Hello! We are anarchists from the post-Soviet space, currently living
and organizing in northeastern Syria. This region is also known as
Rojava. We live and fight shoulder to shoulder with the peoples of this
region, sharing in the upheavals and successes of the revolution. During
this time, we have witnessed the fall of the dictatorial Assad regime
and the rise of al-Jolani, who now prefers to call himself Ahmed
al-Sha'ar, to the presidency. We have also witnessed the dissolution of
the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) - until recently the leading force of
the Apoist movement - the opening of new fronts under Turkish attack,
and the suspension of others. In this column, we will discuss important
and interesting developments from this region and the experience of the
revolution.
To better understand the context, we will explain a little background
and some specific terms. Northeastern Syria is an autonomous region
formed in 2012 thanks to the long-standing struggle of the Kurdish
liberation movement. The revolution was made possible, in part, by the
People's Spring (Arab Spring) and the large-scale protests across the
Middle East, including Syria. This region has become a shining example
of a modern revolution whose principles are very close to anarchism.
The leading force in the Kurdish liberation movement was the Kurdistan
Workers' Party (PKK), led by Abdullah Öcalan, known within the movement
as Apo. He formulated the fundamental programmatic, theoretical, and
practical aspects of the movement's struggle. Initially a Marx-Leninist
party, it subsequently shifted paradigms: in 2005, it finally adopted a
new direction based on women's liberation, ecology, and communalism. The
Apoist movement has adopted a more decentralized approach. Critique of
the state is one of the fundamental principles of the Apoist movement's
ideology.
The history of the Kurdish liberation movement, the ideological aspects
of the Apocalypse movement, and the context of northeastern Syria itself
are vast topics on which much has already been written. However, if any
of our readers are interested in learning more from us on any related
topics, we would be happy to share what we know. Below, we'll also
provide links to several texts we find useful for understanding the
current situation or gaining a sense of context.
In December 2024, an English-language broadcast appeared on Signal,
publishing weekly news. Until May of this year, analyses of the
situation were also published, but with the dissolution of the PKK, the
situation became too complex for a definitive analysis. Time was needed
to understand the situation, get a feel for the public mood, and listen
to what different individuals and communities were saying. The text
below is the first analysis after a five-month hiatus.
The process of integrating the various aspects of Syrian politics and
society is entering a more active phase. This is partly due to the
approaching time for summing up the March agreements, which expire at
the end of the year. On the other hand, we want to draw attention to the
understanding of integration invoked by the Apoist movement, especially
after the dissolution of the PKK: comrades speak of integration as
opposed to assimilation. This means coexistence with the current state
and government without losing autonomy, while insisting on democratic
changes in the state system. This is the basis for the current actions
of the Autonomous Administration. However, democratic reforms are not
the main strategy, but rather one of the tactical requirements. The real
strategy of the revolutionary movement in Syria should be assessed based
on almost 14 years of revolution in NE Syria: a vanguard and mass
women's movement, a politicized society with experience in revolutionary
people's war, a communalist ideology, the coexistence of peoples and
cultures, councils, communes, and the strongest political and social
proposals in the entire region.
On the ground, active preparations are currently underway for an
escalation of the war. It's difficult to say from which direction this
escalation will come-Turkey, the al-Jolani government, Israel-forces are
preparing regardless. Even with progress in integration, the danger from
the new Syrian regime remains. We see what is happening in the name of
the Syrian state in the south of the country. The only question is the
balance of power: at the moment, the regime's military power is inferior
to the SDF, so the regime is forced to engage in dialogue with
northeastern Syria as an autonomous region. This alliance primarily
benefits Al-Jolani, but for the peoples of the SAF, a resolution to the
situation will also mean a more stable situation, both military and
economic. Now, the question of revolution must be addressed throughout
Syria, not just in the northeast. This expansion will likely occur
thanks to the work of local political parties and organizations, which
play a key role in this process.
No one has any illusions about Al-Jolani's presidency. He's still an
al-Nusra fighter, the same jihadist who cut off heads, but who donned
the mask of a "civilized politician" after seizing power. The existence
of a revolutionary project in the reality of the state requires
pragmatism in confronting contradictions and making controversial
decisions, which includes interactions with the Syrian government.
Unfortunately, this reality differs greatly from our idealized notions
of revolution. The Apoist movement's position may be criticized as
reformist, but so far, their proposal for solving the problems in the
Middle East is the only one that takes into account the reality of the
peoples of the region, emanating from them themselves, not from deranged
Western politicians (we all remember Trump's proposal on Palestine).
