On the day that Xesta announces its arrival to strengthen the Galician
movements, the Regeneración editorial team interviews the organization
so that it can tell us about its organizational process, its objectives,
its struggles, its path towards the revolution that it sees. Welcome,
comrades. ---- Before getting into the subject about you, could you
explain the meaning and where the name of your organization comes from?
---- The name Xesta is not a coincidence. It is a symbol and a
declaration of intentions. In Galician, xesta is the name of the broom,
the plant ( Cytisus scoparius ) that grows on the sides of roads, in the
mountains, among stones and ditches. A resilient plant that survives the
cold, the fire, the drought. Like our struggles: it grows where it is
not expected, and it always returns, even if it is uprooted.
But xesta isn't just about resistance. In Galicia, it's also a symbol of
protection, collective strength, and renewal. Every May 1st, many homes
and cars are decorated with xesta branches. It's a living tradition that
invokes the arrival of good weather, the fertility of the earth, good
luck, and wards off evil spirits. It's also done on San Xoán, when the
house is swept with xesta to cleanse it of negativity.
And that's what Xesta is: a Galician anarchist organization that seeks
to grow from below, to resist like a wild plant, and to be a living tool
for promoting popular power through strategy, theory, and action.
Calling ourselves Xesta is a way of remembering that we come from that
land that struggles and flourishes. That our memory lies in the ditches
and our strength lies in the common good. That we want to sweep away
what oppresses us and pave the way for something new.
Why was Xesta created?
Xesta was born because we felt something more was needed. Something that
would help connect struggles, help us think collectively, and strengthen
the bonds between those of us who are already confronting the system on
different fronts. We're not starting from scratch: we know that in
Galicia there's a long history of organization, disobedience, and
community. What we're looking for is to provide another tool for that
tradition.
The seed of Xesta was planted after the first course of the Galician
Libertarian Studies Seminar, which focused specifically on anarchism and
organization. Through these training sessions, and thanks to the
sustained work with the Libertarian Self-Training Groups, we delved
deeper into ideas, strategies, and experiences that helped us see
something clearly: we needed to go further. Some of us identified a
shortcoming in Galicia-the absence of a specific organizational tool for
organized anarchism-and decided to create it.
This is how Xesta was born: with the intention of building a structure
that combines theory and practice in balance. An organization that
doesn't remain trapped in intellectual immobility, but also doesn't
repeat practices without a horizon. We want to think in order to act,
and act in order to transform.
We understand that the current situation-ecological crisis,
authoritarianism, precariousness, and displacement-demands organized,
bold, and shared responses. And we believe that these responses cannot
be built from the top down, nor in isolation. That's why we launched
Xesta: to build a network, to strengthen the political muscle of our
struggles, to circulate useful ideas, analyses, and tools. We believe it
is necessary to pool all these struggles not only to confront the wave
of reaction we are experiencing today, but also to generate our own
institutions that can serve to build the world of tomorrow.
What led you to organize politically?
Our main driving force is, first and foremost, the historical lack of
stable organizational structures within Galician anarchism. For a long
time, the libertarian presence in Galicia has been marked by dispersion,
informality, or more ephemeral projects, which has hindered the
movement's continuity and strategic advancement.
However, in recent years, a network of active activists has emerged
around spaces for memory, reflection, and libertarian training,
gradually creating stronger ties and sharing a common desire to move
forward. In this context, organizing ourselves politically was the
logical and necessary step to provide ourselves with a stable space from
which to articulate action, build collective thinking, and intervene in
Galician reality from a libertarian perspective.
The proliferation of anarchist organizations in other territories with
social and organizational approaches has also influenced this process,
serving as both inspiration and support. Seeing how other comrades in
other contexts were launching solid political projects, with horizontal
practices and roots in social movements, made us realize that here too
it was possible to build our own organizational tool, one rooted in the
Galician reality and connected to a living libertarian tradition.
We organized because it was no longer enough to exist in a scattered
manner, or to limit our actions to cultural spaces or specific activism.
We organized because we believe in the need for a collective political
tool that, through Galician social and organized anarchism, can
contribute to the struggle for social transformation, for the
emancipation of our peoples, and for the construction of a free,
supportive, and self-managed society.
How does the new organization work?
