We are attending the 5th month of Milei's government and we clearly find
a revival of the 90s, with the script of the Chicago School, with an
abrupt process of economic deregulation, emptying of the public sector,
and social indices that are already beginning to be catastrophic . You
don't have to be an economist to notice that the reduction to one digit
of inflation was accompanied by a brutal cooling of the economy, where
it is debated whether it is a recession or directly an economic
depression of the magnitude of 98-2002. The slowdown in prices responds
to nothing other than a process of scarcity and basic deprivation of the
popular sectors throughout the country.
All this is reflected in numbers that show the seriousness of the
situation. Poverty rose to 55% (according to the UCA report), while an
abrupt drop in employment is already observed in industry, services and
the public sector. Analysts speak of an "escalation" of unemployment,
which in a few months will reach double digits, a result similar to that
of Menemism. Since Milei took office, it is stipulated that there has
been a loss of 100,000 jobs in the private sector of industry and
services, the same in construction and 30,000 in the public sector
(national, provincial and municipal), according to different estimates -
although Milei claims to have fired 50,000 employees in the national
administration alone. Transfers to the provinces were cut, public works
were stopped, the salaries of retirees were liquidated, as well as the
salaries of the public and private sectors. With the approval of the IMF
and North American imperialism, this financial bubble benefited the same
people as always: bondholders and other financial speculators, and the
large transnationals.
But this scythe to those below came accompanied by a show. As a
distraction, we highlight the diplomatic outbursts against the Spanish
Government and a recital by the president himself at Luna Park. The
latter made us remember the Riojan's entertainment forays in the 90's.
But the most serious thing about the show perhaps has to do with the
setup put together by the Government and the mainstream media, who
managed to place the judicialization of social references on the "public
agenda", putting the magnifying glass on the consequences of the
administration of the famine in Argentina, scandalized by the
organizational practices of social movements, and not by those
responsible who generated such structural poverty.
In this framework, the Bases Law and the fiscal package, approved in
deputies, but blocked in the senate, are blocked, among other reasons
due to the context of conflict generated in the majority of the
provinces, as well as due to the inconsistency of the Large Investment
Incentive Regime (RIGI), indiscriminate money laundering and the new
wave of privatizations. Let us remember that the Bases Law, a close
relative of the DNU and the first Bases Law, constitutes an accelerated
attempt at deregulation and flexibility at the extreme of the economy
and social relations, a free path to the scrapping of common goods, an
attack on the small margins of regional sovereignty and an unprecedented
advance against worker rights and union organization. This is how the
Executive at this point shows desperation to accelerate the approval of
the Law and close ranks with the dialogue opposition in the May Pact,
which at this point is dilated and with no indication of being finalized
in the coming weeks.
After the momentary fall of this agreement, the truce between the
central government and the provinces came to an end, while conflicts
derived from the adjustment in fund transfers are already beginning to
emerge. However, the response to the growing social conflict does not
admit any cracks between the political class. In addition to local
repression and the sending of federal forces (as in the case of
Misiones), the direct action measures of the unions are punished with
discounts for days of unemployment, removal of presenteeism and threats
of removal of union status. In Santa Fe, the provincial State imposed
the discount on striking public sector workers, as happened in the
recent inter-union mobilizations in the provincial capital.
Although in Argentina, after the last general strike, an escalation of
conflicts and resistance at the national level seemed to be insinuated,
it finally gave way to a scenario of sectoral, regional and
fundamentally provincial resistance. At the sector level, the strikes of
the Oil and Maritime Federation (SOMU) and the Confederation of
Transport Unions (CATT) against the restitution of the income tax to
workers and for salary recomposition stand out at the beginning of May.
The Health Union (ATSA) is also in the middle of a fight plan in the
main private clinics. Another large-scale measure was the recent
national teachers' strike, coordinated by the regional CTERA and SADOP,
and the mobilizations of unions linked to universities (FATUN and the
two CONADUH) together with Student Centers, all in defense of education.
public. The state organizations promoted by ATE also continue to
mobilize against layoffs in national organizations and in defense of
salaries. Overall, large concentrations of all these sectors are
expected, when the new Bases Law is actually discussed in the Senate,
which could generate a framework similar to that of the treatment of
Macri's Pension Reform. We at FAR believe that the popular camp must
take advantage of this pivotal moment to corrode the status quo of this
brutal adjustment towards those below.
However, it should be noted that the greatest source of resistance seems
to come from the provinces. Health workers, judicial workers, bus
drivers, provincial and municipal state workers stand out as organized
sectors to stop the drain on workers, in a month as sensitive as the day
before the bonus payment. The Judiciaries of Mendoza are already in
their 3rd week of strike while the UTA drivers continue to be struck for
pay in San Juan and Santiago del Estero. In Jujuy there is an important
fight on the part of the indigenous communities against the Emergency
Law - which threatens their lands - and fundamentally against the
anti-popular agreement of the provincial government with the Israeli
company Mekorot, for the monopoly of the administration of something so
fundamental like water.
