This entire process, both that of the comrades in Madrid and the new
path opening up in Granada, is born from a shared analysis. It does not
arise from an organizational fetish or the desire to establish a new
acronym, but from a political necessity. The need to rebuild an
anarchism that, in its current state and for a long time now, has lost
its capacity for real intervention in social struggles. Furthermore, we
are not alone on this path. Throughout the Iberian Peninsula, similar
experiences have emerged that, from hope and responsibility, seek to
build a real alternative for the working class and for the future of
future generations. This reconstruction across the country is linked to
the current historical moment of our movement, a moment where the
courage to overcome our own complexes and prejudices opens up a horizon,
until then unknown.
We come from years of fragmentation, of scattered efforts, of militancy
that exhausts itself in impotence or takes refuge in complacency.
However, we know that there remains enormous potential, a latent energy
in those who refuse to accept that anarchism is merely memory or
identity. For too long, the anarchist movement has functioned without a
common strategy, without a shared political horizon. Not to mention, to
be more hardline and realistic, without a political horizon of any kind.
Each group has worked in its own small space, defending its autonomy to
the point of isolation. We have grown accustomed to reactive politics,
responding to the offensives of power without the ability to anticipate
them. We have confused spontaneity with strategy, affinity with
organization, autonomy with dispersion. This dynamic has led us to a
tired form of militancy: more symbolic than effective, more reactive
than proactive. We have created islands of resistance that, while
necessary, rarely managed to extend beyond their immediate limits.
In Europe, moreover, this trend has been constantly influenced by its
zeitgeist: an undemanding and aesthetic activism, more focused on
self-affirmation and personal empowerment than on contesting social
power. Anarchism has become, in many cases, just another subculture
within the protest landscape. But an identity-based subculture is
neither a political subject nor an emancipatory alternative. An identity
does not transform the material conditions of existence. Ideological
purity has been, in most cases, a kind of discursive refuge for projects
that had little or nothing to contribute to social conflicts. This
supposed purity has led to immobility. Discussions based on principles
rather than concrete facts, completely distancing theory from social
reality and objective conditions.
This is not about denying what we have built. The vast majority of us
who embark on this path come from there. The experiences of squatting,
social centers, neighborhood struggles, and mutual support networks have
been spaces for learning and resistance. But they also revealed their
limits. The lack of continuity, the absence of a common political line,
the impossibility of accumulating strength beyond a specific moment.
They taught us that goodwill and affinity are not enough. That being
right isn't enough, but rather a consolation. And that, without
organization, all energy dissipates. We formed, therefore, with the
intention of articulating all the lessons learned and transforming them
into an organized force.
From these lessons, Liza emerged. Not as a negation of what came
before, but as an attempt to overcome its limits. We start from a simple
conviction: anarchism needs to recompose itself ideologically if it is
to once again become a living force and not a moral relic. It must
recover its materialist roots, its class perspective, its transformative
vocation. Anarchism cannot be reduced to a sum of individual gestures or
an abstract and reactive rejection of power. It must rethink itself as a
political project for total emancipation, as a theory and practice of
social revolution.
Recomposing itself ideologically also means recovering militant ethics.
An ethics that is not reduced to individual coherence, but is expressed
in collective responsibility. Militancy is not political consumption or
moral self-affirmation: it is a sustained commitment to a common
project. Being an anarchist militant entails assuming freely agreed-upon
discipline, caring for collective spaces, educating oneself, being
accountable, and building political trust. There is no revolution
without militant ethics, without the conviction that individual freedom
only makes sense within the framework of shared responsibility. We are
the driving force of the world we wish to create.
For this reason, we reclaim the prefigurative politics of anarchism, not
as a utopian refuge, but as a daily practice. Prefiguration does not
mean becoming absorbed in self-managed micro-experiences, but rather
demonstrating, in every space of struggle, that another way of
organizing social life is possible. Prefigurative politics is the union
of means and ends: a free society cannot be built through authoritarian
or bureaucratic methods. But it is also not enough to reproduce small
oases of horizontality. Anarchist prefiguration, understood politically,
consists of providing popular struggles with an emancipatory
orientation, in showing that collective organization, solidarity, and
mutual support are not simply ethical values, but tools of combat.
That is why we speak of political action when we talk about developing
our program on the ground. Political action is conscious intervention on
mass fronts: in unions, in neighborhoods, in study centers, in social
movements. Not to direct them or turn them into anarchist appendages,
but to make them more combative, more democratic, more autonomous from
the state and capital. Our role is not to replace the people, but to
foster their organization and their capacity for struggle. Political
action is the concrete way in which the anarchist organization inserts
itself into real struggles, providing analysis, strategy, and coherence.