Xesta operates through a "double" organizational structure, designed to
respond both to the need for general coordination and to the local
specificities of Galicia (dispersion, rurality, concentration of
movement along the Atlantic Axis, etc.). On the one hand, it has general
decision-making bodies: the General Assembly and, ultimately, the
Congress. These bodies guarantee strategic decision-making and the
collective construction of common political lines. On the other hand,
and equally important, it is articulated through territorial structures
that allow for realistic analyses of each local situation and the
application of tactics adapted to the specific realities of each area.
This dual structure is not merely an organizational choice: it is a
direct response to the geographical and population dispersion of
Galicia, where each region can have distinct contexts and social dynamics.
This model also embraces a historical logic very much rooted in the
resistance movements in Galicia, which often operated through autonomous
projects such as social centers and neighborhood or community
initiatives, focused on struggles specific to the region. Far from
dismissing this heritage, Xesta incorporates and revalues it,
recognizing the political value of these experiences and providing them
with a broader coordination that allows for pooling forces without
erasing diversity. Day-to-day operations fall to committees and working
groups that address specific tasks (training, communication, internal
organization, networking, etc.). This flexible structure allows for
continued operation without bureaucratizing militancy, fostering the
active involvement of all comrades based on their time and abilities.
Furthermore, one of the central principles guiding Xesta's operations is
theoretical and strategic unity: this entails collectively constructing
a shared understanding of the current political situation, as well as
shared lines of action that guide our intervention on the various fronts
of the struggle. It's not about standardizing our ways of doing things,
but rather about sustaining the diversity of practices and rhythms on a
common political foundation, which gives coherence to our actions and
allows us to walk together in the same direction.
In which areas of society, movements or social struggles does Xesta
intervene?
Xesta participates wherever popular resistance is being built and paths
toward social transformation are being opened. We know that social
movements in Galicia, despite their historical strength, currently
suffer from a degree of fragmentation, a lack of succession, and
insufficient coordination. This has led us, as activists, to take on
multiple fronts of struggle simultaneously-a reality we accept with
self-criticism, knowing that it sometimes disperses rather than strengthens.
Even so, based on our practice and analysis, we have identified some
priority areas where we consider it essential to be present, strengthen
existing dynamics, and provide libertarian tools that make them more
solid and effective. Among them, the struggle for housing occupies a
central place: due to its ability to unite and organize grassroots
sectors around urgent issues, and its potential to generate community
fabric. The labor and anarcho-syndicalist spheres, in any of their
organizational forms, also remain a necessary trench in the defense of
our class against exploitation.
At the same time, the fight against repression is essential in the face
of the advance of authoritarianism and the constant criminalization of
dissent. This is also true of social and community work, which is
expressed in grassroots social centers, spaces where roots,
self-management, and mutual support are built. We must also not forget
our commitment to the Galician independence movement and the active
defense of the language, which for us are not symbolic struggles, but
essential aspects of building popular power from our own territory and
our own ways of life.
From all these spaces, we aim to contribute an organizational,
strategic, and libertarian perspective that goes beyond resistance, but
rather seeks to build from the bottom up another way of living,
relating, and engaging in politics based on the common ground.
What relationships do you have in your region with other stakeholders,
organizations, and movements? Are there any existing alliances or synergies?
In our region, relationships with other actors, organizations, and
movements are a fundamental aspect of our political work. In recent
years, a constellation of collectives, spaces, and affinities has been
woven together that, while diverse in form and pace, share a common
desire for radical transformation from non-institutional frameworks.
An important part of these synergies is found around the self-managed
social centers spread across the country, with which many of us already
collaborated before promoting more organizational processes, and where
we continue to actively participate today. These spaces allow for
community struggles, cultural activities, care networks, and spaces for
political training.
There is also a growing connection between libertarian collectives and
projects with which we share both a vision and specific activism. Some
of these are:
-Refuxios da Memoria , which promotes valuable work to recover and
redefine the Galician libertarian legacy from a critical and popular
perspective.
-The Anarchist Book Fairs of Coruña and Pontevedra, which function as
meeting, reflection, and coordination points for various groups and
individuals.
-The Libertarian Athenaeum of Pontevedra, another active and committed
node in the Galician libertarian network.
-The Seminar of Galician Libertarian Studies (SELG), a space for
reflection and research that also feeds into the theoretical and
strategic construction of anarchism in Galicia.