But the most resonant case has to do with the town in Misiones - which
already has a contagion effect in neighboring Corrientes. The teachers
have been leading a protest for several weeks, among other things,
against the permanent adjustment to the pocketbook and the precarious
working conditions. After the start of the claim, other sectors have
joined, such as health workers, park rangers, state workers, energy
company workers and herbal producers. The latter, with a great tradition
of struggle, are even guaranteeing roadblocks throughout the province.
But the paradigmatic case has to do with the use that the police forces
made of this context, promoting a barracking for increased salaries,
which was well received by sectors of mobilized workers. In essence, we
must not ignore that in Argentina, in some small and sparsely populated
provinces, the coexistence of the personnel of the repressive forces -
and their families - with the rest of the community is very close,
generating a special and different coexistence framework. of the large
urban centers, to the point that the military also continues to be "just
another neighbor." This dynamic led to the police riot in Misiones
joining the intersectoral fight as one more actor in that conflict
against a "common enemy," the provincial government. In this sense, we
were able to hear statements from sectors of the missionary police in
combative tones and "solidarity" with the unions in struggle. Beyond the
astonishment that this may generate, we cannot forget what the police
institution represents in the province of Misiones, with the historical
persecution of the herbalists and the MAM (Missionary Agrarian
Movement), with its actions in the last military dictatorship, with the
brutal repressions of cooperative members, teachers and other organized
sectors of the province in recent years. They say that one button is
enough as an example, if we look at the repression of the Rovira police
against the occupation of the legislature by teachers and health workers.
From FAR we highlight once again the importance that the organized
popular sectors must strengthen and deepen the sectoral fights and,
mainly, the regional and provincial multisectoral fights as the basis
and impulse of a general plan of struggle against this unprecedented
advance. The unity of popular organizations in this context makes a
difference. Maintaining the street and expanding the unit seem to be the
watchwords of this moment. The stop to Milei's ultra-liberal adjustment
and its obscene spectacle can only be led by unions, environmental
assemblies, native communities, student organizations and other sectors
in struggle. Our fighting position as anarchist militants is there.
UP LXS WHO FIGHT!
https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=958722286256006&set=a.132988952162681
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
a revival of the 90s, with the script of the Chicago School, with an
abrupt process of economic deregulation, emptying of the public sector,
and social indices that are already beginning to be catastrophic . You
don't have to be an economist to notice that the reduction to one digit
of inflation was accompanied by a brutal cooling of the economy, where
it is debated whether it is a recession or directly an economic
depression of the magnitude of 98-2002. The slowdown in prices responds
to nothing other than a process of scarcity and basic deprivation of the
popular sectors throughout the country.
All this is reflected in numbers that show the seriousness of the
situation. Poverty rose to 55% (according to the UCA report), while an
abrupt drop in employment is already observed in industry, services and
the public sector. Analysts speak of an "escalation" of unemployment,
which in a few months will reach double digits, a result similar to that
of Menemism. Since Milei took office, it is stipulated that there has
been a loss of 100,000 jobs in the private sector of industry and
services, the same in construction and 30,000 in the public sector
(national, provincial and municipal), according to different estimates -
although Milei claims to have fired 50,000 employees in the national
administration alone. Transfers to the provinces were cut, public works
were stopped, the salaries of retirees were liquidated, as well as the
salaries of the public and private sectors. With the approval of the IMF
and North American imperialism, this financial bubble benefited the same
people as always: bondholders and other financial speculators, and the
large transnationals.
But this scythe to those below came accompanied by a show. As a
distraction, we highlight the diplomatic outbursts against the Spanish
Government and a recital by the president himself at Luna Park. The
latter made us remember the Riojan's entertainment forays in the 90's.
But the most serious thing about the show perhaps has to do with the
setup put together by the Government and the mainstream media, who
managed to place the judicialization of social references on the "public
agenda", putting the magnifying glass on the consequences of the
administration of the famine in Argentina, scandalized by the
organizational practices of social movements, and not by those
responsible who generated such structural poverty.
In this framework, the Bases Law and the fiscal package, approved in
deputies, but blocked in the senate, are blocked, among other reasons
due to the context of conflict generated in the majority of the
provinces, as well as due to the inconsistency of the Large Investment
Incentive Regime (RIGI), indiscriminate money laundering and the new
wave of privatizations. Let us remember that the Bases Law, a close
relative of the DNU and the first Bases Law, constitutes an accelerated
attempt at deregulation and flexibility at the extreme of the economy
and social relations, a free path to the scrapping of common goods, an
attack on the small margins of regional sovereignty and an unprecedented
advance against worker rights and union organization. This is how the
Executive at this point shows desperation to accelerate the approval of
the Law and close ranks with the dialogue opposition in the May Pact,
which at this point is dilated and with no indication of being finalized
in the coming weeks.