Without this intervention, anarchism is reduced to an idea without
substance, a morality without force.
In this sense, our organizational commitment is clear. The anarchist
platform is not intended to be just another space for affinity or
informal encounter. It is born as a political organization, with a
vocation for continuity, with a structure that allows for coordinating
efforts and defining a common strategy. Militancy is not spontaneous
activism: it is political commitment, responsibility, collective
discipline. And this requirement is not a burden, but a condition of
effectiveness. We want militants who think, who study, who act according
to a shared plan. Not a collection of individualities who occasionally
coincide.
Our idea of organization is neither centralist nor authoritarian, but it
is aware that horizontality without coordination is impotent. We are
committed to political formation, ideological clarity, and tactical
unity. Each front of struggle and context requires specific tools, but
all must respond to a common strategy. Because without strategy, all
tactics remain hollow and become a tirade of abstract principles.
Liza seeks to contribute to a broader recomposition of the libertarian
movement, both within and outside the Spanish state. We want to recover
the idea that anarchism can be a mass force, not a moral minority. That
it can organize working people from a libertarian perspective, without
delegating, without falling into electoralism, or nihilism. That it can
build class and libertarian power, without reproducing the spontaneous
and reformist logic of social movements and reformist bureaucracies.
We see ourselves as an active part of a broader collective process of
reconstruction. We do so knowing that we are fellow travelers alongside
other traditions and tendencies, humbly offering our commitment and
willingness to engage in honest debate. The platform is, in short, a
tool for strategic thinking and coherent action. An organization where
ethics, prefiguration, and political action come together in a common
practice oriented toward social transformation.
Comrades: we come from defeat, but we are not condemned to it. The
history of anarchism shows that, when it is organized and has political
ambition, it can profoundly transform reality. We are not heirs to a
glorious past, but responsible for a future that does not yet exist.
Liza is not a point of arrival: it is a point of departure. A commitment
to a living, combative, and strategic anarchism. To a militancy that is
not content with simply resisting, but prepares to win.
Liza, Anarchist Platform of Granada.
https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/10/20/carta-de-presentacion-de-liza-granada/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
path opening up in Granada, is born from a shared analysis. It does not
arise from an organizational fetish or the desire to establish a new
acronym, but from a political necessity. The need to rebuild an
anarchism that, in its current state and for a long time now, has lost
its capacity for real intervention in social struggles. Furthermore, we
are not alone on this path. Throughout the Iberian Peninsula, similar
experiences have emerged that, from hope and responsibility, seek to
build a real alternative for the working class and for the future of
future generations. This reconstruction across the country is linked to
the current historical moment of our movement, a moment where the
courage to overcome our own complexes and prejudices opens up a horizon,
until then unknown.
We come from years of fragmentation, of scattered efforts, of militancy
that exhausts itself in impotence or takes refuge in complacency.
However, we know that there remains enormous potential, a latent energy
in those who refuse to accept that anarchism is merely memory or
identity. For too long, the anarchist movement has functioned without a
common strategy, without a shared political horizon. Not to mention, to
be more hardline and realistic, without a political horizon of any kind.
Each group has worked in its own small space, defending its autonomy to
the point of isolation. We have grown accustomed to reactive politics,
responding to the offensives of power without the ability to anticipate
them. We have confused spontaneity with strategy, affinity with
organization, autonomy with dispersion. This dynamic has led us to a
tired form of militancy: more symbolic than effective, more reactive
than proactive. We have created islands of resistance that, while
necessary, rarely managed to extend beyond their immediate limits.
In Europe, moreover, this trend has been constantly influenced by its
zeitgeist: an undemanding and aesthetic activism, more focused on
self-affirmation and personal empowerment than on contesting social
power. Anarchism has become, in many cases, just another subculture
within the protest landscape. But an identity-based subculture is
neither a political subject nor an emancipatory alternative. An identity
does not transform the material conditions of existence. Ideological
purity has been, in most cases, a kind of discursive refuge for projects
that had little or nothing to contribute to social conflicts. This
supposed purity has led to immobility. Discussions based on principles
rather than concrete facts, completely distancing theory from social
reality and objective conditions.
This is not about denying what we have built. The vast majority of us
who embark on this path come from there. The experiences of squatting,
social centers, neighborhood struggles, and mutual support networks have
been spaces for learning and resistance. But they also revealed their
limits. The lack of continuity, the absence of a common political line,
the impossibility of accumulating strength beyond a specific moment.