Added to this are publishing projects such as Ardora (s)edición or
Editorial Bastiana, which provide a very valuable line of work in the
recovery of memory, theory and libertarian and territorialized political
culture.
Furthermore, we recognize and value our relationships with activists who
come from previous cycles of struggle, many of them linked to autonomist
or insurrectionist traditions. From a self-critical and restorative
perspective, we learn from their experiences, mistakes, and successes,
recognizing the material and political contexts in which these struggles
took place. We don't start from scratch; rather, we draw on a militant
heritage that we neither idealize nor ignore, because we know that
without memory, no transformative construction is possible.
More than formal or structured alliances, what exists today is a living
and developing network of complicities, affections, and shared projects
that, without neglecting the diversity of perspectives, advocate for
horizontal, anti-capitalist, anti-patriarchal, and anti-authoritarian
forms of politics, from and for Galicia. Our work now involves
formalizing these relationships and equipping ourselves as anarchists
with a shared political and strategic sense.
What analysis of the current situation are you doing in your region, and
what tactics should organized anarchism implement there?
Our analysis of the current situation is based on a clear observation:
Galicia is a territory with a high demographic, territorial, and even
political dispersion, which profoundly affects any organizational
attempt, especially from libertarian perspectives. This dispersion is
reflected both in the multiplicity of autonomous spaces and small,
isolated militant groups, as well as in an uneven geography in terms of
political and social centrality.
There is a strong centralization around Santiago and A Coruña, with some
emphasis also on Vigo, which concentrates a large part of the resources,
infrastructure, and institutional attention. This dynamic creates a
disconnect between what happens in the big cities and what is happening
in inland or more rural Galicia, hindering the national coordination of
social movements. Despite this, compared to other regions in the state,
Galicia remains a territory where dispersion (social, territorial, and
cultural) is much more pronounced, and this requires a specific
interpretation.
Added to this is the championing of many popular struggles by
institutionalism, primarily the National Liberation Front (BNG) and its
political and social ecosystem (unions, youth organizations, affiliated
media, etc.). This has led to part of the social mobilization being
co-opted or directed toward electoral ends or a logic of institutional
pressure, leaving little room for autonomous and disruptive strategies.
This dynamic also occurs within the independence movement, where the
dominant discourse (close to the BNG) revolves around moderate or
reformist frameworks, although with numerous laudable exceptions that,
like our libertarian commitment, understand independence as a means of
popular emancipation and not as an end for reproducing state structures.
In this context, organized anarchism in Galicia must focus on specific
tactics adapted to the region. Some of those we consider essential are:
-Building a deep-rooted territorial organization, overcoming centralism
and prioritizing local implementation based on a community approach,
through social centers, neighborhood spaces, and mutual support
networks. This not only allows for resisting dispersion but also
responding to specific problems locally.
-It advocates for a grassroots independence movement that doesn't rely
on institutional frameworks or aspire to create a new state, but rather
strengthens community self-governing structures such as the Montes
Veciñais (local communities) , open councils , and self-managed
cooperatives.
-Solid political and ideological training that serves to counteract the
emptying of radical content in many struggles. In the face of
opportunism or electoral pragmatism, we need theoretical and practical
tools that allow us to maintain a clear and coherent libertarian line.
-Intervention in key struggles such as housing, labor and union issues,
anti-capitalist feminism, the defense of the Galician language and
culture, and social and community spaces. But we must do so from a
non-extractive perspective, without instrumentalizing struggles or
overburdening activists, but rather with a strategic, pedagogical, and
grounded approach.
-Long-term coordination tactics, without falling into immediacy or
permanent urgency. We know that our project requires time, care, and
listening, and that only in this way can we build a real alternative to
the state, capital, and patriarchy.
We believe that organized anarchism in Galicia needs to articulate its
own response to a very specific political, social, and territorial
reality, committed to a patient but determined construction that knows
how to interpret the country's conditions and implement a strategy
commensurate with the historical moment.
How do you approach articulation with other organizations of social and
organized anarchism?
We're in a period of construction, and that means listening to our own
time. At Xesta, we feel that what we want to build is something
ambitious, solid, and lasting. But we know that this is only possible if
we start by taking care of ourselves from within: building internal
relationships based on trust, mutual support, respect, and community.
And that requires patience, calm, and a lot of daily work.
