Oil and gas supplies, made even more problematic by the war with Iran and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, are prompting reflection on the advisability of resuming Russian oil and gas supplies, which were masochistically interrupted due to support for Ukraine, which would be morally motivated by Russian aggression, even at the cost of sanctions that are more damaging to the West than to Russia. Certainly contributing to this shift is the fact that our beloved ally, the United States, along with the equally criminal state of Israel, has attacked the Iranian state, since, it is argued, their action is justified by the liberticidal nature of the Iranian regime.
But beyond these considerations, it is necessary to try to answer the question: in a Ukrainian state governed by a liberal regime that represents Western values, to what extent is the Ukrainian legal system compatible with the rule of law and the principles that inspire the European Union, which is draining its members to defend it? If the answer is affirmative, thus justifying its support, it follows that the need for preventive defense against alleged Russian aggression remains to be demonstrated, given that a country like Russia, with a population of approximately 146 million, has a territory 1.5 to 1.6 km² larger than Europe and vastly greater natural resources. Therefore, what would it do with Europe, lacking even the forces to control it?Given this, let us note that before the war began, Ukraine had a population of around 42 million. The outbreak of the civil war in 2014, which began with a coup d'état following the Maidan clashes an event notoriously funded by the United States, according to its own admission was followed by government repression of the population of some eastern oblasts (Donbass) who were demanding autonomy, carried out by nationalist militias of "volunteers" with avowedly neo-Nazi and nationalist leanings.
As is well known, following the failure of the two Minsk agreements that would have granted autonomy to Donbass and the failure to implement the federalization of the state as a precondition for ending the conflict, the Russian army invaded the country on February 24, 2022, continuing a war that is still being fought and has reduced the Ukrainian population to less than 20 million. The count naturally includes battlefield casualties, those killed in bombings, and, above all, the exodus of populations who fled to the West. Eight million found refuge in the West, while approximately 10 million chose Russia. This demonstrates that the country was, and still is, a civil war between a portion of the Russian-speaking population and those of other ethnic groups, nationalists and pro-Westerners, and that the populations of eastern Ukraine, in particular, experienced their relationship with the Ukrainian central government as one of ethnic oppression.
Violated Rule of Law Principles
Russian-speaking residents of Ukraine denounce the violation of the rights of linguistic minorities, guaranteed through the application of the principle of non-discrimination contained in Article 21 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and the principle of the valorization of cultural diversity (Article 3 TEU). Although there is no single body of binding EU laws on minorities, protection is based on international standards and policies to safeguard multilingualism. Protection occurs through the safeguarding of the individual rights of persons belonging to minorities, based on the principle of non-discrimination based on ethnic origin or language. It must be said that this is a fundamental right, so much so that it is a requirement that countries wishing to join the European Union must possess, a principle that should also apply
to Ukraine, which has been so insistently seeking membership.
This protection is strengthened by the 1992 European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, which, although issued by the Council of Europe and not directly by the EU, commits signatory states to protect and promote the use of minority languages in education, justice, and public services.
Ukraine, on the other hand, bans the teaching of minority languages from schools, prohibits their use in public offices, burns books, blacklists authors, especially Russian ones, and even arrests those who speak them in public. See about it ?????????, 2019,[law on the functioning of the Ukrainian language as a state language], (????????? ????????? ???? (???), 2019, No 21, ??.81) exacerbated ???? No 1, ?/2021 ??? 14.07.2021.
Although religious freedom rights and separatism between the state and religious denominations do not follow a single model, they are characterized by a plurality of national models within a common European legal framework that guarantees neutrality, non-discrimination, and dialogue.
Religious freedom is enshrined as a fundamental right in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU (Article 10), which guarantees freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, including the right to change one's religion or belief and to manifest one's faith both in public and private. In particular, Article 17 TFEU, introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon, establishes that the Union "respects and does not prejudice the status under national law of churches and religious associations in the Member States."
"The EU is committed to maintaining an open, transparent, and stable dialogue with churches, religious communities, and non-confessional philosophical organizations. Furthermore, European law prohibits discrimination based on religion, especially in employment, ensuring reasonable accommodation for religious needs."
These principles are violated by the Ukrainian law: "For the protection of the constitutional system in the framework of the activities of religious organizations" ?????????? ?????????? ???????????, (????????? ????????? ???? (???), 2024, No 49, 290)]. This decision not only amended the 1991 law on religious freedom, but also "infected" the Lithuanian, Estonian, and Latvian legal systems, spurring the enactment of similar laws. Ministers of religious denominations other than the state church are persecuted by the regime's police, churches are taken from the religious denominations that run them and assigned to the state church, believers are expelled from their churches and deprived of any place of worship, and churches, clergy, and believers who do not belong to the state church are persecuted, beaten, and imprisoned.
Corruption reigns supreme in state supplies and contracts, and even in military supplies, while investigations into thefts perpetrated by the Ukrainian ruling class are exploited by the media and peddled to claim the existence of democratic control, which would be demonstrated by the discovery of incidents of corruption and theft involving the highest levels of government and public administration.
Numerous regulations are incompatible with European health protection legislation, due to the use of pesticides and GMOs; the soil is highly polluted, partly due to the war, and yet Ukrainian agricultural products are sold and marketed in the European Union, to the detriment of European citizens' health and at prices competitive with those of EU farmers, due to the low cost of labor, the trade concessions granted, and the nonexistent value of the national currency. This is because European Union funding entirely covers the country's nonexistent budget. Faced with the looming economic crisis, the time has come for European Union member states to ask themselves, in the name of their people's interests, whether it's time to stop harming themselves by continuing to support Ukraine and its war, the gang of criminals who wield power, given that the country is slowly but surely losing the war on the battlefield, while the media has fallen silent on what's happening, interrupted only by some who fantasize about Ukrainian successes on the battlefield.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2026/04/19/qualche-domanda-sullucraina/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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