WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE PARIS - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, La Plateforme CL: The Archinov Platform 3/4 - Construction Section (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

The Platform for the Organization of Libertarian Communists is a foundational text of libertarian communism. Our activist network has decided to publish this century-old text in four parts, with commentary. The constructive section begins " on the first day of the social revolution ." This is no coincidence. This question is at the heart of the problems faced by revolutionary anarchists, as opposed to individualists.

1. The problem of the first day of the social revolution
Commentary : Asking about the first day of the revolution is a point that fundamentally differentiates anarchist theory from Leninism. The Platform asserts, in the context of Tsarist Russia, that "the very first task of the social revolution is to destroy the statist edifice of capitalist society." This presentation may seem reductive today if it is isolated from what happened before and what will happen afterward.

The "crucial moment" represented by "the victory of the workers over the current capitalist and bourgeois system and its representatives" cannot occur without slow preparation, without the gradual construction of counter-powers within capitalist society. In times of major capitalist crisis, their coordination can lead to a dual power structure. And as soon as a collapse of the state is achieved, anarchists propose replacing the state with this newly emerged power, and certainly not doing what the Bolsheviks did-that is, restoring the machinery of the state.

But we do not know how the revolutionary process will unfold. However, we will fight against any authoritarian logic that runs counter to the aspirations of the masses for democracy.

The fundamental goal of the world of work in struggle is the foundation, by means of revolution, of a free, egalitarian communist society, founded on the principle: " From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs ."

However, this society will not come about on its own, solely through the force of social upheaval. Its realization will unfold as a more or less prolonged social-revolutionary process, guided by the organized forces of victorious labor along a predetermined path.

Our task is to point out this path now, to formulate the positive and concrete problems that will confront workers from the very first day of the social revolution. The fate of this revolution itself will depend on their proper resolution.

It goes without saying that the construction of the new society will only be possible after the victory of the workers over the current capitalist and bourgeois system and its representatives. It is impossible to begin building a new economy and new social relations as long as the power of the state defending the system of slavery has not been broken, as long as the workers and peasants have not taken control, within a revolutionary framework, of the industrial and agricultural economy of the country.

Therefore, the very first task of the social revolution is to destroy the statist edifice of capitalist society, to deprive the bourgeoisie and, in general, all socially privileged elements of the means of power, and to establish everywhere the will of the rebellious proletariat, expressed in the fundamental principles of the social revolution. This destructive and combative aspect of the revolution will only clear the way for the positive tasks that constitute the meaning and essence of the social revolution.

The tasks are as follows:

The solution, in the libertarian communist sense, to the problem of the country's industrial production.
The solution to the agrarian problem lies in the same direction.
The solution to the problem of consumption (supply).
2. Production
Comment : Describing the reorganization of production within libertarian communist society in so few words was a daunting task. The result schematically corresponds to the core ideas of libertarian communism. Obviously, social structures have changed profoundly in a century. Obviously, the ecological crisis is reshuffling many cards. Therefore, we would not describe the reorganization of production in the same way. But the essential points, in the context of writing this text, are already present!

Taking into account that the country's industry is the result of the efforts of several generations of workers, and that the various branches of industry are closely linked together, we regard all current production as a single workshop of producers, belonging to all workers as a whole, and to no one in particular.

The country's productive mechanism is comprehensive and belongs to the entire working class. This principle determines the character and form of the new production. It will also be comprehensive and common, in the sense that the products made by the workers will belong to everyone. These products, of whatever category, will constitute the general supply base for the workers, where every participant in the new production will receive everything they need, on an equal basis for all.

The new production system will completely eliminate wage labor and exploitation in all their forms, and establish in their place the principle of fraternal and solidarity-based collaboration among workers.

The middle class, which in modern capitalist society performs intermediate and unproductive functions-commerce and the like-as well as the bourgeoisie, must participate in the new production under the same conditions as all other workers. Otherwise, these classes will exclude themselves from the working class.

There will be no bosses, be it the entrepreneur, the landlord, or the state-owner (as is the case today in the Bolshevik state). In the new production system, the organizing functions will pass to administrative bodies created specifically for this purpose by the working masses: workers' soviets, factory committees, or workers' administrations of enterprises and factories. These bodies, linked together at the commune, district, and then nationwide levels, will form communal, district, and finally general and federal institutions for managing production. Appointed by the masses and constantly under their control and influence, all these bodies will be continually renewed and will thus realize the idea of genuine mass self-management.

Unified production, whose means and products belong to all, having replaced wage labor with the principle of fraternal collaboration and having established equal rights for all producers, production carried out by workers' management bodies, elected by the masses; this is the first step taken on the path to the realization of libertarian communism.

3. Consumption
Comment : This paragraph should be read in light of the economic problems faced by the Russian Revolution from its very beginning. The Platform sought an alternative to Bolshevik policy, in which the party dictated the quantities of agricultural products that peasants were required to supply. Such a policy created a profound rift with the rural world. However, the peasantry in Western countries has changed significantly. The initial solutions proposed here are largely irrelevant to contemporary France.

This problem will arise in the revolution in two ways:

the principle of consumer product research
the principle of their distribution
Regarding the distribution of consumer goods, the solutions will depend primarily on the quantity of products available, the principle of conformity to purpose, etc.

The social revolution, undertaking the reconstruction of the entire existing social order, assumes the responsibility of providing for everyone's basic needs. The sole exception is the group of non-workers-those who refuse to participate in the new production for counter-revolutionary reasons. But, generally speaking, and with the exception of this latter category, the needs of the entire population within the territory of the social revolution are met by the general consumption reserve. In cases where the quantity of goods is insufficient, it is distributed according to the principle of greatest urgency: that is to say, first and foremost to children, the sick, and working-class families.

A much more difficult problem will be the organization of the consumption fund itself.

Undoubtedly, in the early days of the revolution, the cities will not have all the essential goods needed to sustain the entire population. At the same time, the peasantry will have an abundance of the goods that the cities will lack.

Libertarian communists cannot doubt the mutual nature of the relationship between the city and the working countryside. They believe that social revolution can only be achieved through the joint efforts of workers and peasants. Consequently, the solution to the problem of consumption within the social revolution will only be possible through close revolutionary collaboration between these two categories of workers.

To establish this collaboration, the urban working class, having taken production into its own hands, must immediately consider the vital needs of the countryside and strive to provide everyday consumer goods, as well as the means and tools for collective agricultural cultivation. The acts of solidarity shown by the workers toward the needs of the peasants will elicit the same response from the latter, who, in turn, will collectively supply the cities with the products of rural labor, first and foremost food.

