It is highly significant that, despite the strength and undeniably positive nature of libertarian ideas, and despite the rectitude and integrity of anarchist positions regarding the Social Revolution, and finally, despite the heroism and countless sacrifices of anarchists in the struggle for libertarian communism, the anarchist movement remains weak and has frequently appeared in the history of the class struggle as a minor event, an episode, rather than a significant factor.
-------- First paragraph of the Platform. Introduction ---------A group of exiled Russian libertarian communists. Nestor Makhno (bottom right) can be recognized alongside Galina Kouzmenko (or Ida Mett , according to other sources), and Pyotr Archinov (standing, center). Source: https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?1927-Avec-la-Plateforme-l-anarchisme-tente-la-renovation
In 1926, a group of Russian exiles in Paris, forming the editorial group of the journal Dielo Truda ( The Workers' Cause ), drafted a proposal for anarchist organization based on four main pillars: tactical unity, theoretical unity, federalism, and collective responsibility. This proposal sparked intense debates within the French anarchist movement. However, the text was preceded by valuable revolutionary theory.
This theory was subdivided into three sections: a general section, which was a statement of principles; a constructive section, in which it was outlined how a liberated society should develop after the revolution; and an organizational section, where the organic question mentioned above was developed.
The general section elaborated on its positions regarding class struggle, revolutionary anarchism, and violent revolution; the definition and defense of anarchism and libertarian communism; the rejection of bourgeois democracy; the negation of the state and authority; the role of the masses in social struggle and revolution; the transitional period; and the relationship between anarchism and syndicalism. All of these were topics of heated debate in their own right. It is no coincidence that they were driven by revolutionary militants hardened by countless battles of the Russian Revolution and by the Ukrainian Makhnovist experience. This must be kept in mind to understand the document in its context, as well as the particularities of its time and its regional origin. With this in mind, they proposed an international meeting to give it a more global character, and it seems that the final proposal would have incorporated considerable nuances compared to the original document, but the attempt was thwarted by the Paris police.
The constructive section was no less forceful in its proposals. The first part, entitled "The Problem of the First Day of the Social Revolution," attempted to answer the dilemma of what to do once the revolution had been achieved, once the capitalist edifice had been overthrown. The mission consisted of rebuilding the productive fabric under the control of the workers, as well as guaranteeing the consumption and distribution of the products that society needed. Another fundamental issue was the redistribution of land, or the agrarian question. They undoubtedly advocated for production based on communist principles. The final point concerned the defense of the revolution, where they proposed the need for a revolutionary army of voluntary service and free revolutionary discipline, entirely at the service of the masses of workers and peasants represented in their social organizations.
Once again, this sparked numerous collective debates of great strategic importance for the anarchist movement of the time. From these debates arose the misunderstandings and incessant attacks it received from certain sectors of the libertarian movement.
Embat, OLC, which began as Procés Embat in 2013, considered the Platform one of the fundamental texts that every revolutionary militant should know. At that time, there were various libertarian organizations in Europe, Africa, America, and Oceania that called themselves platformists or were "anarcho-communists in the Platform tradition." ¹
In Catalonia and the Spanish State, there were barely a handful of anarchist militants who had read the Platform , at least until it began circulating online in its English or Spanish versions, translated by Chilean comrades. That's why Embat preferred to align herself with a "social and organized anarchism." Defending "platformism" might sound too strange to an audience completely unfamiliar with it.
However, we recognized that the Platform hit the nail on the head regarding the necessary debates the movement needed to have, as outlined in both the general and constructive sections. But, in creating a new organization at a time when there were few organizations and a movement not particularly inclined towards them, we focused for years on the organizational aspect, as well as on the introduction, which offered a critical view of the anarchist landscape of the 1920s, a century ago.
Over the years, we developed our Political Line, which attempts to address the fundamental debates of the movement. These are the same debates that inspired the Dielo Truda group to draft the document that is now celebrating its centenary. We arrived at positions very similar to those of the Russian group, although others were not so similar due to changes in society or the influence of other proposals, which is understandable given the passage of time.
Therefore, the fact that this text is celebrating its centenary and is shared and embraced by a large part of the current movement indicates that our anarchist movement is at the heart of fundamental debates for our time. The references are there, for anyone who wants to revisit them. Our concern, like that of Dielo Truda , is to build a solid anarchist movement. And, as yesterday, we repeat:
Long live the Social Revolution of the workers of the world!
Read "Anarkismo.net: 20 years weaving networks"
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/34358
https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2026/06/08/100-anos-de-la-plataforma-organizacional-para-una-union-general-de-anarquistas/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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