WORLD WORLDWIDE FRANCE News Journal Update - (en) France, UCL AL #344 - International, Argentina: Milei elected, and now what happens? (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

We relay in our pages this press release from various components of
organized anarchism in Argentina, following the last presidential
elections which gave the far-right ultraliberal Javier Milei the winner.
---- "The freedom to oppress, to exploit, to force people to do military
service, to pay taxes, etc., is the negation of freedom; and the fact
that our enemies use the word freedom in such an inappropriate and
hypocritical way is not enough to make us renounce the principle of
freedom, which is the distinctive character of our Party, which is the
eternal, constant and necessary factor of life and progress of humanity.
Equal liberty for all and the right, therefore, to resist any violation
of liberty, and to resist by brute force, when violence relies on brute
force and there is no better way to successfully oppose it..."[1]

In the end, Milei won, the product of a decaying representative
democratic system, which implies the real possibility of a rollback of
popular gains and rights. A project for those at the top voted for by
those at the bottom. And our position reaffirms the line of
confrontation and overcoming the immobility generated by the fear of
this advance of the ultra-rightist, reactionary and ultra-liberal
sectors. But the defeat is not electoral, any more than that of last Sunday.

For an ultra-right political option to have been able to develop, the
defeat is cultural and ideological and has lasted for many years, mainly
due to the "withdrawal" of a large part of the emancipatory, even
progressive, projects of the majority of working-class neighborhoods and
unions, of the absence of a concrete idea on how to confront this
capitalist system and of a revolutionary project which attacks in depth
the machine to impoverish people, called neoliberalism. The state has
incorporated and institutionalized many of the tools of those at the
bottom, taking all political action into its own hands and making the
ballot box the only possible horizon for political action.

Javier Milei
Mídia NINJA (CC BY-NC 4.0) Mídia NINJA
This lack of rebellion, of rebellious presence, of social struggle, was
filled by the pseudo-fascist and ultra-liberal rhetoric of a handful of
economists and reactionary expressions. In a context also marked by the
economic crisis, the increase in inequalities and the exclusion of a
large part of the population from access to their most fundamental needs.

Milei's ascension to the seat of Rivadavia brought with it a mix of
strong emotions ranging from bewilderment, uncertainty, prospect of
catastrophe and, above all, fear. Fear of the implementation of the
measures and slogans put forward by the candidates throughout the
electoral campaign, some of whom are crazy and others who are part of
the repertoire of reactionary and anti-popular sectors in the history of
our country.

It is about the suppression of rights, misogyny, the extreme
commodification of all aspects of life (market of organs, children,
etc.), the application of shock doctrines and a great part of the
Chicago School storyline. On this subject, he has already warned that
"there will be no gradualism". Among the most serious aspects, there is
also the justification of the illegal repression during the last
dictatorship and the possibility of a pardon for genocides, which will
go in the direction of an open repression of dissent and a filling the
prisons with social fighters.

In principle, we say that we must not underestimate the enemy nor
neglect its capacity to build a political and social force commensurate
with its project. To date, several elements must be taken into account
regarding the starting point of this political novelty. First of all, La
Libertad Avanza does not yet have territorial power, it has not yet won
its own governorates, or even a town hall throughout the country, so in
the first months of government it would not have the territorial
structure to face a tightening of the advance against those at the
bottom of the ladder. One might think that Macri will provide some
structure (the possibility of a Milei-Macri co-government is still
unknown), although we have seen how the post-election deal ended up
undermining a significant part of that structure and left a party
divided across the country.

Milei could also parasitize another political structure or move forward
in establishing coordination with governors and mayors attached to the
pragmatism of the State, but today this is only conjecture. We must take
into account that the vice president-elect, beyond seeking impunity for
the repressors, has moved towards the organization of a political bloc
or party that represents the military family .

Vox España, CC0, via Wikimedia Commons
On the other hand, Milei still has no organized base in unions, social
movements or civil organizations. It also has no capacity for organic
mobilization. The voter is not an activist, but a simple agitator, at
least until today.[...]

In this country, the only actor or social force that has managed to
impose itself at all levels to successfully apply anti-popular measures
has been the army through successive dictatorships. Macri tried - with
certain devices - to intervene with the unions, to criminalize protest,
to advance with anti-popular reforms, wild adjustment policies, without
being able to get to the bottom of things, since the The 2017
mobilizations against pension reform marked - despite the defeat - a
milestone of resistance.

Macri failed to tamper with collective agreements or implement
comprehensive labor reform. Milei, with much less apparatus, will not be
able, in principle, to bring together a quorum in a congress where he is
in the minority. Moreover, if he opts for a cataract of decrees, he will
come up against the Supreme Court which, although in agreement with
several axes of the government, does not wish to be exposed in the face
of a progression of illegality and violation rights that the politicians
of La Libertad Avanza will try to take with them. Finally, in an extreme
situation, it is difficult to think that Milei has enough power to
promote a successful self-coup, as was the case with Fujimori in Peru.[...]

Comrades, the time has come to redouble our efforts and to rely on the
broadest unity of our organizations within the framework of a strategy
of popular struggle, in the streets, based on action plans and measures
of strength. But we must reverse the fragmentation and individualism
which have had this character of government as a corollary. There is no
point in talking among ourselves. It is up to us to question each
colleague, each neighbor, always on the basis of the struggle and the
basic organization.

Do not persecute or condemn the comrade because he went to vote for
so-and-so. It is necessary to strengthen our strategy which aims to
consolidate confidence in our own strength, in our own capacity for
action, in the action of our people and their organizations.

We must pave the way for active, organized and, above all, united
resistance to the continued progress of those at the top. It is more
than likely that a large number of unions and social organizations will
be ready to take to the streets before an anti-people reform progresses.
It is not surprising to see the development of articulations between
militant sectors of the CGT such as Bancarios, Camioneros, Aceiteros,
with sectors of the two CTAs with the State, teachers and health workers
in the lead .

Social movements, student organizations, environmental organizations,
human rights organizations will be on alert and on the front line in
case ultraliberal forces want to take away the gains we feel.

Anarchist Organization of Cordoba Anarchist Federation of Rosario
Anarchist Organization of Tucumán Anarchist Organization of Santa Cruz

To validate

[1]Errico Malatesta, La Question Sociale, November 25, 1899.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Argentine-Milei-elu-et-maintenant-que-se-passe-t-il
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