They taught us that goodwill and affinity are not enough. That being
right isn't enough, but rather a consolation. And that, without
organization, all energy dissipates. We formed, therefore, with the
intention of articulating all the lessons learned and transforming them
into an organized force.
From these lessons, Liza emerged. Not as a negation of what came
before, but as an attempt to overcome its limits. We start from a simple
conviction: anarchism needs to recompose itself ideologically if it is
to once again become a living force and not a moral relic. It must
recover its materialist roots, its class perspective, its transformative
vocation. Anarchism cannot be reduced to a sum of individual gestures or
an abstract and reactive rejection of power. It must rethink itself as a
political project for total emancipation, as a theory and practice of
social revolution.
Recomposing itself ideologically also means recovering militant ethics.
An ethics that is not reduced to individual coherence, but is expressed
in collective responsibility. Militancy is not political consumption or
moral self-affirmation: it is a sustained commitment to a common
project. Being an anarchist militant entails assuming freely agreed-upon
discipline, caring for collective spaces, educating oneself, being
accountable, and building political trust. There is no revolution
without militant ethics, without the conviction that individual freedom
only makes sense within the framework of shared responsibility. We are
the driving force of the world we wish to create.
For this reason, we reclaim the prefigurative politics of anarchism, not
as a utopian refuge, but as a daily practice. Prefiguration does not
mean becoming absorbed in self-managed micro-experiences, but rather
demonstrating, in every space of struggle, that another way of
organizing social life is possible. Prefigurative politics is the union
of means and ends: a free society cannot be built through authoritarian
or bureaucratic methods. But it is also not enough to reproduce small
oases of horizontality. Anarchist prefiguration, understood politically,
consists of providing popular struggles with an emancipatory
orientation, in showing that collective organization, solidarity, and
mutual support are not simply ethical values, but tools of combat.
That is why we speak of political action when we talk about developing
our program on the ground. Political action is conscious intervention on
mass fronts: in unions, in neighborhoods, in study centers, in social
movements. Not to direct them or turn them into anarchist appendages,
but to make them more combative, more democratic, more autonomous from
the state and capital. Our role is not to replace the people, but to
foster their organization and their capacity for struggle. Political
action is the concrete way in which the anarchist organization inserts
itself into real struggles, providing analysis, strategy, and coherence.
Without this intervention, anarchism is reduced to an idea without
substance, a morality without force.
In this sense, our organizational commitment is clear. The anarchist
platform is not intended to be just another space for affinity or
informal encounter. It is born as a political organization, with a
vocation for continuity, with a structure that allows for coordinating
efforts and defining a common strategy. Militancy is not spontaneous
activism: it is political commitment, responsibility, collective
discipline. And this requirement is not a burden, but a condition of
effectiveness. We want militants who think, who study, who act according
to a shared plan. Not a collection of individualities who occasionally
coincide.
Our idea of organization is neither centralist nor authoritarian, but it
is aware that horizontality without coordination is impotent. We are
committed to political formation, ideological clarity, and tactical
unity. Each front of struggle and context requires specific tools, but
all must respond to a common strategy. Because without strategy, all
tactics remain hollow and become a tirade of abstract principles.
Liza seeks to contribute to a broader recomposition of the libertarian
movement, both within and outside the Spanish state. We want to recover
the idea that anarchism can be a mass force, not a moral minority. That
it can organize working people from a libertarian perspective, without
delegating, without falling into electoralism, or nihilism. That it can
build class and libertarian power, without reproducing the spontaneous
and reformist logic of social movements and reformist bureaucracies.
We see ourselves as an active part of a broader collective process of
reconstruction. We do so knowing that we are fellow travelers alongside
other traditions and tendencies, humbly offering our commitment and
willingness to engage in honest debate. The platform is, in short, a
tool for strategic thinking and coherent action. An organization where
ethics, prefiguration, and political action come together in a common
practice oriented toward social transformation.
Comrades: we come from defeat, but we are not condemned to it. The
history of anarchism shows that, when it is organized and has political
ambition, it can profoundly transform reality. We are not heirs to a
glorious past, but responsible for a future that does not yet exist.
Liza is not a point of arrival: it is a point of departure. A commitment
to a living, combative, and strategic anarchism. To a militancy that is
not content with simply resisting, but prepares to win.
Liza, Anarchist Platform of Granada.
https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/10/20/carta-de-presentacion-de-liza-granada/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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