Workers' and peasants' cooperatives will be the first bodies to ensure the food and economic supplies needed by towns and villages. Later entrusted with more important and consistent functions, notably providing everything necessary to ensure and develop the economic and social life of workers and peasants, these cooperatives will thereby be transformed into permanent bodies for supplying towns and villages.

This solution to the problem of permanent supply will enable the proletariat to create a permanent supply fund, which will have a favorable and decisive impact on the fate of all new production.

4. The earth
Comment : This point is obviously complementary to the previous one and is practically as " dated ." We fundamentally recognize ourselves in its logic. This logic remains entirely valid. But this text is primarily a response adapted to the realities of peasant life within the Russian Revolution. It cannot, as it stands, constitute a proposal for the Western peasant world. We will need to reinvent a response adapted to today's realities.

We consider the working peasants-those who do not exploit the labor of others-and the wage-earning proletariat of the countryside to be the principal revolutionary and creative forces in the solution to the agrarian question. Their task will be to carry out the new land reorganization, in order to establish the use and exploitation of the land on communist principles.

Like industry, the land, worked and cultivated by successive generations of workers, is the product of their collective efforts. It belongs to the entire working population as a whole and to no one in particular. As the common and inalienable property of the workers, the land cannot be bought, sold, or leased; it cannot, therefore, be used as a means of exploitation by others.

The land is also a kind of communal, people's workshop where the working class produces the means of subsistence. But it is a kind of workshop where each worker (peasant) has, thanks to certain historical conditions, become accustomed to doing their own work, to carrying it out independently of other producers. While in industry, the collective method of work is essentially necessary and the only possible one, in agriculture, it is not the only one in our time. Most peasants cultivate the land using their own resources.

Consequently, when the land and the means of its cultivation pass to the peasants, without the possibility of sale or leasing, the question of the forms of their usufruct and the means of its exploitation (communally or within the family) will not immediately have a complete and definitive solution, as will be the case in the industrial sector. Initially, recourse will most likely be made to both of these methods.

It will be the revolutionary peasants themselves who establish the definitive form of land use and usufruct. No external pressure is possible on this matter.

However, since we believe that only the communist society, in whose name the social revolution will be made, will liberate the workers from their situation of slavery and exploitation, and give them complete freedom and equality; since the peasants constitute the overwhelming majority of the population (about 85% in Russia) and that, consequently, the agrarian system established by the peasants will be the decisive factor in the destinies of the revolution; since, finally, the private economy in agriculture, as well as private industry, commerce, accumulation, private property and the restoration of capital, our duty will be to do, from now on, everything necessary to facilitate the solution of the agrarian question in a collective sense.

To this end we must now conduct a strong propaganda campaign among the peasants in favor of the collective agrarian economy.

The establishment of a specific Peasant Union with a libertarian tendency will greatly facilitate this task.

In this sense, technological progress will be of enormous importance, facilitating the evolution of agriculture, and also the realization of communism in the cities, especially in industry. If, in their relations with the peasantry, workers act not individually or in separate groups, but as a vast communist collective, encompassing entire branches of industry; if, moreover, they consider the vital needs of the countryside and provide each village with tools and machines for the collective cultivation of the land, along with everyday objects, this will certainly give the peasantry an impetus towards communism in agriculture.

5. The defense of the revolution
Comment : Here again, the context of the Russian Revolution is crucial to the thinking of the Platform's authors. Will a similar situation unfold during a revolution stemming from a profound ecological crisis, one that could fundamentally fracture the very idea of capitalism? We are unable to answer this question. At most, we can observe that this question is not currently a pressing issue. But when it becomes so, we can reread this text and draw inspiration from the proposed solutions, adapting them to the new situation.

The question of defending the revolution also relates to the problem of the " first day ." Essentially, the most powerful means of defending the revolution is the successful resolution of its positive problems: those of production, consumption, and land. Once these problems are justly resolved, no counter-revolutionary force will be able to alter or undermine the free regime of the workers. Nevertheless, the workers will still have to endure a severe struggle against the enemies of the revolution in order to defend and maintain its concrete existence.

The social revolution, which threatens the privileges and the very existence of the non-working classes of present-day society, will inevitably provoke, on the part of these classes, a desperate resistance which will take the form of a fierce civil war.

As the Russian experience has shown, such a civil war will last not a few months, but several years.

However welcome the workers' initial steps at the start of the revolution, the ruling classes would nevertheless retain a tremendous capacity for resistance for a long time to come. For several years, they would launch offensives against the revolution, attempting to regain the power and privileges they had been deprived of.

A large army, military technology and strategy - capital - everything will be launched against the victorious workers.

In order to preserve the gains of the revolution, they will need to create organs of defense for the revolution, to oppose the offensive of reaction with a fighting force commensurate with the magnitude of the task. In the first days of the revolution, this fighting force will be formed by all armed workers and peasants. However, this spontaneous armed force will only be effective in the initial days, before the civil war has reached its peak and the two warring sides have yet established formally organized military structures.

In a social revolution, the most critical moment is not the suppression of authority, but the one that follows, that is, when the forces of the overthrown regime launch a general offensive against the workers and when it is a matter of safeguarding the gains achieved.

The nature of this offensive, as well as the techniques and development of the civil war, will compel the workers to create determined revolutionary military contingents. The essence and fundamental principles of these formations must be determined in advance. By rejecting statist and authoritarian methods of governing the masses, we thereby reject the statist means of organizing the workers' military force-in other words, the principle of a statist army based on compulsory military service. It is the principle of volunteerism, in accordance with the fundamental tenets of libertarian communism, that must form the basis of the workers' military formations. The detachments of insurgent partisans, workers and peasants, who led the action in the Russian Revolution, can be cited as examples of such formations.

However, volunteering and partisan action should not be understood in the narrow sense of these words, that is, as a struggle of worker and peasant detachments against the local enemy, uncoordinated by a general operational plan and each acting under its own responsibility, at its own risk and peril. The actions and tactics of the peasants must be guided, in the period of their full development, by a common revolutionary strategy.

Like any war, civil war could only be successfully waged by the workers by applying the two fundamental principles of all military action: unity of plan of operations and unity of common command. The most critical moment of the revolution will be when the bourgeoisie marches against the revolution in organized forces. This critical moment will compel the workers to resort to these principles of military strategy.

