WORLD WORLDWIDE ARGENTINA News Journal Update - (en) Argentina: AND NOW WHAT HAPPENS? - Position of organized anarchism regarding what is coming in Argentina (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 

   "...The freedom to oppress, to exploit, to force people to do
military service, to pay taxes, etc., is the denial of freedom; and the
fact that our enemies use the word freedom in such an inappropriate and
hypocritical way is not enough to make us deny the principle of freedom,
which is the distinctive character of our Party, which is the eternal,
constant and necessary factor of life and of the progress of humanity.
---- Equal freedom for all and the right, therefore, to resist any
violation of freedom, and to resist with brutal force, when violence is
based on brutal force and there is no better means to oppose it
successfully..."
Errico Malatesta - "La Questione Sociale" November 25, 1899.

Milei finally won, the product of a representative democratic system in
decline, which implies the real possibility of regression of popular
conquests and rights. A project for those at the top voted for by those
at the bottom. And our position reaffirms the line of facing and
overcoming the immobility generated by the fear of this advance of
far-right, reactionary, ultraliberal sectors. But the defeat was not
electoral, nor was it this last Sunday. For a far-right political option
to have grown, the defeat is cultural and ideological and has been going
on for many years, mainly from the "withdrawal" of a large part of the
emancipatory projects, not to mention progressive, from the majority of
the neighborhoods. popular movements and unions, the absence of a
concrete idea of how to confront this capitalist system, and a
revolutionary project that will thoroughly confront the machine of
impoverishing people, called neoliberalism. Where the State was
incorporating and institutionalizing numerous tools from those from
below, bringing all political action to its field and converting the
ballot box as the only possible horizon of political action. This lack
of rebellion, of rebellious presence, of social struggle, was filled
with pseudo-fascist and ultraliberal rhetoric by a handful of economists
and reactionary expressions. In a context that is also marked by the
economic crisis, growing inequality and a large part of the population
excluded from access to their most fundamental needs.

Milei's rise to the Rivadavia chair has generated a series of harsh
sensations ranging from confusion, uncertainty, a perspective of
catastrophe and fundamentally fear. Fear of the implementation of
measures and slogans expressed by their candidates throughout the
electoral campaign, some absurd and others part of the repertoire of the
reactionary and anti-popular sectors in the history of our country. We
are talking about the removal of rights, misogyny, extreme
commercialization of all aspects of life (organ market, children, etc.),
application of shock doctrines and much of the Chicago School script.
Regarding this, he already warned that "there will be no gradualism."
Among the most serious aspects are also the demand for illegal
repression during the last dictatorship and the possibility of a pardon
for those responsible for the genocide, which will be in line with
providing a tailwind for the open repression of protest and filling the
prisons with social fighters.

In principle we say that we should not underestimate the enemy or
neglect his ability to constitute a political and social force
commensurate with the size of his project. Until today there are a
series of elements to take into account about the starting point of this
political novelty. First of all, La Libertad Avanza does not yet have
territorial power, it has not won its own governorships, not even a
mayoralty in the entire country, so, in the first months of government
it would not have a territorial structure to face an adjusting advance
against those of below. One might think that Macri is going to provide
some structure (the possibility of a Milei-Macri co-government is still
unknown), although we witnessed how the post-general election agreement
ended up undermining an important part of it and leaving a Pro divided
throughout the country.

Milei could also parasitize some other political structure or could
advance in the creation of coordination with governors and mayors
dedicated to the pragmatism of the State, but today this is nothing more
than a conjecture. Yes, we must take into account a real fact, which is
that the vice president-elect has been moving, beyond seeking impunity
for the repressors, in the direction of organizing a political bloc or
party that represents the military family.

On the other hand, Milei, until today, does not have bases organized in
unions, social movements or civil organizations. Nor does it have the
capacity for organic mobilization. The voter is not a militant, but just
an agitator, at least until today. La Libertad Avanza has not managed to
form an organic political force (we already saw how each member gives
their opinion at any time on any issue with any position). Yes, he has
filled the street in his last campaign events and in the main urban
centers of the country the electoral victory was barely known. Milei
could not generate unitary mobilizations under a specific strategy. Not
at least in the short term.

In this country, the only actor or social force that managed to impose
itself at all levels to successfully apply anti-popular measures was the
military through successive dictatorships. Macri tried - with a certain
apparatus - to intervene in unions, criminalize protest, advance with
anti-popular reforms, policies of savage adjustment, without being able
to get to the bottom of the issue, since the mobilizations of 2017
against the pension reform marked -despite the defeat - a milestone of
resistance. Macri did not manage to touch the Collective Agreements nor
was he able to apply a comprehensive labor reform. Milei, with much less
apparatus, will not in principle be able to gather a quorum in a
congress where it is a minority. Furthermore, if it goes through a
cataract of decrees, it will clash with the Supreme Court which,
although it coincides with several axes of government, is not interested
in being exposed to a progression of illegality and violation of rights
that will try to bring with it the policies of La Freedom Advances.
Finally, going to an extreme situation, it is difficult to think that
Milei has enough power to promote a successful self-coup, as happened
with Fujimori in Peru.

Likewise, it is worth noting - with concern - that Milei did not try to
moderate his speech, not even in the final stretch of the campaign,
which is why we warn that he is determined to carry out at least part of
his adjustment plan against the people. We believe this will begin a
period of greater political, social and economic instability;
persecution of protests and imprisonment of social activists; of giving
free rein to the provincial police for easy triggering (as happened with
Bolsonaro), of encouraging the transnationals - with the endorsement of
the governors - to deepen the extractivist model, plunder resources,
destroy the environment and advance on the local populations; to
reinforce the reprimarization of the country's economic-productive
matrix and deindustrialization; to advance in the privatization of all
areas of the public sector, to try to impose a savage labor reform, to
attack the right to Free Interruption of Pregnancy and Comprehensive
Sexual Education.

Comrades, times are coming to redouble our efforts and to bet on the
broadest unity of our organizations within the framework of a strategy
of popular struggle, in the streets, based on action plans and measures
of force. But it is necessary to retrace the fragmentation and
individualism that led this character to the Government as a corollary.
It's no use talking to each other while we're convinced. It is our task
to challenge each coworker, each neighbor, always based on the struggle
and grassroots organization. Do not persecute or condemn your partner
because he/she went to vote, for this or that. It is necessary to
reinforce our strategy that aims to strengthen confidence in our own
strength, in our own capacity for action, the action of our people and
their organizations. Pave the way for an active, organized and mainly
supportive resistance, in the face of the deepening advance of those at
the top. Here it is more than likely that a good number of unions and
social organizations will be willing to take to the streets before an
anti-popular reform advances. It is not surprising that articulations
are developed between combative sectors of the CGT such as Bankers,
Truckers, Oil Workers, with sectors of the two CTA with the state,
teachers and health workers at the head. Social movements, student
organizations, environmental organizations, and human rights
organizations will be alert and on the front line in case ultraliberal
forces want to take away our heartfelt achievements.

   Anarchist Organization of Córdoba - OAC
   Anarchist Federation of Rosario - FAR
   Anarchist Organization of Tucumán - OAT
   Anarchist Organization of Santa Cruz - OASC

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