants' private life.

Ethics, commitment, freedom!

Fight, create, people power!

For the advancement of organized anarchism in Brazil!

Libertarian Socialist Organization (OSL)

July 2023

https://socialismolibertario.net/home/manifesto-de-fundacao/
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