In this way, given the necessities of military strategy, and also of counter-revolutionary strategy, the armed forces of the revolution will inevitably have to merge into a general revolutionary army with a common command and a common plan of operations.

The following principles will be the foundation of this army:

the class character of the army.
volunteering (any coercion will be absolutely excluded from the work of defending the revolution).
Revolutionary free discipline (self-discipline): revolutionary volunteering and self-discipline will harmonize completely together, and make the army of the revolution morally stronger than any state army.
the complete submission of the revolutionary army to the working and peasant masses, in the period of common working and peasant organizations for the whole country, placed by the masses in the leading positions of economic and social life.
In other words: the organ of defense of the revolution charged with fighting the counter-revolution, both on the open military fronts and on those of the internal civil war (the plots of the bourgeoisie, the preparations of counter-revolutionary actions, etc.), will be entirely within the jurisdiction of the productive workers' and peasant organizations, to which it will be subject, and by which it will be politically oriented.

Note . While the army itself must be built in accordance with definite libertarian communist principles, it should not be considered a principled element. It is merely a consequence of military strategy in the revolution, a strategic measure to which the workers will inevitably be led by the very process of civil war. But this measure must be addressed now. It must be carefully considered so as to avoid any irreparable setbacks in the work of protecting and defending the revolution, for delays during the days of civil war could prove detrimental to the outcome of the entire social revolution.

https://plateformecl.org/la-plateforme-darchinov-partie-constructive/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY ITALIA ROME - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, FDCA, Cantiere #46 - Palestine: A Broken Land and a Heartbeat That Must Resist - Meri Calvelli (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Nearly three years have passed since the start of the Gaza genocide, a genocide long planned by the State of Israel but also consistently supported by the rest of the international community. And it is only with these premises that, unfortunately, the Palestinian population in Gaza continues to resist the continued interference of the occupation, but also the defeat of a society, the Israeli one, which has always defined itself as "democratic" and which today, before the eyes of a silent world, is revealing its true face and the true colonial intent it has sought to impose for nearly a century, with the policy of "small steps."

Gaza and the West Bank are thus undergoing the same treatment, as per the script and decision to achieve the objectives of expelling and erasing Palestine in all its geographical, political and human aspects.

In the West Bank, a process of territorial annexation is effectively underway, reducing the space available to Palestinian communities; the context is political, and the whole thing is being justified by the "need" for "security."

Settler violence in villages, towns, and refugee camps is the order of the day. Incursions, intimidation, and home destruction have increased. Clashes, intimidation, and severe restrictions on movement have been imposed throughout the Palestinian territory.

In AREA C (1) settler outposts and settlements are expanding, thus fragmenting territorial continuity; over 60% of this area is under the direct control of Israel. Local communities, whether Christian or Muslim, are subjected to enormous pressure, with daily violence, killings, injuries, destruction and burning of houses, lands and trees, thus pushing many residents to abandon their lands and leave the territory free for forced colonization.

The Settlers' Party has now become the main governing party, and the rest of Israeli society has no intention of ousting it from government, considering it the only one capable of getting rid of the "pesky Palestinians" and thus taking all the land for "greater Israel."

The Gaza enclave, sealed off and separated from the rest of the Palestinian territory for nearly 20 years like a vast open-air prison, has now become an uninhabitable territory, where suffering and pain alternate daily. There are no longer any habitable homes, schools, hospitals, roads, or any other normal service for the population; there is no longer access to water, electricity, hospitals, or sanitation.

The only certainty is the constant attacks and bombings; the drones that incessantly monitor the skies and instill daily terror in the population on the ground. The civilian population's appeals to the entire world are daily, but they fall on deaf ears when they reach our parts, where this conflict has now become the norm.

Following the acceptance of the unilateral truce, Trump, in an effort to avoid displeasing Israel, effectively committed it to continuing the "war," and thus the military occupation and the resulting strategy of geographical reshaping of the area. He outlined a 15-point roadmap to achieve the surrender of Hamas and other Palestinian factions. Israel, however, made no commitment whatsoever to ending its daily attacks on Gaza; in fact, it partially rejected the proposed points, thus diminishing the success of the agreement, which ultimately came to nothing. Mr. Kushner, charged with persuading Israel, has in fact encountered only Israel's staunch refusal. Gaza, therefore, is not approaching the beginning of a "new era," as had been predicted; no hope or confidence in the future is emerging for the population; indeed, it seems that the promise of rebuilding any aspect of Gaza has, for the moment, waned.

Indeed, if one observes satellite images (clearly under the eyes of only a few members of the Israeli army), one can make out the imposing land barrier that separates the area of the Strip, 70% of which is controlled by the Israeli army and the remaining part of the territory belonging to the enclave made up of 2,300,000 people, still the same number as three years ago, under no one's control, for the moment.

A 23-kilometer earthen barrier has been erected to delimit the areas completely bombed by Israel over the past three years, and will gradually be leveled. The rubble will be removed, preventing the surviving population from continuing to search for their loved ones, who they know are missing and remain beneath the rubble.

A blurring of the genocide that adds to the cruel aberration of this Israeli democracy. Under the colors of yellow and orange (2) that famous "Board of Peace" is being consumed, which will quickly become a new Occupation.

With the unilateral agreement, the US/Donald Trump decision is mocking the entire international community, pandering to Israel's wishes to regain that piece of land known as the Gaza Strip, which the settlers have been seeking ever since they were driven out by then-Prime Minister Sharon. They have no peace, given that that too is land given by God to Israel and to a segment of the Jewish people, who have little or nothing of the Jewish, but a great deal and only of colonial Zionism.

Trump is therefore indulging them; after months and months of waiting and stabilization (this is what the "Peace" agreement, signed by him alone, is called), he has begun drawing up the first construction contracts.

He's begun the uncontrolled removal of the rubble, which wouldn't be a bad thing if it weren't for the haste he's doing, to remove as many traces as possible of the massacred families still left under their homes. "The true death toll may not be revealed for another 20 years, but in the meantime, it's important to remove concrete evidence."

The first project, therefore, consists of the construction of a military outpost, not far from the Israeli border, to house Moroccan troops as a de facto military occupation force, alongside the old occupation forces. (The contract, it seems, has been awarded to Arkel International , a Louisiana company that has previously worked with the US government in countries such as Iraq.) (3)

From a security perspective, what is happening shows us the shift from a phase of military operations to one of imposing long-term realities on the ground. This involves reducing Palestinian space for movement and creating Israeli-controlled buffer zones, thus imposing a new geographical reality on the ground on any future political agreement.