After the momentary fall of this agreement, the truce between the
central government and the provinces came to an end, while conflicts
derived from the adjustment in fund transfers are already beginning to
emerge. However, the response to the growing social conflict does not
admit any cracks between the political class. In addition to local
repression and the sending of federal forces (as in the case of
Misiones), the direct action measures of the unions are punished with
discounts for days of unemployment, removal of presenteeism and threats
of removal of union status. In Santa Fe, the provincial State imposed
the discount on striking public sector workers, as happened in the
recent inter-union mobilizations in the provincial capital.
Although in Argentina, after the last general strike, an escalation of
conflicts and resistance at the national level seemed to be insinuated,
it finally gave way to a scenario of sectoral, regional and
fundamentally provincial resistance. At the sector level, the strikes of
the Oil and Maritime Federation (SOMU) and the Confederation of
Transport Unions (CATT) against the restitution of the income tax to
workers and for salary recomposition stand out at the beginning of May.
The Health Union (ATSA) is also in the middle of a fight plan in the
main private clinics. Another large-scale measure was the recent
national teachers' strike, coordinated by the regional CTERA and SADOP,
and the mobilizations of unions linked to universities (FATUN and the
two CONADUH) together with Student Centers, all in defense of education.
public. The state organizations promoted by ATE also continue to
mobilize against layoffs in national organizations and in defense of
salaries. Overall, large concentrations of all these sectors are
expected, when the new Bases Law is actually discussed in the Senate,
which could generate a framework similar to that of the treatment of
Macri's Pension Reform. We at FAR believe that the popular camp must
take advantage of this pivotal moment to corrode the status quo of this
brutal adjustment towards those below.
However, it should be noted that the greatest source of resistance seems
to come from the provinces. Health workers, judicial workers, bus
drivers, provincial and municipal state workers stand out as organized
sectors to stop the drain on workers, in a month as sensitive as the day
before the bonus payment. The Judiciaries of Mendoza are already in
their 3rd week of strike while the UTA drivers continue to be struck for
pay in San Juan and Santiago del Estero. In Jujuy there is an important
fight on the part of the indigenous communities against the Emergency
Law - which threatens their lands - and fundamentally against the
anti-popular agreement of the provincial government with the Israeli
company Mekorot, for the monopoly of the administration of something so
fundamental like water.
But the most resonant case has to do with the town in Misiones - which
already has a contagion effect in neighboring Corrientes. The teachers
have been leading a protest for several weeks, among other things,
against the permanent adjustment to the pocketbook and the precarious
working conditions. After the start of the claim, other sectors have
joined, such as health workers, park rangers, state workers, energy
company workers and herbal producers. The latter, with a great tradition
of struggle, are even guaranteeing roadblocks throughout the province.
But the paradigmatic case has to do with the use that the police forces
made of this context, promoting a barracking for increased salaries,
which was well received by sectors of mobilized workers. In essence, we
must not ignore that in Argentina, in some small and sparsely populated
provinces, the coexistence of the personnel of the repressive forces -
and their families - with the rest of the community is very close,
generating a special and different coexistence framework. of the large
urban centers, to the point that the military also continues to be "just
another neighbor." This dynamic led to the police riot in Misiones
joining the intersectoral fight as one more actor in that conflict
against a "common enemy," the provincial government. In this sense, we
were able to hear statements from sectors of the missionary police in
combative tones and "solidarity" with the unions in struggle. Beyond the
astonishment that this may generate, we cannot forget what the police
institution represents in the province of Misiones, with the historical
persecution of the herbalists and the MAM (Missionary Agrarian
Movement), with its actions in the last military dictatorship, with the
brutal repressions of cooperative members, teachers and other organized
sectors of the province in recent years. They say that one button is
enough as an example, if we look at the repression of the Rovira police
against the occupation of the legislature by teachers and health workers.
From FAR we highlight once again the importance that the organized
popular sectors must strengthen and deepen the sectoral fights and,
mainly, the regional and provincial multisectoral fights as the basis
and impulse of a general plan of struggle against this unprecedented
advance. The unity of popular organizations in this context makes a
difference. Maintaining the street and expanding the unit seem to be the
watchwords of this moment. The stop to Milei's ultra-liberal adjustment
and its obscene spectacle can only be led by unions, environmental
assemblies, native communities, student organizations and other sectors
in struggle. Our fighting position as anarchist militants is there.
UP LXS WHO FIGHT!
https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=958722286256006&set=a.132988952162681
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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