The Platform for the Organization of Libertarian Communists is a foundational text of libertarian communism. Written by the Russian and Ukrainian editors of the theoretical journal Dielo Truda (Workers' Cause), and in particular Nestor Makhno, Piotr Archinov and Ida Mett, it continues to be a historical reference for our political current. --- For the Union of Libertarian Communist Workers (UTCL), through Alternative Libertaire, and finally for our Militant Network, the Libertarian Communist Platform, the text known as the " Archinov Platform " or " Organizational Platform of Libertarian Communists " is a political reference point. Obviously, it is a dated text. Obviously, many aspects of the modern revolutionary struggle must confront a reality that has profoundly changed in 100 years. Yet, the political logic that emerges from this text remains unchanged for us.
The Platform is composed, in addition to an introduction which we reproduce here, of three parts: A General Part , corresponding to an analysis of capitalism and the anti-capitalist struggle in 1926; A Constructive Part deeply marked by the experiences lived by the authors within the revolution of 1917 and which could correspond to a beginning of a societal project; And finally an Organizational Part , in the form of an assessment and perspective for the anarchist movement, after the major defeat suffered in Russia, against Bolshevism.
If we continue to rely on the logic of the Platform , this text, published in 1926, could no longer serve to build our struggle in the present day without profound modifications. This is why we will publish the Platform here, in stages, introducing each section with a critique that aims to incorporate both a reflection on the failures suffered by the anarchist movement over the past 100 years and on the major transformations within Western capitalist society. This is a way of demonstrating the Platform's continued relevance . But this relevance should not sacralize the text. Our project: to show how the Platform can still inspire our struggle.
The introduction of the Platform in its historical version
The motivations set forth in the Introduction to the Platform remain ours. We fundamentally identify with the introduction written almost exactly 100 years ago, using the language of the time. Perhaps today we would avoid certain hurtful words that serve little purpose, even if we can understand why they were formulated then. For, while we may have little in common with them, individualist anarchists are not our enemies.
However, the difficulties in building a lasting libertarian communist organization raise questions for us. Certainly, the repeated failures of the last 100 years are also attributable to the upheavals of 20th-century history , with the Second World War, the Nazi occupation, and then the colonial wars, particularly the Algerian War. Our organized political current has regularly disappeared from the scene. Reconstituted in 1975 with the UTCL, it persisted within Alternative Libertaire until 2019, for over 40 years. Yet, a poorly managed merger with the CGA (Coorganisation des Groupes Anarchiste) was all it took for platformism to disappear in France as an organized force.
This observation raises questions. And while we still share the Platform's political logic, we cannot avoid a form of introspection. Undoubtedly, we must now seek to broaden the activist community to which we address ourselves. For our comrades already noted 100 years ago that " the absence of a general organization led many active anarchists into the ranks of the Bolsheviks ." After 100 years of the marginalization of anarchism, most of the activists fighting for a social revolution have deserted its ranks, feeling powerless, without necessarily abandoning their democratic and social convictions.
It is also, and perhaps primarily, to them that we must address ourselves today. But such an approach could only call into question certain foundations of anarchism. Wasn't that precisely what the editors of the Platform were seeking?
Published in Paris on June 20, 1926, by the DIELO TROUDA Group:
" It is very significant that despite the strength and undeniably positive character of libertarian ideas, the clarity and integrity of anarchist positions in the face of social revolution, and finally the heroism and countless sacrifices made by anarchists in the struggle for libertarian communism, the anarchist movement has always remained weak despite all this, and has figured, more often than not, in the history of the struggles of the working class as a small fact, an episode, and not as an important factor.
This contradiction between the positive and undeniable basis of libertarian ideas and the miserable state in which the anarchist movement vegetates, finds its explanation in a set of causes, the most important and principal of which is the absence of organizational principles and practices in the anarchist world.
In every country the anarchist movement is represented by a few local organizations advocating a contradictory theory and tactic, having no future prospects or continuity in militant work, and usually disappearing almost without leaving the slightest trace behind them.
Such a state of revolutionary anarchism, if we consider it as a whole, can only be described as a "chronic general disorganization." Like yellow fever, this disease of disorganization has entered the body of the movement and has been shaking it for decades.
There is no doubt, however, that this disorganization stems from certain theoretical flaws, particularly a misinterpretation of the principle of individuality within anarchism; this principle being too often confused with the absence of all responsibility. Those who seek to assert their "self" solely for personal gratification stubbornly cling to the chaotic state of the anarchist movement and, in their defense, refer to the immutable principles of anarchism and its masters.
However, immutable principles and masters demonstrate precisely the opposite.