This, then, would be the beginning of a "peaceful" reconstruction, which absolutely does not include reconstruction for the civilian population, who to this day are forced into tents in evacuation areas, mostly by the sea. Furthermore, Israel continues to bomb and kill civilians wherever they are, without respecting "humanitarian" lines.

The population thus finds itself in a situation of extreme vulnerability, with very limited options compared to its demands and needs. These options include continued internal migration, with the obligation to move within the Gaza Strip to areas deemed safer, even though data shows that not even areas designated as "safe" by Israel have been spared from the bombing. The data regarding daily life and needs are alarming:

Over 18,000 patients (including the wounded, the chronically ill, and cancer patients) requiring urgent care are not allowed to evacuate due to military restrictions. Dependence on food aid remains extremely high; humanitarian aid from humanitarian agencies and organizations is still virtually prohibited, but commercial trucks are allowed to transport goods for which Israel earns a financial return, for which the population is forced to pay in cash. This food dependency exceeds 70% of the population, who therefore suffer from food insecurity.

From all this, we come to the following conclusion: Gaza is not only suffering the devastating effects of unilateral war, but is also undergoing a process of reshaping its geographical and political landscape, in which territorial control is becoming a tool to shape the future of the Gaza Strip even before a political agreement is reached and pending the Israeli elections of OCTOBER 2026.

On the international stage, solidarity and pressure continues against deaf and complicit governments; international political pressure is necessary to continue to pressure inattentive governments and appeal to international institutions, even if with limited success; the International Criminal Court, which has already issued arrest warrants, must be further urged to ensure effective execution. We cannot turn our attention away from Palestine; its history is no longer simply one of war but of a reality imposed by force that will be replicated everywhere.

* Meri Calvelli is a humanitarian aid worker, researcher and activist who has been working for years in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank

Note:

Area C was defined by the 1995 Oslo II Accords as part of the West Bank divided into three zones: A, B, and C. While A and B are under partial or full Palestinian control, Area C is under full Israeli military and civilian control.

Oslo II envisaged Area C remaining under full Israeli control during the transitional period, but gradually being transferred to Palestinian jurisdiction as part of the final status negotiations. This gradual transferability was a political commitment, not an operational timetable-and it has remained unimplemented.

The colors of the Board of Peace symbol.

" ...sources from "The Guardian" https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/aug/06/trump-gaza-board-of-peace-first-building-contract-military-base ).

https://alternativalibertaria.org/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE PARIS - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, UCL AL #374 - Antipatriarchy - A Tribute to Charlotte Puiseux: Living and Fighting (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Charlotte Puiseux passed away on August 9, 2026, at the age of 39. A researcher and activist for ableism and anticapitalism, she leaves behind a profoundly political body of work. With her passing, a unique voice is lost, but certainly not the struggles she helped to bring to light and amplify. --- Afflicted with a rare form of myopathy, she experienced from childhood the ableism of our society, which seeks to "correct" bodies deemed deviant and exclude those who cannot be. Throughout her life, she sought to politicize this experience of oppression, combining theory with grassroots activism.

Her book, *Of Flesh and Iron: Living and Fighting in an Ableist Society*, published in 2022, is a prime example. Drawing on both her philosophical research and her life experiences, this book, one of the first in French, theorizes and denounces the ableist system of oppression, thus making a significant contribution to making disability studies[1]accessible to Francophone activist circles.

Faced with prejudice related to her status as a disabled mother, she became involved in the Handiparentalité association and spoke out publicly for the reproductive rights of crip[2]and queer women. When the Departmental Center for Disabled Persons (MDPH) refused to renew the financial assistance necessary for her independent living, she took action. With Les Dévalideuses, a disabled feminist collective in which she had been active for several years, she conducted an investigation into the violence perpetrated by the MDPH. This investigation, supported and disseminated by Mediapart in the spring of 2025, provides unprecedented documentation of the institutional violence suffered by disabled people in France[3].

Deeply rooted in intersectionality, her work falls within the field of crip studies, which highlight the links between the oppressions experienced by LGBTQ+ people and people with disabilities. She notably conceptualizes the notion of ableism, a standard of good health, which is imposed and subordinates those who do not meet it, in the same way that heteronormativity imposes the heterosexual model as hegemonic.

A staunch anti-capitalist, she denounces the links between ableism and productivism, which excludes people who cannot contribute to the enrichment of the capitalist class. One of her last battles was opposing the "assisted dying" bill, a product of a society that does not consider an unproductive life desirable. In August 2025, she published *Rather Live* with Chiara Kahn. Understanding ableism and promoting crip culture, in response to the exclamation "I'd rather die than be disabled," which she repeatedly encounters.

While she wanted to live, Charlotte Puiseux died on August 9, 2026, during an unprecedented heat wave in France that claimed thousands of lives, the majority of whom were elderly and disabled[4]. Although her death was not directly linked to the heat wave, it nonetheless serves as a reminder of how climate change, caused by the deadly capitalism she fought against, disproportionately affects the most vulnerable, exploited, and oppressed people.

Julie (UCL Fougères)

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[1]Disability studies is a field of research that emerged in the 1970s and examines the social, cultural, and political dimensions of disability.

[2]Crip comes from the English word "cripple" (crippled, lame), a reversal of the stigma, mirroring the reappropriation of the word "queer" within LGBTQ+ communities. Crip studies draw on disability studies and queer theory within an intersectional approach.

[3]"Ending the violence of the MDPHs," Les Dévalideuses, May 26, 2025.

[4]"Heatwave: 7,300 'excess deaths' were recorded this summer in France during successive periods of intense heat," Le Monde, August 19, 2026.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Hommage-a-Charlotte-Puiseux-vivre-et-lutter
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WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE FRANCE - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, Soc.Lib: THE QUESTION OF FEMINISM (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

"It is not enough to say: "We must target women through our propaganda and attract them into our ranks." ---- We must go much, much further than that. The vast majority of male comrades-with the exception of half a dozen well-meaning individuals-have their minds infected by the most common bourgeois ideas. Even though they rail against property, they fundamentally have a property mentality. Even though they rage against slavery, they are the cruellest of "masters." Even though they vent their fury against monopoly, they are the most die-hard monopolists. And all of this stems from the most false idea that humanity has ever managed to conceive: the supposed "inferiority of women." A misconception that is likely to have delayed the evolution of civilization for centuries.