The changing dynamics between the Syrian government and the SAF are
contributing to the balance of power in the Middle East as a whole,
exacerbating some already conflictual relationships and strengthening
positions in others. By integrating with Syria, the SDF is moving away
from the potential alliance Israel had hoped for. Integration could also
provide some protection against further attacks and incursions by
Turkey, which is building diplomatic relations with the Syrian
government. It could also be a step toward ousting Turkey from the
occupied territories.
However, what the integration of the SDF into the Syrian army means in
practice remains to be seen. The inclusion of women's units in the
Syrian armed forces appears to be a shift in the principles of the
Islamist government, which finds itself in a situation where it has no
choice. Will this help change the situation for women in Syria? It's not
certain, and certainly not immediately. What does the inclusion of the
Syrian Democratic Forces' counter-terrorism units into the Syrian army
mean, with the comment that they will participate in operations
throughout Syria? Will they and other SDF forces be able to stop attacks
like the recent massacre of the Druze, or does this only imply the fight
against ISIS? It's also unclear. The clearest thing we see at this point
is the SDF and the Autonomous Administration's desire for peace and
conflict resolution without further attacks on the suffering peoples.
Time will tell whether these are the right steps.
We continue our work in the region. As before, we base our approach on
critical solidarity and do not allow despair or idealization to cloud
our view of the revolution. At the same time, we ourselves are part of
this revolution. We will continue to report on the situation in
northeast Syria and the dynamics in the Middle East, and we urge you to
be attentive to your sources of information. In a situation of
uncertainty, spreading rumors that play into the hands of various
interested parties becomes very easy and can harm the revolution.
Additional texts:
The Syrian Civil War Resumes (CrimethInc. text + interviews from the field)
Interview with anarchists who left Russia for Syria
Frontline notes of an anarchist
Read weekly updates on Signal and Telegram:
Telegram in Russian
Telegram in English
Signal channel in English
Alternatives to the System, Anarchist Movement, Antimilitarism
Northeastern Syria
Rojava
Anarchists in Rojava
Syrian Democratic Forces
https://avtonom.org/author_columns/razmyshleniya-ob-integracii-sds-v-siriyskuyu-armiyu
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
and organizing in northeastern Syria. This region is also known as
Rojava. We live and fight shoulder to shoulder with the peoples of this
region, sharing in the upheavals and successes of the revolution. During
this time, we have witnessed the fall of the dictatorial Assad regime
and the rise of al-Jolani, who now prefers to call himself Ahmed
al-Sha'ar, to the presidency. We have also witnessed the dissolution of
the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) - until recently the leading force of
the Apoist movement - the opening of new fronts under Turkish attack,
and the suspension of others. In this column, we will discuss important
and interesting developments from this region and the experience of the
revolution.
To better understand the context, we will explain a little background
and some specific terms. Northeastern Syria is an autonomous region
formed in 2012 thanks to the long-standing struggle of the Kurdish
liberation movement. The revolution was made possible, in part, by the
People's Spring (Arab Spring) and the large-scale protests across the
Middle East, including Syria. This region has become a shining example
of a modern revolution whose principles are very close to anarchism.
The leading force in the Kurdish liberation movement was the Kurdistan
Workers' Party (PKK), led by Abdullah Öcalan, known within the movement
as Apo. He formulated the fundamental programmatic, theoretical, and
practical aspects of the movement's struggle. Initially a Marx-Leninist
party, it subsequently shifted paradigms: in 2005, it finally adopted a
new direction based on women's liberation, ecology, and communalism. The
Apoist movement has adopted a more decentralized approach. Critique of
the state is one of the fundamental principles of the Apoist movement's
ideology.
The history of the Kurdish liberation movement, the ideological aspects
of the Apocalypse movement, and the context of northeastern Syria itself
are vast topics on which much has already been written. However, if any
of our readers are interested in learning more from us on any related
topics, we would be happy to share what we know. Below, we'll also
provide links to several texts we find useful for understanding the
current situation or gaining a sense of context.
In December 2024, an English-language broadcast appeared on Signal,
publishing weekly news. Until May of this year, analyses of the
situation were also published, but with the dissolution of the PKK, the
situation became too complex for a definitive analysis. Time was needed
to understand the situation, get a feel for the public mood, and listen
to what different individuals and communities were saying. The text
below is the first analysis after a five-month hiatus.
