In March, the far right ultimately won over 60 mayoralties, an unprecedented result. The National Rally (RN) was the main beneficiary, strengthening its local base. It notably extended its influence in its strongholds in the former mining region of Pas-de-Calais and in the southeast. But it also succeeded, for the first time, in establishing itself in cities in the southwest and central regions. It is essential for the antifascist camp to analyze this new stage of the far right's expansion: does it correspond to a genuine increase in support for the far right? What are the consequences for the institutional framework? What lessons can be learned for antifascist strategies to be deployed in the coming year?
At first glance, the victory of the RN and the rest of the far right is undeniable. In the vast majority of the municipalities where it already held power, National Rally (RN) mayors were overwhelmingly re-elected in the first round. Ciotti, the RN's proxy, won Nice, the second city with over 100,000 inhabitants governed by the far right after Perpignan. The party tripled the number of municipalities it controlled, going from around twenty to over fifty, and won mayoralties that were strongholds of the social-democratic or communist left, such as Vierzon in the Cher department and La Flèche in the Sarthe department. It also established itself in several medium-sized cities in the Southwest (Castres, Carcassonne, Montauban, etc.) and narrowly lost in the second round in many others, such as Tarbes, Douai, and Lens. But beyond the National Rally (RN), we are also witnessing, albeit sporadically and worryingly, the breakthrough of an openly radical far right in a few cities: notably Sarah Knafo in Paris, a member of Reconquête!, with 10% of the vote (mainly in affluent neighborhoods), or Harfleur (76), where a candidate from Florian Philippot's conspiracy-minded micro-party wrested the city from the Communists. Even more alarming is Segré-en-Anjou-Bleu, where Jean Eudes Gannat, formerly of the Alvarium group in Angers and a neo-fascist influencer, was elected municipal councilor and garnered over 21% of the vote. Nationally, the total number of votes for the far right in the first round has jumped by 30% since 2014, reaching 1.6 million votes[1].
In Strasbourg, the "Strasbourg c'est nous" (Strasbourg is us) list caused quite a stir in far-right circles with its leaflets in Arabic, Turkish, and Alsatian. Moreover, it was represented by Cem Yoldas, a former member of the Young Antifascist Guard. Out of a need to protect his fellow candidates from far-right violence, Cem Yoldas withdrew his candidacy in February. (Photo: Rouge/Alexandre)
The far right is not yet hegemonic.
Ultimately, aren't these elections another victorious step for the National Rally (RN) towards power? If we look beyond the pronouncements of the far right itself, the reality is more nuanced. Firstly, because while the far right won some mayoralties, they also lost others, notably Villers-Cotterêts (Oise) and Bollène (Vaucluse). The RN also failed in Nîmes, against a communist candidate, and in Toulon, where their candidate, Laure Lavalette, was the favorite. In Marseille, Franck Allisio, following the withdrawal of the LFI candidate, lost decisively to the Socialist Party. In these three cities, with their diverse social populations, it was observed that electoral resistance to the far right still existed, a sign that media normalization of the issue is not entirely achieved at the local level, even when the leaders of the Republicans are increasingly fascist-friendly.
Rachida Dati, the Republican candidate for mayor of Paris, was supported in the second round by Jordan Bardella and Sarah Knafo.
In general, the number of lists that the National Rally (RN) managed to field remained roughly the same as in 2014, and the number of mayoralties that fell to the far right remained relatively marginal compared to the traditional left (828 municipalities) or right (1,267 municipalities) out of nearly 35,000 municipalities[2]. Above all, although the National Rally (RN) has made some inroads, its electoral gains are concentrated where it already has a strong presence, and its overall foothold remains highly volatile: it is declining, even disappearing, particularly in major urban areas, the Paris suburbs, and even in certain departments where it had initially achieved success in municipal elections, such as Eure. Finally, the RN remains virtually nonexistent across a large part of the country[3].
Strengthening solidarity and anti-fascist resistance
Another factor that puts the significance of these elections into perspective is the massive abstention rate of over 57%. This abstention favors re-elections in the first round, as do the high percentages of the National Rally (RN), whose electorate is more mobilized than others. Moreover, this abstention rate, which is no longer decreasing, is linked to the ongoing democratic erosion of municipal institutions: weakened by administrative mergers, controlled by prefects, and possessing very little financial and political autonomy, municipalities are now the poor relations of representative institutions, in a general climate of authoritarianism[4].
We can therefore put into perspective the undeniable rise of the far right and the intensity of its expansion. However, we must not neglect or minimize its reach: increasingly large territories are under the control of the National Rally. Even with limited powers, these mayors will implement the formula that, in most cases, guarantees the National Rally's stability: silencing the opposition when it exists, withdrawing subsidies from human rights organizations or those considered "pro-immigration," suppressing culture, implementing security policies, and fostering a racist and stigmatizing climate for minorities.
Above all, with 3,000 municipal councilors, the National Rally will be able to more heavily influence another "democratic" institution: the Senate, whose by-elections are scheduled for September and where, thanks to its elected representatives, the National Rally could, for the first time, secure around ten senators.
Faced with this growing momentum, grassroots antifascists, while they have launched initiatives (such as the "Ciao Facho!" or "Éputons la flamme" campaigns), do not yet have sufficient reach to achieve national visibility, particularly to re-establish and sustain a counter-narrative in areas currently held by the National Rally. Tools are being developed, notably Vigilance and Antifascist Trade Union Initiative (VISA), as trade unions often remain the last remaining tools in National Rally (RN) municipalities, and their members are subject to repression[5]. With less than a year until the presidential elections, it is still possible and urgent to invest in, build, and strengthen antifascist resistance.
Hugues (UCL Fougères)
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[1]"The breakthrough of a neo-fascist candidate in the municipal elections causes astonishment in Maine-et-Loire," Le Monde, April 2, 2026.
[2]"Town halls, forever powerless?" "QED," March 7, 2026.
[3]"Municipal Elections 2026: Lessons from the Second Round in Graphs," Le Monde, March 23, 2026.
[4]"Municipal Elections 2026: The Map That Puts the National Rally's Electoral Gains into Perspective," Les Échos, March 18, 2026.
[5]"No to Anti-Union Repression in Hénin-Beaumont!" Tribune du Club de Mediapart, November 10, 2025.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Municipales-et-extreme-droite-Toujours-plus-de-mairies-toujours-plus-de-pouvoir
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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