The humblest slave, once he crosses the threshold of his home, becomes lord and master. His slightest whim becomes a categorical command for the women of his household. He who, only ten minutes earlier, had to swallow the bitter pill of bourgeois humiliation, now rises up like a tyrant and forces these unfortunate creatures to swallow the bitter pill of their supposed inferiority...

From time to time, I had the opportunity to strike up a conversation with a male comrade who struck me as rather sensitive and whom I had heard emphasize the need for a female presence in our movement. One day, there was a conference at the Centre and I asked him:

"And your partner? How come she's not attending the conference?"

His answer left me speechless.

"She has enough to do taking care of my children and me."

On another occasion, I was in the courthouse corridors. I was with a comrade who held a position of responsibility. A lawyer emerged from one of the rooms, perhaps representing a working-class person. My companion gave her a long, sidelong glance and muttered, a mocking smile on his lips:

"I'd tell people like that to get lost."

These two seemingly ordinary episodes reveal a great deal about a sad reality.

First and foremost, they tell us that we have neglected something very important: that, while we are concentrating all our energies on agitation, we are neglecting the educational aspect. That our propaganda aimed at recruiting women should not be directed at women but at our male comrades. That we should begin by banishing the idea of superiority from their minds. That when we say that all human beings are equal, "human beings" also includes women, even if they are up to their necks in housework and surrounded by pots and pans and pets. We must tell them that women possess an intellect like theirs and a keen sensitivity and a burning desire for progress; that before putting order in society, they should do it in their own homes; that what they dream of for the future-equality and justice-they should practice here and now toward the members of their own families; It is absurd to ask a woman to understand the problems facing humanity if he does not first allow her to look within herself, if he does not ensure that the woman with whom he shares his life is aware of her individuality, if, in short, he does not first and foremost grant her the status of an individual...

There are many male comrades who genuinely wish to see women contribute to the struggle; but this desire does not bring about any change in their ideas about women; they seek their cooperation as a means of envisioning the prospect of victory, as a strategic contribution, in fact, without allowing themselves a moment to think about women's autonomy or without ceasing to consider themselves the center of the universe...

A certain union propaganda meeting, which I attended, is etched in my memory. It took place in a small provincial town. Before the meeting began, I was approached by a comrade, a member of the most important local committee... Through his overflowing enthusiasm about the "sublime vocation" of women, the raw argument put forward by Oken-whom he probably didn't know, but with whom he was connected by the invisible bond of atavism-was clearly and precisely apparent:

"Woman represents only the means, not the end of nature. Nature has only one end, one object: man."

...He was complaining about something that, as far as I could tell, was the main source of satisfaction: that women had broken with the tradition that had made them dependent on men and were entering the workforce in search of economic independence. This saddened him and pleased me because I knew that contact with the street and social activity would provide a stimulus that would then awaken their sense of individuality.

Her complaint had been the universal complaint a few years earlier when women first left the home for the factory and the workshop. Can we conclude from this that it harmed the cause of the proletariat? The integration of women into the workforce, coinciding with the introduction of machinery into industry, only intensified competition among the labor force and led to a significant drop in wages.

On the surface, we might say that the male workers were right. But if we were to dig a little deeper and explore the heart of the matter, we would discover that the outcome could have been very different if the workers hadn't been misled by their hostility towards women, based on some supposed female inferiority...

The struggle was waged on the basis of this supposed inferiority; lower wages were tolerated, and women were excluded from class organizations on the grounds that wage labor was not a woman's calling. It was on this basis that unfair competition between the sexes was built. The idea of woman as overseer of the machine aligned well with the prevailing notion of the feminine spirit at the time, and so they began employing women who, convinced by the age-old idea that they were inferior, made no attempt to set limits to capitalist abuses. Men found themselves relegated to the hardest and most specialized tasks.

If, instead of behaving this way, the workers had made some room for women, encouraging them and placing them on the same level as themselves, accepting them from the outset into class organizations, and demanding equal conditions for both sexes from employers, the result would have been radically different. Initially, their physical superiority would have given them priority with an employer, since it would have cost the employer the same to employ a weaker person as a stronger one. And for women, their desire for advancement would have been awakened, and, united with men in class organizations, together they could have made greater and faster progress on the path to liberation.

At present, the theory of the intellectual inferiority of women has been rendered obsolete; a significant number of women from all social backgrounds have provided concrete evidence of the falsity of this dogma, let's say, by demonstrating the excellent level of their talents in all areas of human activity...

But, just when the path seemed to be clearing, a new dogma - this time with a semblance of scientific basis - arises in the path of women and erects new barriers against progress...

In place of the dogma of intellectual inferiority, we now have that of sexual differentiation. The point of contention is no longer, as it was a century ago, whether woman is superior or inferior; the argument is that she is different. It is no longer a question of a brain that is heavier or lighter or larger or more voluminous, but rather of spongy organs, called secretory glands, which give a child a specific character, determining its sex and, consequently, its role in society...

According to the theory of differentiation, woman is nothing more than a tyrannical uterus whose harmful influences are felt even in the most remote corners of the brain; all of woman's psychic life obeys a biological process which is nothing other than the process of gestation... Science has tinkered with the terms without touching the essence of this axiom: "Birth, gestation and death." The one and only feminist perspective.

Clearly, an attempt was made to frame this conclusion in a way that was overly complimentary. We are told:

"The vocation of woman is the most elaborate and sublime that nature can offer; she is the mother, the guide, the educator of the humanity of the future."

But the point is to direct each of his movements, his entire life, all of his education, towards this single objective: the only one consistent with his nature, it seems.

So now we have the notions of femininity and motherhood reunited. Because it appears that the wise men have not found common ground; throughout the ages, the custom has been a mystical praise of motherhood; until now, praise was reserved for the prolific mother, the one who gave birth to heroes, saints, redeemers, or tyrants; from now on, it will be reserved for the eugenic mother, the conceiver, the pregnant woman, the immaculate biological mother...

I said that we had the notions of femininity and motherhood combined, but I was wrong; we already have something worse: the notion of motherhood eclipsing that of femininity, the function annihilating the individual.

One could say that throughout history, the masculine world has oscillated, in its relationship with women, between the two extreme notions of whore and mother, between the abject and the sublime, without ever settling on the strictly human aspect: woman. Woman as an individual, rational, capable of thought, autonomous...