In that sense, the connection with other social and organized anarchist
organizations excites us, but it also inspires great respect. It makes
us dizzy, yes, but also gives us great enthusiasm. We want to build
these connections with honesty, without forcing what we cannot yet
sustain, but with a clear will to walk together.
We recognize ourselves as new, as apprentices. We are in a process of
constant training, and we greatly value everything we can learn from
those who have been organizing for some time. That's why, right now, we
see and feel this connection as a key support: theoretically,
structurally, in the practices and tools that help us sustain this
project. We want to forge these alliances from a place of realism, but
also from the joy of sharing the journey with those we share.
Are you aware of any previous attempts at specific organization in Galicia?
At Xesta, we place great importance on our collective memory as
activists and are aware of several previous attempts at specific
libertarian organizations in Galicia. These experiences we value and
seek to learn from, both their successes and their limitations. Some of
our comrades were active in these organizations or knew them closely.
Among its most notable antecedents is the Libertarian Student Collective
(CEL), inspired by a movement close to specificism, influenced by
experiences such as the Chilean Libertarian Student Federation and the
writings of Felipe Corrêa. CEL was present in several cities
(Compostela, Ourense, A Coruña, Vigo) and championed grassroots power
through education. Although it never fully consolidated as a formal,
structured organization, it was an important space for political
training and libertarian youth organization. In 2014, it participated in
the founding of the state-level Libertarian Student Federation (FEL),
from which the Galician activists emerged after a year to transform into
their own youth organization.
Thus, Liça was born in 2015. It operated for a few years along lines
bordering on anarcho-independence, without formally defining itself as
such. Although attempts were made to give it a firmer and clearer
structure, internal tensions persisted between more informalist lines
and others with more centralist tendencies. Furthermore, the
interference of authoritarian organizations like Xeira within the
Galician student movement greatly hampered its work, especially in
Santiago de Compostela. Finally, Liça dissolved between 2017 and 2018.
There was also a brief attempt called Bátega, which never gained
traction beyond a manifesto published in 2017, but which highlighted the
persistent concern among youth groups to build a libertarian
organization with a strategic vocation.
This background shows us that the desire for specific libertarian
organization is not new in Galicia. At Xesta, we pick up the torch,
knowing that many of these projects were valuable experiences, but also
aware that they lacked the time, tools, or conditions to establish a
stable foundation. Learning from them helps us more clearly address our
own organizational processes.
What is Xesta's position on the Galician national question?
For Xesta, the Galician national question is not an identity-based goal,
but rather a strategic tool for collective emancipation. We are firmly
convinced that the independence of Galicia, understood from a
libertarian perspective, must serve to dismantle the structures of
domination and build a free and self-managed society. We do not aspire
to found a new state, but rather to weaken and overcome the state power
that oppresses our lives, our language, our territory, and our class.
Our approach is clear: independence from below, not from official
institutions or elite projects, but through strengthening our own
structures such as common mountain communities , open councils , and
solidarity economy networks. These projects already exist or are
underway, and which embody a form of real, everyday sovereignty based on
direct participation and mutual support. We are committed to functional
self-determination: not waiting for ideal conditions, but starting now
to organize our own tools to live autonomously.
On this path, we don't believe in closed, exclusive, or essentialist
identities. For us, the Galician identity is a space of resistance, a
deep-rooted way of life that we want to protect without turning it into
a border. What interests us is not raising flags, but ensuring the
material and social conditions so that our territory can live according
to its values, in freedom, and in connection with others.
From our perspective, the independence movement per se , without
prefiguring what kind of society we want to build, is to some extent an
empty project. Therefore, our commitment is not to an abstract or merely
identitarian independence, but to a process of comprehensive social and
political emancipation, moving toward a libertarian, feminist,
anti-capitalist, and truly democratic society, built from the bottom up
and with popular participation.
For this very reason, our independence movement is permeated by
internationalism, which we understand not as an abstract universalism,
but as the free and supportive integration of territories with their own
histories and struggles. Our way of being internationalists is to be
Galician: to contribute from here, from our experience and our community
institutions, to the international anarchist movement.
We know that the struggle against capitalism and the state is global,
and that coordination between libertarian socialist organizations from
different communities is essential. But we also know that this struggle
will only be solid if it is sustained at the roots of each territory.
Therefore, we say that Galician independence is not the end, but the
means to build another society -a free, egalitarian, and
domination-free society.
