The recent call from the Army General Staff to women between the ages of 20 and 26 for voluntary conscription could not fail to be accompanied by the phrase, "The responsibility of the homeland concerns me too." ---- And this very phrase epitomizes the way in which the state seeks to extend its control over our bodies and our lives, demanding not only our consent, but also our active participation in the reproduction of its sovereignty. Specifically, the announcements, which are part of the EU's Territorial Agenda 2030, invite women to enlist in the ground army for a 12-month pilot period, starting in April, with 200 "volunteers" at the war material training center in Lamia.
It is clear that women's conscription does not represent a step toward freedom or equality, but an extension of the same violence that organizes the world of the state and capital. Participation in war is not a "right," but rather a death knell, a further attempt to normalize the idea that we must all be available to the demands of sovereignty.
It is no coincidence that this voluntary enlistment in the army is presented as a constitutive element of independent national existence, with a term like "opportunity" and at the same time as a legal continuation of the "glorious Greek past"; as a responsibility in a period in which "ever-changing conditions create new demands."
Precisely in these conditions of widespread modern totalitarianism, daily impoverishment, and the crystallization of the dystopian mosaic of exploitation, so-called gender equality, under the guise of democratization, is exploited by the state and its mechanisms as a tool to reproduce hierarchies and extort consensus. This method is used to bridge social conflicts under the umbrella of "inclusion," "national honor," and "supply," while simultaneously regulating our bodies and preparing the social base as "destined" to be part of a collective military machine.
In this way, women are supposedly reestablished as active subjects, while in reality they are invited to integrate precisely into these demands of state and capitalist domination and to preserve the conservative network of social relations that calls us to assume "battle positions."
Furthermore, overall, it is clear that to safeguard plans for territorial sovereignty and military and economic expansion, disguised under the vulgar cloaks of "social welfare" and "common good," but also to normalize the sirens of war that are beginning to wail again, states methodically establish and reinforce this network of discipline and subordination that permeates every aspect of social life.
From school to the field, bodies are trained in obedience, alignment, and integration into hierarchical structures, while violence is internalized as a necessary means of maintaining "order" and cohesion.
In other words, militarization is not limited to the spaces of the armed forces, but permeates everyday life, transforming society into a mechanism where surveillance, fear, and obedience become the norm, and where preparation for war becomes the very organization of life.
At the same time, militarization cannot be separated from the broader reality of exploitation and exclusion. The same mechanisms that today call upon women to defend their homeland are the same ones that leave workers in precarious conditions, that transform migrants and refugees into cheap and expendable labor, that fuel and reproduce gender-based violence and social exclusion.
Consequently, we must not delude ourselves that these mechanisms, structurally and a priori programmed to implement and reproduce gender-based oppression, repression, and exploitation in every sphere of private and public life, can display any sensitivity, even if only feigned. After all, power can be managed and disguised, but its structural element will always be the need for control.
And it is clear that the homeland for which we are called to fight is not a common place of freedom, but rather a camp of exploitation and death.
We refuse, therefore, to be transformed into "flesh" in the hands of a mechanism that produces death, destruction, and subjugation. We oppose and fight daily against the nationalism that wants us to identify with the interests of the sovereign, against the patriarchy that extends its control even through "integration." Even in times when, faced with borders, transnational capital formations, and wars, human life is clearly devalued, it is the dignity of existence that could never be appeased or limited within the narrow confines of EU spatial planning, proclamations, and the professional "bonuses" of the General Staff.
And at the same time, we create our own declarations, proposing another perspective: that of internationalist solidarity among those who suffer exploitation, a perspective that transcends national borders and artificial divisions imposed from above!
Because we have nothing to defend in this world of inequality, wars and oppression, exploitation and death. Nor could we ever acknowledge any responsibility towards states that organize life in terms of domination and death.
Because the responsibility we assume is that of one another, of every person who resists, of the very possibility of a life free from exploitation, borders, and power. And so we unwaveringly uphold the promise that, in the face of intensifying totalitarianism, barbarism, and death, freedom cannot be won by fighting, but rather is built through struggle-a total struggle destined to crush all power, the anarchist struggle that will not stop until we have eradicated oppression, the state, capitalism, and patriarchy from their foundations, until we have built a world of equality, freedom, and dignity.
INTERNATIONALIST STRUGGLES AGAINST PATRIARCHY, THE STATE, AND CAPITAL - AGAINST NATIONALISM, FASCISM, AND WAR
Free Women of the Collective for Social Anarchism - "Black and Red"
Member of the Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collectives
https://umanitanova.org/nemmeno-unora-nellesercito-grecia-contro-la-coscrizione-delle-donne/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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