The mother is the product of the brutal masculine reaction against the whore, which he sees in every woman. It is the deification of the womb that sheltered him.

But - and let us not be scandalized, because we are among anarchists and our fundamental commitment is to call things by their name and to bring down erroneous ideas, however prestigious they may be - the mother as an asset to society has therefore been only the manifestation of an instinct, an instinct that is all the more virulent because the life of the woman has been reduced to it for years; but an instinct, nevertheless, with the exception of a few superior women who have acquired the status of feeling.

Woman, on the contrary, is an individual, a thinking being, a more complex entity. By focusing on the mother, we seek to banish woman, whereas we could have both woman and mother, because femininity never excludes motherhood.

You look down on women as determining factors in society, assigning them the status of passive recipients. You look down on the direct contribution of an intelligent woman, preferring the perhaps inept contribution of a man. I repeat: we must call things by their name. Women are women first and foremost. Only if they are women will you have the mothers you need.

What I find shocking is that male comrades, who define themselves as anarchists, perhaps dazzled by the scientific principle on which the new dogma claims to be based, are capable of defending it. Seeing them, I am assailed by this doubt: if they are anarchists, they cannot be serious, and if they are serious, they cannot be anarchists.

According to the theory of differentiation, the mother is the equivalent of the worker. For an anarchist, a worker is first and foremost a man, and first and foremost, the mother should be a woman. (I'm speaking in a generic sense.) Because, for an anarchist, the individual comes first...

This may be regrettable, but campaigns for greater sexual freedom have not always been properly understood by our young male comrades, and on many occasions, they have attracted into our ranks a large number of young men and women who are completely uninterested in social issues and are simply on the lookout for romantic adventures. Some have interpreted freedom as an invitation to excess and view every woman who passes as a target for their desires...

In our centers, which are rarely frequented by young women, I've noticed that conversations between the sexes never revolve around any issue, much less a work-related topic. The moment a young person meets someone of the opposite sex, the question of sex captivates them, and free love seems to be the sole subject of conversation. And I've observed two types of female responses to this. One is instant surrender to suggestion; in this case, it doesn't take long for the woman to become the plaything of male whims and completely lose all social awareness. The other is disillusionment: so the woman who arrived with high ambitions and aspirations leaves, disappointed, and eventually departs from our ranks. Only a few women of character, who have learned to judge the value of things for themselves, manage to overcome this.

As for the men's response, it is always the same, despite his much-vaunted sex education, and this is evident when, in his various romantic entanglements with the woman he considers a "comrade," the figure of Don Juan transforms into Othello, and the woman-if not the couple-is lost to the movement...

My considered opinion, ultimately, is that the resolution of this problem depends solely on the resolution of the economic question. On revolution. And nothing else. Anything else would mean calling the same old slavery by a new name. -

Lucía Sánchez Saornil , in Solidaridad Obrera , September-October 1935

https://www.socialisme-libertaire.fr/2026/08/la-question-du-feminisme.html
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY ITALIA ROME - news journal UPDATE - (nl) Italie, FdCA, IL CANTIERE #39 - Gender geweld en patriarchaat: Er is geen revolutie zonder feminisme, er is geen feminisme zonder revolutie - Stefania Baschieri (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr, en) [machine vertaling]

25 november is de Internationale Dag voor de Eliminering van Geweld tegen Vrouwen. ---- Ondanks decennia van veldslagen, straat protesten, internationale verdragen, en bewustzijn campagnes blijft het geweld tegen vrouwen, helaas, zelfs vandaag een structureel verschijnsel, een op de drie vrouwen wereldwijd ervaart geweld (WHO data), en dit aantal kan zelfs onderschat zijn omdat mannelijk geweld tegen vrouwen een verschijnsel is dat meerdere gezichten heeft en vaak verborgen is.