Regeneration Editorial.
https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/05/19/nace-xesta-organizacion-anarquista-galega/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
movements, the Regeneración editorial team interviews the organization
so that it can tell us about its organizational process, its objectives,
its struggles, its path towards the revolution that it sees. Welcome,
comrades. ---- Before getting into the subject about you, could you
explain the meaning and where the name of your organization comes from?
---- The name Xesta is not a coincidence. It is a symbol and a
declaration of intentions. In Galician, xesta is the name of the broom,
the plant ( Cytisus scoparius ) that grows on the sides of roads, in the
mountains, among stones and ditches. A resilient plant that survives the
cold, the fire, the drought. Like our struggles: it grows where it is
not expected, and it always returns, even if it is uprooted.
But xesta isn't just about resistance. In Galicia, it's also a symbol of
protection, collective strength, and renewal. Every May 1st, many homes
and cars are decorated with xesta branches. It's a living tradition that
invokes the arrival of good weather, the fertility of the earth, good
luck, and wards off evil spirits. It's also done on San Xoán, when the
house is swept with xesta to cleanse it of negativity.
And that's what Xesta is: a Galician anarchist organization that seeks
to grow from below, to resist like a wild plant, and to be a living tool
for promoting popular power through strategy, theory, and action.
Calling ourselves Xesta is a way of remembering that we come from that
land that struggles and flourishes. That our memory lies in the ditches
and our strength lies in the common good. That we want to sweep away
what oppresses us and pave the way for something new.
Why was Xesta created?
Xesta was born because we felt something more was needed. Something that
would help connect struggles, help us think collectively, and strengthen
the bonds between those of us who are already confronting the system on
different fronts. We're not starting from scratch: we know that in
Galicia there's a long history of organization, disobedience, and
community. What we're looking for is to provide another tool for that
tradition.
The seed of Xesta was planted after the first course of the Galician
Libertarian Studies Seminar, which focused specifically on anarchism and
organization. Through these training sessions, and thanks to the
sustained work with the Libertarian Self-Training Groups, we delved
deeper into ideas, strategies, and experiences that helped us see
something clearly: we needed to go further. Some of us identified a
shortcoming in Galicia-the absence of a specific organizational tool for
organized anarchism-and decided to create it.
This is how Xesta was born: with the intention of building a structure
that combines theory and practice in balance. An organization that
doesn't remain trapped in intellectual immobility, but also doesn't
repeat practices without a horizon. We want to think in order to act,
and act in order to transform.
We understand that the current situation-ecological crisis,
authoritarianism, precariousness, and displacement-demands organized,
bold, and shared responses. And we believe that these responses cannot
be built from the top down, nor in isolation. That's why we launched
Xesta: to build a network, to strengthen the political muscle of our
struggles, to circulate useful ideas, analyses, and tools. We believe it
is necessary to pool all these struggles not only to confront the wave
of reaction we are experiencing today, but also to generate our own
institutions that can serve to build the world of tomorrow.
What led you to organize politically?
Our main driving force is, first and foremost, the historical lack of
stable organizational structures within Galician anarchism. For a long
time, the libertarian presence in Galicia has been marked by dispersion,
informality, or more ephemeral projects, which has hindered the
movement's continuity and strategic advancement.
However, in recent years, a network of active activists has emerged
around spaces for memory, reflection, and libertarian training,
gradually creating stronger ties and sharing a common desire to move
forward. In this context, organizing ourselves politically was the
logical and necessary step to provide ourselves with a stable space from
which to articulate action, build collective thinking, and intervene in
Galician reality from a libertarian perspective.
The proliferation of anarchist organizations in other territories with
social and organizational approaches has also influenced this process,
serving as both inspiration and support. Seeing how other comrades in
other contexts were launching solid political projects, with horizontal
practices and roots in social movements, made us realize that here too
it was possible to build our own organizational tool, one rooted in the
Galician reality and connected to a living libertarian tradition.
We organized because it was no longer enough to exist in a scattered
manner, or to limit our actions to cultural spaces or specific activism.
We organized because we believe in the need for a collective political
tool that, through Galician social and organized anarchism, can
contribute to the struggle for social transformation, for the
emancipation of our peoples, and for the construction of a free,
supportive, and self-managed society.
How does the new organization work?
