The recent call by the General Staff of the Army to women aged 20-26 for voluntary conscription could not fail to be accompanied by the phrase "the responsibility of the homeland concerns me too". And in this very phrase is condensed the way in which the state attempts to extend its control over our bodies and lives, demanding not only consent but also our active participation in the reproduction of its sovereignty. In particular, the announcements, which are part of the EU's Territorial Agenda 2030, in fact invite women to join the ground army for a pilot period of 12 months, starting in April with 200 "volunteers" at the war material training center in Lamia.
It is certain that the conscription of women is not a step towards freedom or equality, but an extension of the same violence that organizes the world of the state and capital. It is not a "right" to participate in war, but a death knell, another attempt to normalize the idea that we all must be available for the needs of sovereignty. It is no coincidence that this voluntary enlistment in the army is presented as a constituent element for national independent existence, as a term-"opportunity" and at the same time as a legal continuation of the "glorious Greek past" and a responsibility in a period where "constantly changing conditions create new demands." Precisely in these conditions of the generalization of modern totalitarianism, of everyday impoverishment and the crystallization of the dystopian mosaic of exploitation, the so-called gender equality, under the cloak of democratization, is exploited by the state and its mechanisms as a tool for reproducing hierarchies and extracting consent. This method is used to bridge social conflicts under the umbrellas of "inclusion", "national honor" and "offering", while at the same time regulating our bodies, preparing the social base as "destined" to be part of a collective military machine. In this way, women are supposedly reestablished as active subjects, while in reality they are invited to integrate precisely into these needs of state and capital dominance and to guard the conservative network of social relations that calls us to take up "battle positions."
Moreover, overall we understand that in order to safeguard the plans of territorial sovereignty and military and economic expansion that are covered under vulgar cloaks of "social welfare" and "common good" but also to normalize the sirens of war that are starting to whistle again, states methodically establish and reinforce this network of discipline and subordination that permeates every aspect of social life. From school to camp, bodies are trained to obey, align themselves and integrate into hierarchical structures, while violence is internalized as a necessary means of maintaining "order" and cohesion. In other words, militarization is not limited to the spaces of the armed forces, but permeates everyday life, transforming society into a mechanism where surveillance, fear, and compliance become normal, and where preparation for war is identified with the very organization of life.
At the same time, militarization cannot be separated from the broader reality of exploitation and exclusion. The same mechanisms that now call on women to defend the homeland are the same ones that leave working women in precariousness, that turn migrants and refugees into cheap and expendable labor, that cultivate and reproduce gender-based violence and social exclusion. Consequently, we should not be under the illusion that these mechanisms that are structurally and a priori programmed to implement and reproduce gender oppression, repression and exploitation in every field of private and public life, could express any sensitivity, even if only under pretense. After all, power can manage and disguise itself, however, its structural element will always be its need for control. And it is clear that the homeland for which we are called to fight is not a common place of freedom, but a field of exploitation and death.
We refuse, therefore, to be turned into "meat" in the hands of a mechanism that produces death, destruction and subjugation. We stand against and fight daily against the nationalism that wants us to identify with the interests of the sovereign, against the patriarchy that extends its control even through "integration". Even in times when, in the face of borders, transnational capital formations and war, human life is clearly devalued, it is the dignity of existence that could never be appeased nor limited to the tight confines of EU spatial planning, proclamations and professional "bonuses" of the General Staff.
And at the same time we create our own statements, proposing another perspective: that of internationalist solidarity between those who experience exploitation, which transcends national borders and artificial divisions imposed from above! As we have nothing to defend in this world of inequality, wars and oppression, exploitation and death. Nor could we ever recognize any responsibility towards states that organize life in terms of domination and death.
Because the responsibility we assume is towards each other, towards every person who resists, towards the very possibility of a life free from exploitation, borders and power. And so we unwaveringly keep the promise that in the face of intensifying totalitarianism, barbarism and death, freedom could not be fought for, but on the contrary is built through struggle, a total struggle destined to crush all power, the anarchist struggle that will not stop until we uproot oppression, the state, capitalism, patriarchy from the foundations, until we build a world of equality, freedom and dignity.
INTERNATIONALIST STRUGGLES AGAINST PATRIARCHY, THE STATE AND CAPITAL
IN NATIONALISM, FASCISM AND WAR
Free Women of the Collective for Social Anarchism - Black & Red member of the Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collectives
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/agones/2258-thes-niki-enantia-stin-stratefsi-gynaikon
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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