Inderdaad, gender geweld neemt veel vormen aan - fysiek, economisch, psychologisch, seksueel - die vaak subtiel zijn en moeilijk te identificeren zijn. Echter, wat zeker is, is dat het zelfde mechanisme altijd aan de oorsprong is van deze uitingen: een systeem van mannelijke overheersing dat gericht is op het behouden van de controle en de macht, het ontkennen van vrouwen rechten, autonomie en waardigheid.
Geweld op basis van gender is een complex en diep geworteld verschijnsel in onze cultuur en maatschappij dat vrouwen van alle leeftijden, etniciteiten, onderwijs niveaus en sociale klassen treft. Er is geen "typisch slachtoffer", hoewel er duidelijke factoren zijn waardoor sommige vrouwen meer risico lopen, zoals armoede, leeftijd, handicap, of een migranten achtergrond. Aan de wortel van dit geweld zijn ongetwijfeld gender rollen en de begeleidende stereotypen die een hierarchie tussen mannen en vrouwen hebben geschapen die mannen in posities van macht en controle plaatst, waarbij vrouwen ondergeschikte rollen krijgen.
Dit systeem heeft een naam: patriarchaat.
Het patriarchaat is geen erfenis uit het verleden, maar een mechanisme dat in onze maatschappij nog steeds diep geworteld is. Het blijft zich op veel manieren uiten, van gender gebaseerd geweld tot loon ongelijkheid, waaronder hardnekkige culturele en sociale stereotypen zoals het inzicht over vrouwen als "van nature" onderdanig en voorbeschikt voor alle activiteiten die noodzakelijk zijn voor het behoud van het leven: huishoudelijk werk, de zorg, het onderwijs, herstel van de arbeidskracht enz.
Patriarchaat en kapitaal
Een structurele verhouding
Het patriarchaat en het kapitalisme hangen structureel samen, waarbij het kapitaal daarvoor bestaande patriarchale logica heeft geintegreerd en herschapen om ze aan te passen aan diens behoeften in een verhouding van wederzijdse afhankelijkheid die zowel in de economische sfeer als in sociale dynamiek wordt uitgedrukt.
De gender verdeling van de arbeid en de onderschikking van vrouwen zijn geen elementen die parallel zijn aan het kapitaal, maar eerder vormend voor diens functioneren. In het bijzonder het reproductieve werk en zorg werk die traditioneel door vrouwen worden uitgevoerd zijn "onzichtbaar gemaakt", waarbij ze worden gepresenteerd als "natuurlijk" of verbonden met affectie. Ook dit wordt een meer subtiele vorm van geweld die streeft naar het ontkennen dat deze activiteiten, in feite, een onmisbaar onderdeel zijn van de kapitalistische productie cyclus.
Sociale reproductie zichtbaar maken en diens waarde herkennen betekent het ontwapenen van een van de funderingen van het patriarchaat en het kapitaal, en het betekent het aan het licht brengen van een belangrijk aspect van geweld tegen vrouwen. Het is noodzakelijk met kracht het verband te herhalen tussen het kapitalisme en het patriarchaat, en dat de laatstgenoemde niet zal worden verslagen zo lang het kapitalistische model bestaat. Dit voorkomt ook houdingen en overwegingen zoals die van minister Valditara, die verklaarde dat "het patriarchaat niet langer bestaat, seksueel geweld neemt toe vanwege immigratie", waarmee het vooringenomen en racistische vertoog dat de acties van deze regering begeleidt wordt voortgezet.
Volgens Valditara verdween het patriarchaat jaren geleden, in het bijzonder met de familie wet hervorming uit 1975, en daarom zouden we moeten ophouden te doen alsof we niet zien hoe "seksueel geweld verbonden is met verschijnselen van marginalisering die het gevolg zijn van illegale immigratie." Helaas, slechts enkele maanden na het aannemen van deze wet werd een van de meest brutale femicides gepleegd, die bekend staat als het Circeo bloedbad, en het werd gepleegd door zeer Italiaanse kinderen van de "hoge middenklasse" van Rome. Verklaringen van dit soort weerspiegelen perfect de propaganda van een racistische regering die, in plaats van gender geweld aan te pakken aan diens wortels door welzijn programma's die de autonomie van vrouwen, kinderopvang, gelijk ouderschapsverlof voor beide ouders, concrete oplossingen voor huiselijk geweld, educatieve programma's in scholen en elders en de invoering van lokale gezondheid centra aanmoedigen, zet zich in plaats daarvan in voor het bevorderen van oplossingen op basis van veiligheid en geboorte controle beleid, waardoor in feite het recht op abortus voor een steeds toenemend aantal vrouwen wordt ontkend, en het sluiten van grenzen.
Zelfs in de media wordt seksueel geweld voornamelijk afgeschilderd als fysiek, expliciet en zichtbaar, vaak gepleegd door vreemdelingen in toevallige omstandigheden. Maar dit narratief streeft er naar gender geweld af te schilderen als een zeldzame gebeurtenis, mogelijk te vermijden door "geschikt" gedrag, waarbij het slachtoffer bijna de schuld krijgt. Integendeel, de meerderheid van het geweld wordt gepleegd door partners en ex-partners, vrienden, verwanten en kennissen, daarom in contexten waarin het slachtoffer zich veilig voelde, precies wat minister Valditara's commentaar bedoelde te verhullen.
Zelfs de premier zelf streeft er naar verbanden te scheppen tussen immigratie en gender geweld, waardoor directe racistische propaganda wordt gelegitimeerd. Zulke verklaringen zijn niet nieuw, en zijn voor deze regering niet uniek, maar zijn de vrucht en uiting van de overheersende rol die de koloniale geschiedenis van Italie nog steeds in onze maatschappij speelt. Het vergelijken van immigranten met verkrachters is slechts een van de vele mechanismen die worden gebruikt om mensen van kleur te ontmenselijken, met de bedoeling om "de ander" te identificeren als een gevaarlijke vijand en daardoor discriminatie en uitbuiting te rechtvaardigen.
Feminisme en klassenstrijd
Op deze 25e november is het cruciaal om opnieuw te benadrukken hoe gender geweld het gevolg is van een diep geworteld patriarchaal model en, tegelijkertijd, een klasse kwestie.
Intersectioneel feminisme leert ons dat we niet allemaal het zelfde zijn, precies omdat gender geweld zich bevindt op het kruispunt van klasse geweld, en, voor vrouwen van kleur, bijvoorbeeld, wordt racistisch geweld toegevoegd aan dit kruispunt.
Een intersectionele benadering is daarom essentieel om machtsdynamiek beter te begrijpen en daardoor te streven naar gemeenschappelijke reacties, en de vormen van strijd die uit deze vormen van onderdrukking voortkomen kunnen niet parallel worden beschouwd, maar convergent.
De omstandigheden van arbeiders uitbuiting, loon ongelijkheid, en het ondergeschikt maken van veel vrouwen, in het bijzonder arme en geracialiseerde vrouwen, maken het moeilijker te ontsnappen aan situaties van geweld, zowel binnenshuis als anders. Dit is waarom er geen feministische strijd kan zijn die niet ook, noodzakelijkerwijs, een klassenstrijd en anti-racistische strijd is. Vandaag is het, meer dan ooit, de hoogste tijd om te zeggen dat er geen revolutie is zonder feminisme, er is geen feminisme zonder revolutie.
In conclusie, dat vrouwen slachtoffers zijn van een patriarchaal systeem is geen fantasie of een mening die kan worden geloofd of niet, het is het fundamentele feit waaruit het feminisme diens analyse moet beginnen en, bovenal, een plan van strijd moet ontwikkelen. En in ogenschouw nemend dat dit geweld continu wordt gereproduceerd door het systeem is het niet eenvoudigweg een kwestie van het hervormen ervan en misschien het verkrijgen van wat gunstiger wetten, maar het omver werpen ervan en het veranderen om te knijpen aan de wortel van de reproductie van de patriarchale en chauvinistische cultuur wiens meest brutale product femicide is.
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
Orig: (en) Italy, FdCA, IL CANTIERE #39 - Gender violence and patriarchy: There is no revolution without feminism, there is no feminism without revolution - Stefania Baschieri (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr) [machine translation]
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Source: A-infos-nl@ainfos.ca

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY ITALIA ROME - news journal UPDATE - (nl) Italie, FAI, Umanita Nova #32-25 - Migraties en memoranda (ca, de, it, pt, tr, en) [machine vertaling]

Op dit moment in de geschiedenis zijn er meer dan vijftig voortgaande conflicten in de wereld. Dit is het hoogste aantal sinds het einde van de tweede wereldoorlog. Helaas - maar het is ook natuurlijk - de aandacht is ongelijk verdeeld onder de oorlogen die meer dan negentig landen in de wereld vernietigen. Vanwege veel redenen krijgen sommige conflicten meer aandacht dan andere, en onvermijdelijk, mobilisaties om ze te bestrijden, of zelfs, eenvoudiger, solidariteit initiatieven voor de getroffen bevolkingen, worden uitgevoerd volgens een soort van politieke agenda die het risico loopt hele rijen van kennis en bewustzijn te verliezen.