Xesta operates through a "double" organizational structure, designed to
respond both to the need for general coordination and to the local
specificities of Galicia (dispersion, rurality, concentration of
movement along the Atlantic Axis, etc.). On the one hand, it has general
decision-making bodies: the General Assembly and, ultimately, the
Congress. These bodies guarantee strategic decision-making and the
collective construction of common political lines. On the other hand,
and equally important, it is articulated through territorial structures
that allow for realistic analyses of each local situation and the
application of tactics adapted to the specific realities of each area.
This dual structure is not merely an organizational choice: it is a
direct response to the geographical and population dispersion of
Galicia, where each region can have distinct contexts and social dynamics.
This model also embraces a historical logic very much rooted in the
resistance movements in Galicia, which often operated through autonomous
projects such as social centers and neighborhood or community
initiatives, focused on struggles specific to the region. Far from
dismissing this heritage, Xesta incorporates and revalues it,
recognizing the political value of these experiences and providing them
with a broader coordination that allows for pooling forces without
erasing diversity. Day-to-day operations fall to committees and working
groups that address specific tasks (training, communication, internal
organization, networking, etc.). This flexible structure allows for
continued operation without bureaucratizing militancy, fostering the
active involvement of all comrades based on their time and abilities.
Furthermore, one of the central principles guiding Xesta's operations is
theoretical and strategic unity: this entails collectively constructing
a shared understanding of the current political situation, as well as
shared lines of action that guide our intervention on the various fronts
of the struggle. It's not about standardizing our ways of doing things,
but rather about sustaining the diversity of practices and rhythms on a
common political foundation, which gives coherence to our actions and
allows us to walk together in the same direction.
In which areas of society, movements or social struggles does Xesta
intervene?
Xesta participates wherever popular resistance is being built and paths
toward social transformation are being opened. We know that social
movements in Galicia, despite their historical strength, currently
suffer from a degree of fragmentation, a lack of succession, and
insufficient coordination. This has led us, as activists, to take on
multiple fronts of struggle simultaneously-a reality we accept with
self-criticism, knowing that it sometimes disperses rather than strengthens.
Even so, based on our practice and analysis, we have identified some
priority areas where we consider it essential to be present, strengthen
existing dynamics, and provide libertarian tools that make them more
solid and effective. Among them, the struggle for housing occupies a
central place: due to its ability to unite and organize grassroots
sectors around urgent issues, and its potential to generate community
fabric. The labor and anarcho-syndicalist spheres, in any of their
organizational forms, also remain a necessary trench in the defense of
our class against exploitation.
At the same time, the fight against repression is essential in the face
of the advance of authoritarianism and the constant criminalization of
dissent. This is also true of social and community work, which is
expressed in grassroots social centers, spaces where roots,
self-management, and mutual support are built. We must also not forget
our commitment to the Galician independence movement and the active
defense of the language, which for us are not symbolic struggles, but
essential aspects of building popular power from our own territory and
our own ways of life.
From all these spaces, we aim to contribute an organizational,
strategic, and libertarian perspective that goes beyond resistance, but
rather seeks to build from the bottom up another way of living,
relating, and engaging in politics based on the common ground.
What relationships do you have in your region with other stakeholders,
organizations, and movements? Are there any existing alliances or synergies?
In our region, relationships with other actors, organizations, and
movements are a fundamental aspect of our political work. In recent
years, a constellation of collectives, spaces, and affinities has been
woven together that, while diverse in form and pace, share a common
desire for radical transformation from non-institutional frameworks.
An important part of these synergies is found around the self-managed
social centers spread across the country, with which many of us already
collaborated before promoting more organizational processes, and where
we continue to actively participate today. These spaces allow for
community struggles, cultural activities, care networks, and spaces for
political training.
There is also a growing connection between libertarian collectives and
projects with which we share both a vision and specific activism. Some
of these are:
-Refuxios da Memoria , which promotes valuable work to recover and
redefine the Galician libertarian legacy from a critical and popular
perspective.
-The Anarchist Book Fairs of Coruña and Pontevedra, which function as
meeting, reflection, and coordination points for various groups and
individuals.
-The Libertarian Athenaeum of Pontevedra, another active and committed
node in the Galician libertarian network.
-The Seminar of Galician Libertarian Studies (SELG), a space for
reflection and research that also feeds into the theoretical and
strategic construction of anarchism in Galicia.
Added to this are publishing projects such as Ardora (s)edición or
Editorial Bastiana, which provide a very valuable line of work in the
recovery of memory, theory and libertarian and territorialized political
culture.