Dispersion and fragmentation lead to ruin. Close unity is the guarantee of life and development. This law of social struggle applies equally to classes and parties.
Anarchism is not a beautiful fantasy, nor an abstract philosophical idea: it is the social movement of the working masses. For this reason alone, it must rally its forces into a constantly active general organization, as demanded by the reality and strategy of the class struggle.
"We are convinced," said Kropotkin, "that the formation of an anarchist party in Russia, far from being detrimental to the revolutionary work, is on the contrary desirable and useful to the highest degree" (preface to "The Paris Commune" by Bakunin, 1892 edition).
Bakunin never opposed the idea of a general anarchist organization either. On the contrary, his aspirations regarding organization, as well as his activity in the First International Workingmen's Association, give us every right to see him as an active supporter of precisely such an organization.
In general, almost all active militants of anarchism fought against any scattered action and envisioned an anarchist movement united by the unity of purpose and means.
It was during the Russian Revolution of 1917 that the need for a general organization became most clearly and urgently felt. It was during this revolution that the libertarian movement manifested its greatest degree of fragmentation and confusion. The absence of a general organization led many active anarchists to join the Bolshevik ranks. This is the reason why many militants remain in a state of passivity today, preventing the application of their often considerable strength.
We have a vital need for an organization which, having rallied the majority of participants in the anarchist movement, would establish in anarchism a general tactical and political line, which would serve as a guide for the entire movement.
It is time for anarchism to emerge from the swamp of disorganization, to end the endless wavering on the most important theoretical and tactical questions, to resolutely take the path of the clearly conceived goal, and to conduct an organized collective practice.
However, it is not enough to simply acknowledge the vital necessity of such an organization; it is also necessary to establish the method for its creation.
We reject as theoretically and practically unsuitable the idea of creating an organization based on the "synthesis" model, that is, bringing together representatives of the different tendencies of anarchism. Such an organization, incorporating theoretically and practically heterogeneous elements, would be nothing more than a mechanical assembly of individuals conceiving of all the questions of the anarchist movement in different ways, an assembly that would inevitably disintegrate at the first test of life.
The anarcho-syndicalist method does not solve the problem of organizing anarchism, because it does not prioritize this problem, focusing only on its penetration and strengthening in working-class circles.
However, not much can be done in these circles, even by gaining a foothold to some extent, if one does not possess a general anarchist organization.
The only method leading to the solution of the general organization problem is, in our opinion, the rallying of active anarchist militants on the basis of precise positions: theoretical, tactical and organizational, that is to say on the basis of a more or less completed homogeneous program.
Developing such a program is one of the main tasks that the social struggle of recent years imposes on anarchists. It is to this task that the group of Russian anarchists abroad devotes a significant portion of its efforts.
The "Organizational Platform" published below represents the outline, the framework of such a program. It should serve as a first step towards rallying libertarian forces into a single active revolutionary collective, capable of action: the General Union of Anarchists.
We are under no illusions about any shortcomings in this Platform. Undoubtedly, it has them, as is the case with any significant new practical initiative. It is possible that certain essential positions may be omitted, or that others may be insufficiently addressed, or that still others may, on the contrary, be overly detailed or repetitive. All of this is possible. But that is not the most important point. What matters is laying the foundations for a general organization. And this is the goal that this Platform achieves, to a necessary degree.
It is up to the entire community - the union of anarchists - to broaden it, to deepen it, and later to make it a definitive program for the entire anarchist movement.
On another level as well, we are under no illusions. We anticipate that several representatives of so-called individualism and chaotic anarchism will attack us with foaming mouths, and accuse us of having violated anarchist principles.
We know, however, that the individualistic and chaotic elements, disguised as "libertarian principles" and "I don't give a damn," encompass negligence and a complete lack of responsibility, which have inflicted almost incurable wounds on our movement and against which we are fighting with all our energy and passion. This is why we can calmly disregard the attacks coming from this camp.
We place our hopes in other activists: in those who, having remained faithful to anarchism, having lived and suffered the tragedy of the anarchist movement, are painfully seeking a way out.
And then we place great hopes on the libertarian youth who, born under the breath of the Russian revolution and caught, from the beginning, in the circle of concrete realities, will certainly demand the realization of organizational and constructive principles of anarchism.
We invite all Russian anarchist organizations scattered throughout various countries of the world and also isolated anarchist activists to unite in a single revolutionary collective, on the basis of a common organizational platform.
May this platform serve as a revolutionary rallying cry and a rallying point for all activists in the Russian anarchist movement! May it lay the foundations for the General Union of Anarchists!
" LONG LIVE THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION OF THE WORLD'S WORKERS ."
https://plateformecl.org/plateforme-darchinov-introduction-de-1926/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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