Voorbij dit is er een wereldwijde oorlog die de basis is van alle conflicten, maar die altijd wordt bediscussieerd in een bepaalde mate en altijd in de kielzog van - vaak emotionele - of sensationele gebeurtenissen. Dit is de oorlog tegen immigratie, die wordt gevoerd met de regulerende en repressieve instrumenten die we zo goed kennen, en die nog steeds slachtoffers eist langs alle grenzen.
Om in ons gebied te blijven zijn, vanaf het begin van het jaar tot 25 oktober, volgens de laatste update van de Internationale Organisatie voor Migratie (IOM), minstens 472 mensen gestorven en 479 zijn op de centrale Middellandse Zee route vermist. Deze aantallen zouden altijd als conservatief moeten worden beschouwd omdat het onmogelijk is zeker te zijn over alle migratie reizen of hoeveel mensen in een gegeven tijdsperiode op pad gaan.
Op vrijdag 17 oktober vond niet ver van Lampedusa, in de Maltese SAR zone, nog een schipbreuk plaats, die het leven kostte aan verschillende kinderen en een zwangere vrouw. Volgens getuigenissen van degenen die aan boord waren is een totaal van twintig mensen vermist.
De overlevenden zeiden dat 35 van hen begonnen vanuit Al Khums, Libie, op een glasvezel boot die na twee dagen op zee kapseisde.
Op 27 oktober stierven minstens vier mensen nadat een vaartuig zonk bij de zuidwestelijke kust van Lesbos, Griekenland. Zeven overlevenden, allen Soedanese burgers (om te spreken over vergeten oorlogen), werden gered.
De volgende dag stierven achttien immigranten bij de kust van Sabrata, westelijk Libie.
Het is een deprimerend maar noodzakelijk boekhouden om de enorme ernst te begrijpen van wat er gebeurt, waarbij we er aan blijven denken dat achter deze koude aantallen altijd mensen met hun verhalen, hoop, en levensplannen zitten die voorgoed zijn afgesneden.
In de nasleep van de Sabrata schipbreuk kondigde de organisatie Vluchtelingen in Libie "nog een tragedie in de Middellandse Zee" aan, waarbij werd opgeroepen tot onmiddellijke interventie door Europese autoriteiten om veilige vlucht routes voor vluchtelingen te garanderen.
"De weg naar zogenaamde veiligheid in Europa", gaat de organisatie door, "blijft moorden omdat Europa weigert veilige routes te garanderen, omdat Europa door blijft gaan met het aanhalen van diens greep op de kwetsbaren, omdat Europa blijft doorgaan met het financieren van milities en gewelddadige groepen die misdaden tegen de menselijkheid plegen in Libie en Tunesie. En vroeger of later zal Europa zich moeten verantwoorden voor diens acties."
Vluchtelingen in Libie demonstreerde, samen met andere associaties en NGOs, afgelopen maand in Rome om de regering te vragen het memorandum tussen Italie en Libie dat in 2017 is ondertekend niet te vernieuwen. Het akkoord wordt, tenzij het wordt ingetrokken of bijgesteld door een van de landen, automatisch iedere drie jaar vernieuwd.
Italie had tot 2 november om het memorandum te blokkeren, maar het is duidelijk dat de regering Meloni het voorbij liet gaan, waarbij zelfs enkele moties van de oppositie die oproepen tot het niet hernieuwen, of in ieder geval aanpassen, van dit criminele akkoord, werden genegeerd. Dit betekent dat op 2 februari volgend jaar het Italie-Libie memorandum automatisch zal worden verlengd met nog eens drie jaar.
Zoals al uitgelegd op deze bladzijden is dit een waarlijk slecht verdrag waardoor Italie de criminelen van de zogenaamde Libische kustwacht voor grenscontrole steunt.
Vanwege dit akkoord worden duizenden mensen willekeurig gedetineerd, en geschat wordt dat meer dan 158.000 migranten zijn teruggestuurd naar Libie, waar marteling, geweld en slavernij zijn vastgelegd door de Verenigde Naties, het Internationale Strafhof, en onafhankelijke organisaties zoals Human Rights Watch en Amnesty International.
De Verenigde Naties bevestigden, door middel van een veldonderzoek in maart 2023, dat misdaden tegen de menselijkheid zijn gepleegd in Libie en riepen op tot de stopzetting van alle vormen van steun aan het Noord Afrikaanse land. Zelfs de Italiaanse Rechtbank van Cassatie en de Europese Rechtbank van Mensenrechten hebben bepaald dat Libie geen veilige plek is voor het verplaatsen van geredde personen.
Toch werden, dit jaar alleen, volgens data van de IOM, 22.509 migranten op zee onderschept en teruggestuurd naar Libische detentie centra.
Ondanks dit alles gaat de samenwerking tussen Italie en Libie door en zal het blijven doorgaan. Het is duidelijk dat de fascistische regering die ons land onderdrukt geen bedoeling heeft om te knoeien met het akkoord. Aan de andere kant vormt iedere kritiek van de onmenselijkheid van het memorandum of de criminele aard van onze Libische partners geen probleem voor degenen die veilige repatriering garandeerden, volledig met een vlucht van de staat, naar een persoon als generaal Almasri, die door het Haagse Gerechtshof is aangeklaagd wegens oorlogsmisdaden en misdaden tegen de menselijkheid.
Echter, het moet niet worden vergeten, en het is altijd de moeite waar om dit te herhalen, dat dit akkoord werd ondertekend door een centrum-linkse regering, op dat moment geleid door Paolo Gentiloni (met Marco Minniti op binnenlandse zaken), zoals die politieke factie - in de loop van de tijd - een veelvoud van andere immigratie verbonden gruwelijkheden heeft voortgebracht.
De bureaucratische en repressieve vervolging van de meest kwetsbaren, de ongedocumenteerden, en degenen die zijn gedwongen te vluchten (zelfs) van gewapende conflicten, vertegenwoordigt op zichzelf de belichaming van alle oorlogen. Het is de agressie, zowel op basis van klasse als racistisch, waarmee de heersende klassen de oorlog verklaren tegen de menselijkheid.
Alberto La Via
https://umanitanova.org/migrazioni-e-memorandum/
Orig: (en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #32-25 - Migrations and memoranda (ca, de, it, pt, tr) [machine translation]
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Source: A-infos-nl@ainfos.ca