Furthermore, we recognize and value our relationships with activists who
come from previous cycles of struggle, many of them linked to autonomist
or insurrectionist traditions. From a self-critical and restorative
perspective, we learn from their experiences, mistakes, and successes,
recognizing the material and political contexts in which these struggles
took place. We don't start from scratch; rather, we draw on a militant
heritage that we neither idealize nor ignore, because we know that
without memory, no transformative construction is possible.
More than formal or structured alliances, what exists today is a living
and developing network of complicities, affections, and shared projects
that, without neglecting the diversity of perspectives, advocate for
horizontal, anti-capitalist, anti-patriarchal, and anti-authoritarian
forms of politics, from and for Galicia. Our work now involves
formalizing these relationships and equipping ourselves as anarchists
with a shared political and strategic sense.
What analysis of the current situation are you doing in your region, and
what tactics should organized anarchism implement there?
Our analysis of the current situation is based on a clear observation:
Galicia is a territory with a high demographic, territorial, and even
political dispersion, which profoundly affects any organizational
attempt, especially from libertarian perspectives. This dispersion is
reflected both in the multiplicity of autonomous spaces and small,
isolated militant groups, as well as in an uneven geography in terms of
political and social centrality.
There is a strong centralization around Santiago and A Coruña, with some
emphasis also on Vigo, which concentrates a large part of the resources,
infrastructure, and institutional attention. This dynamic creates a
disconnect between what happens in the big cities and what is happening
in inland or more rural Galicia, hindering the national coordination of
social movements. Despite this, compared to other regions in the state,
Galicia remains a territory where dispersion (social, territorial, and
cultural) is much more pronounced, and this requires a specific
interpretation.
Added to this is the championing of many popular struggles by
institutionalism, primarily the National Liberation Front (BNG) and its
political and social ecosystem (unions, youth organizations, affiliated
media, etc.). This has led to part of the social mobilization being
co-opted or directed toward electoral ends or a logic of institutional
pressure, leaving little room for autonomous and disruptive strategies.
This dynamic also occurs within the independence movement, where the
dominant discourse (close to the BNG) revolves around moderate or
reformist frameworks, although with numerous laudable exceptions that,
like our libertarian commitment, understand independence as a means of
popular emancipation and not as an end for reproducing state structures.
In this context, organized anarchism in Galicia must focus on specific
tactics adapted to the region. Some of those we consider essential are:
-Building a deep-rooted territorial organization, overcoming centralism
and prioritizing local implementation based on a community approach,
through social centers, neighborhood spaces, and mutual support
networks. This not only allows for resisting dispersion but also
responding to specific problems locally.
-It advocates for a grassroots independence movement that doesn't rely
on institutional frameworks or aspire to create a new state, but rather
strengthens community self-governing structures such as the Montes
Veciñais (local communities) , open councils , and self-managed
cooperatives.
-Solid political and ideological training that serves to counteract the
emptying of radical content in many struggles. In the face of
opportunism or electoral pragmatism, we need theoretical and practical
tools that allow us to maintain a clear and coherent libertarian line.
-Intervention in key struggles such as housing, labor and union issues,
anti-capitalist feminism, the defense of the Galician language and
culture, and social and community spaces. But we must do so from a
non-extractive perspective, without instrumentalizing struggles or
overburdening activists, but rather with a strategic, pedagogical, and
grounded approach.
-Long-term coordination tactics, without falling into immediacy or
permanent urgency. We know that our project requires time, care, and
listening, and that only in this way can we build a real alternative to
the state, capital, and patriarchy.
We believe that organized anarchism in Galicia needs to articulate its
own response to a very specific political, social, and territorial
reality, committed to a patient but determined construction that knows
how to interpret the country's conditions and implement a strategy
commensurate with the historical moment.
How do you approach articulation with other organizations of social and
organized anarchism?
We're in a period of construction, and that means listening to our own
time. At Xesta, we feel that what we want to build is something
ambitious, solid, and lasting. But we know that this is only possible if
we start by taking care of ourselves from within: building internal
relationships based on trust, mutual support, respect, and community.
And that requires patience, calm, and a lot of daily work.
In that sense, the connection with other social and organized anarchist
organizations excites us, but it also inspires great respect. It makes
us dizzy, yes, but also gives us great enthusiasm. We want to build
these connections with honesty, without forcing what we cannot yet
sustain, but with a clear will to walk together.
