Communalism, the word has resurfaced in the political debate. Recently, La France Insoumise (LFI) appropriated the concept during the municipal elections, diverting it from its original meaning, at the very least that of the Paris Commune championed by Gustave Lefrançais. Indeed, communalism opposes the State, rendering it unnecessary. Integrating this management of social life by individuals into a State that retains sovereign powers, including the legitimate use of force, is to establish an anti-democratic tutelage. This comes as no surprise to me from the proponents of this attack on local liberties.
Paula Cossart, in a stimulating short essay, From the Commune to Communalism: A Paradoxical Legacy, published by Éditions de la Lanterne, presents this project of political organization "from below." As its editor points out, the book revisits the democratic practices of the Commune to understand its paradoxical legacy and contemporary uses. "Within this constellation of experiences, both scattered and linked by shared concerns, communalism finds renewed relevance today: not as a unified model but as a pluralistic horizon, fraught with tensions, and carrying a renewed critique of state and representative forms of democracy." Certainly, the reference to the Commune, and therefore to the past, articulated with a conception of utopia as "thought of becoming," is characterized by a profound dynamism. The aim is not to obscure this past, nor to mythologize it, but to provide a guiding light at a specific moment in history. The ideas and measures implemented between March and May 1871 in Paris are perceived as an "example of the possibility of the people seizing power," a source of inspiration for revolutionaries worldwide. However, no exact reproduction is conceivable because circumstances change. Let's speak instead of analogy. Rojava, the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes, and the Yellow Vests are current echoes of this, and this reference should be seen as a "critical resource for thinking about and experimenting with present forms of political engagement." With or without the State? The principle of a federation of communes, contained in various declarations of the Commune, is also found in the assembly of assemblies initiated in Commercy. The author analyzes Bookchin's thought and his critique of the Paris Commune, including, among other things, the question of the State's role. Many anarchist authors and/or participants in the Commune, such as Élisée Reclus and Pierre Kropotkin, criticized the maintenance of a statist tradition. We find this confusion in certain texts, such as the decree of April 2, 1871, concerning the separation of Church and State. (Emphasis added). We could also consider the Paris Commune of 1792-1793, whose heirs the Communards considered themselves to be. Let us recall Proudhon's reflections, his vision of a commune as "by its very nature[...]a sovereign entity," and his work, *Du principe fédératif* (On the Federal Principle). In the years preceding the Paris Commune, authors such as Pecqueur, Renouvier, and Fauvety developed their conceptions of local direct democracy. The question of the imperative mandate can be considered to have been on people's minds (in clubs and sections of the International Workingmen's Association), if not explicitly stated in legal texts, as was that of revocation. Gustave Lefrançais wrote: "The Communalist movement aimed to eliminate the notion of authority and government, replacing it with that of law and the direct and inalienable sovereignty of citizens." Even if the whole is not pure and perfect-let us never forget the fire of the Versailles troops and the incessant attacks-debates take place in clubs, sections, and neighborhoods. Women speak out and position themselves as active participants in public life. Initiatives emerge. After the repression of 1871, the socialist movement split. The Guesdist wing aimed for control of the state apparatus, while others, more inclined towards self-management, identified with municipal socialism, which certainly managed the powers granted by the law of April 5, 1884, on municipal organization as best it could. "The municipal council regulates the affairs of the municipality through its deliberations," but within the framework of the laws of the Republic. From revolutionaries, these socialists became reformists. Initiatives are emerging in small municipalities today, but restrictive, sclerotic regulations, reduced budgets, and the legal "guardianship" established by the State, and in practice by other communities and inter-municipalities, are hindering the emergence of modern communalism.
* Paula Cossart, From Commune to Communalism: A Paradoxical Legacy, Éditions de la Lanterne, 2026. The commune of Saillans (population 1,500) in the Drôme region garnered attention when a social and political experiment there enabled a process of democratization in practice from 2014 to 2020. What self-governance structures and mechanisms ensured the voice of the majority? In the fall of 2015, academic Séverin Muller wrote to the municipal team: "I would like to recount your ongoing story, sharing my reflections as the project unfolds, taking the time to understand, share, and participate in the activities." In his book, Inventing Desirable Lives: From Democracy to Work in Saillans, published by Éditions du Croquant, he outlines the lessons learned from this rather exceptional term. It is a work of scholarship that skillfully explains its methods, listens attentively, and makes its points accessible to the reader. This is an excellent tool for reflecting on local initiatives for active citizen participation. The 2014 election was a success, even if not the entire population embraced the experience. This was due to a lack of availability, doubts about the process, and indifference. We are dealing with concrete realities. A series of initiatives are being led by residents in associations, cooperatives, and self-managed spaces where energy and means of production are shared. This experience highlights a classic reflection in the sociology of work: "How work creates society and how, through work, humans transform society." Séverin Muller emphasizes: "Politically, this will invite us to reflect more broadly on the present and future of these attempts to create desirable lives on the expanded margins of society." With him, we move forward step by step, with as many questions as observations. How do we organize a collegial municipality, how do we create a collective? It's not easy in a society and a legal framework based on delegation rather than participation. Hey, an interesting title: the ideal municipality is an inverted pyramid. Read on.
From ideals to reality, the field is vast. The essential example is obviously the local urban development plan, this foundational document for spatial planning policy that can constrain property owners, stifle projects, or promote others. The other crucial tool in a municipality: the budget. Here too, the debates are heated. What are the priorities? How can residents be involved?
A flagship project: Elisa's house, welcoming migrants, and always
this restrictive legal framework.
And there will be defeat in the 2020 elections. Séverin Muller quotes
Laure Godineau, speaking at the end of the Paris Commune, of the thirst for
the ordinary. I would say weariness, being fed up with meetings, the
confusion of debates. A classic. Is this dream pointless? No, it
has translated into reality; it allows us to analyze and understand. I
also believe that we must take into account the evolution of the town
and its environment. A sequel to this book would be interesting. I
reiterate this quote from the activists: "You will have neither our joy nor our determination."
* Séverin Muller
Inventing Desirable Lives,
From Democracy to Work in Saillans
Ed. du Croquant, 2026
https://monde-libertaire.net/?articlen=9120
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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