The process of integrating the various aspects of Syrian politics and
society is entering a more active phase. This is partly due to the
approaching time for summing up the March agreements, which expire at
the end of the year. On the other hand, we want to draw attention to the
understanding of integration invoked by the Apoist movement, especially
after the dissolution of the PKK: comrades speak of integration as
opposed to assimilation. This means coexistence with the current state
and government without losing autonomy, while insisting on democratic
changes in the state system. This is the basis for the current actions
of the Autonomous Administration. However, democratic reforms are not
the main strategy, but rather one of the tactical requirements. The real
strategy of the revolutionary movement in Syria should be assessed based
on almost 14 years of revolution in NE Syria: a vanguard and mass
women's movement, a politicized society with experience in revolutionary
people's war, a communalist ideology, the coexistence of peoples and
cultures, councils, communes, and the strongest political and social
proposals in the entire region.
On the ground, active preparations are currently underway for an
escalation of the war. It's difficult to say from which direction this
escalation will come-Turkey, the al-Jolani government, Israel-forces are
preparing regardless. Even with progress in integration, the danger from
the new Syrian regime remains. We see what is happening in the name of
the Syrian state in the south of the country. The only question is the
balance of power: at the moment, the regime's military power is inferior
to the SDF, so the regime is forced to engage in dialogue with
northeastern Syria as an autonomous region. This alliance primarily
benefits Al-Jolani, but for the peoples of the SAF, a resolution to the
situation will also mean a more stable situation, both military and
economic. Now, the question of revolution must be addressed throughout
Syria, not just in the northeast. This expansion will likely occur
thanks to the work of local political parties and organizations, which
play a key role in this process.
No one has any illusions about Al-Jolani's presidency. He's still an
al-Nusra fighter, the same jihadist who cut off heads, but who donned
the mask of a "civilized politician" after seizing power. The existence
of a revolutionary project in the reality of the state requires
pragmatism in confronting contradictions and making controversial
decisions, which includes interactions with the Syrian government.
Unfortunately, this reality differs greatly from our idealized notions
of revolution. The Apoist movement's position may be criticized as
reformist, but so far, their proposal for solving the problems in the
Middle East is the only one that takes into account the reality of the
peoples of the region, emanating from them themselves, not from deranged
Western politicians (we all remember Trump's proposal on Palestine).
The changing dynamics between the Syrian government and the SAF are
contributing to the balance of power in the Middle East as a whole,
exacerbating some already conflictual relationships and strengthening
positions in others. By integrating with Syria, the SDF is moving away
from the potential alliance Israel had hoped for. Integration could also
provide some protection against further attacks and incursions by
Turkey, which is building diplomatic relations with the Syrian
government. It could also be a step toward ousting Turkey from the
occupied territories.
However, what the integration of the SDF into the Syrian army means in
practice remains to be seen. The inclusion of women's units in the
Syrian armed forces appears to be a shift in the principles of the
Islamist government, which finds itself in a situation where it has no
choice. Will this help change the situation for women in Syria? It's not
certain, and certainly not immediately. What does the inclusion of the
Syrian Democratic Forces' counter-terrorism units into the Syrian army
mean, with the comment that they will participate in operations
throughout Syria? Will they and other SDF forces be able to stop attacks
like the recent massacre of the Druze, or does this only imply the fight
against ISIS? It's also unclear. The clearest thing we see at this point
is the SDF and the Autonomous Administration's desire for peace and
conflict resolution without further attacks on the suffering peoples.
Time will tell whether these are the right steps.
We continue our work in the region. As before, we base our approach on
critical solidarity and do not allow despair or idealization to cloud
our view of the revolution. At the same time, we ourselves are part of
this revolution. We will continue to report on the situation in
northeast Syria and the dynamics in the Middle East, and we urge you to
be attentive to your sources of information. In a situation of
uncertainty, spreading rumors that play into the hands of various
interested parties becomes very easy and can harm the revolution.
Additional texts:
The Syrian Civil War Resumes (CrimethInc. text + interviews from the field)
Interview with anarchists who left Russia for Syria
Frontline notes of an anarchist
Read weekly updates on Signal and Telegram:
Telegram in Russian
Telegram in English
Signal channel in English
Alternatives to the System, Anarchist Movement, Antimilitarism
Northeastern Syria
Rojava
Anarchists in Rojava
Syrian Democratic Forces
https://avtonom.org/author_columns/razmyshleniya-ob-integracii-sds-v-siriyskuyu-armiyu
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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