We recognize ourselves as new, as apprentices. We are in a process of
constant training, and we greatly value everything we can learn from
those who have been organizing for some time. That's why, right now, we
see and feel this connection as a key support: theoretically,
structurally, in the practices and tools that help us sustain this
project. We want to forge these alliances from a place of realism, but
also from the joy of sharing the journey with those we share.
Are you aware of any previous attempts at specific organization in Galicia?
At Xesta, we place great importance on our collective memory as
activists and are aware of several previous attempts at specific
libertarian organizations in Galicia. These experiences we value and
seek to learn from, both their successes and their limitations. Some of
our comrades were active in these organizations or knew them closely.
Among its most notable antecedents is the Libertarian Student Collective
(CEL), inspired by a movement close to specificism, influenced by
experiences such as the Chilean Libertarian Student Federation and the
writings of Felipe Corrêa. CEL was present in several cities
(Compostela, Ourense, A Coruña, Vigo) and championed grassroots power
through education. Although it never fully consolidated as a formal,
structured organization, it was an important space for political
training and libertarian youth organization. In 2014, it participated in
the founding of the state-level Libertarian Student Federation (FEL),
from which the Galician activists emerged after a year to transform into
their own youth organization.
Thus, Liça was born in 2015. It operated for a few years along lines
bordering on anarcho-independence, without formally defining itself as
such. Although attempts were made to give it a firmer and clearer
structure, internal tensions persisted between more informalist lines
and others with more centralist tendencies. Furthermore, the
interference of authoritarian organizations like Xeira within the
Galician student movement greatly hampered its work, especially in
Santiago de Compostela. Finally, Liça dissolved between 2017 and 2018.
There was also a brief attempt called Bátega, which never gained
traction beyond a manifesto published in 2017, but which highlighted the
persistent concern among youth groups to build a libertarian
organization with a strategic vocation.
This background shows us that the desire for specific libertarian
organization is not new in Galicia. At Xesta, we pick up the torch,
knowing that many of these projects were valuable experiences, but also
aware that they lacked the time, tools, or conditions to establish a
stable foundation. Learning from them helps us more clearly address our
own organizational processes.
What is Xesta's position on the Galician national question?
For Xesta, the Galician national question is not an identity-based goal,
but rather a strategic tool for collective emancipation. We are firmly
convinced that the independence of Galicia, understood from a
libertarian perspective, must serve to dismantle the structures of
domination and build a free and self-managed society. We do not aspire
to found a new state, but rather to weaken and overcome the state power
that oppresses our lives, our language, our territory, and our class.
Our approach is clear: independence from below, not from official
institutions or elite projects, but through strengthening our own
structures such as common mountain communities , open councils , and
solidarity economy networks. These projects already exist or are
underway, and which embody a form of real, everyday sovereignty based on
direct participation and mutual support. We are committed to functional
self-determination: not waiting for ideal conditions, but starting now
to organize our own tools to live autonomously.
On this path, we don't believe in closed, exclusive, or essentialist
identities. For us, the Galician identity is a space of resistance, a
deep-rooted way of life that we want to protect without turning it into
a border. What interests us is not raising flags, but ensuring the
material and social conditions so that our territory can live according
to its values, in freedom, and in connection with others.
From our perspective, the independence movement per se , without
prefiguring what kind of society we want to build, is to some extent an
empty project. Therefore, our commitment is not to an abstract or merely
identitarian independence, but to a process of comprehensive social and
political emancipation, moving toward a libertarian, feminist,
anti-capitalist, and truly democratic society, built from the bottom up
and with popular participation.
For this very reason, our independence movement is permeated by
internationalism, which we understand not as an abstract universalism,
but as the free and supportive integration of territories with their own
histories and struggles. Our way of being internationalists is to be
Galician: to contribute from here, from our experience and our community
institutions, to the international anarchist movement.
We know that the struggle against capitalism and the state is global,
and that coordination between libertarian socialist organizations from
different communities is essential. But we also know that this struggle
will only be solid if it is sustained at the roots of each territory.
Therefore, we say that Galician independence is not the end, but the
means to build another society -a free, egalitarian, and
domination-free society.
Regeneration Editorial.
https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/05/19/nace-xesta-organizacion-anarquista-galega/
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