Brazil. Anarchism.UNIPA. Towards a new popular uprising? (pt)

World Cup FIFA, class struggle and the task of the revolutionary anarchists ---- 
Communiqu? No. 40 of the People's Union Anarchist (UNIPA) ---- The workers, women and 
oppressed peoples of Brazil, for poor and marginalized youth, To the black blocks, 
midiativistas and other activists, anarchists and revolutionaries To the fighters of the 
people throughout the country, militants With sincere but misguided, on the basis of 
reformist organizations. ---- The month of June 2014 arrived. A year after the popular 
uprising fact occurred with the start of the official events of the "FIFA World Cup" 
(Confederations Cup) will start the main event. As indicated several times, the protests 
of June 2013 marked a new stage in the class struggle. And the event approaching can add 
new components yet.

The UNIPA still fighting battles on several fronts since 2013 and assumed the role of 
reformism not only report, but to create an alternative organization of the masses. Waging 
battles in the streets, at meetings of various categories and workplaces, studying and 
living always putting constructive forms of struggle. We are facing the PT PCdoB, the 
repressive state apparatus and its minions of ideological propaganda.

Despite the inequality of forces in the struggle, not capitulate and not recoil. We have 
fulfilled our role to advance the agitation, propaganda and popular organization. And more 
than that: we are among the few revolutionary to put the task to compete in the global 
labor movement organizations. That is why we now present our analysis and we set our tasks 
and we call upon the unity of revolutionaries and anarchists to fight in the coming period.

We can say that three scenarios are presented in the next period. 1st scenario, one that 
the bourgeoisie and the state design of a control and dissipation of the protests of 2013, 
with the control of the framework and its manifestations in the order; 2nd scenario, 
radicalized protests, but with a smaller membership, so that the mass revolutionary 
sectors at a disadvantage against reformism and repression; 3rd scenario, an extension and 
/ or intensification of protests in relation to 2013, with mass insurrectionary tactics 
that can lead to a temporary collapse of the political system (with multiple simultaneous 
general strike or strikes).

We believe that the cycle of class struggle started in 2013 will not be interrupted. But 
that does not mean we necessarily assume that a repeat of 2013. Means that the objective 
and subjective conditions are given and that several elements point to have large mass 
mobilizations. But regardless of which scenario will be confirmed is important: 1) combat 
vanguard (revolutionary and reformist-bureaucratic), so that the masses determine the 
dynamics and intensity of the struggle; 2) develop from the experience of street fighting 
new forms of organization that may further break with state unions, the labor capitalism 
and the bourgeois forms of organization.

But this will happen around very specific topics. And that's what we indicate in our 
analysis we consider the fundamental tasks of the present moment is.

1 - The environment and class polarizations: Will not Go Tue Tue Cup x Cup (Copa In and Go 
Fight Tue)

Strikes rebels took over the Brazilian transportation system, trampling pelegos unions, 
governments and effectively pushing the bosses.

The popular uprising of 2013 was the beginning of a new cycle. After the street protests 
and insurrectional tactics that prevailed in it, we had to shift the strikes of categories 
(teachers, street cleaners, road were the most emblematic cases). As we said the uprising 
expressing class contradictions. And in this sense that the fights of June if desdobrassem 
in the struggles of the categories in the workplace was a logical development.

Exactly why the slogan that emerged in the streets "There's Having Cup" expressed the 
feeling of resistance and fight against polar capitalist offensive that is the material 
basis of the "cultural" event. Certainly the slogan "Do not Go Tue Cup" is not against the 
football event "in itself", but against aggression and social oppression that he demanded. 
And express an ideological break with the vision of "passive people", the "domesticated" 
by the people "bread and circuses".

But since the popular uprising bourgeois sectors (PMDB, PSDB, DEM, etc..), Pro-government 
(PT and PCdoB) and paragovernistas (SoL, PSTU) and arms of mass assumed the task of 
defending the capitalist model and the bourgeois order. The Campaign "Go Tue Cup" and "The 
Cup Will Have Fight" were two ways to defend the same ideology: the myth of invincibility 
need or the capitalist state and bourgeois society, not only repression but of bourgeois 
ideology. Attempted to discredit and criminalize the popular sectors in struggle.

The ruling bourgeois and has a clear role: they are defending their project power and 
alliances with national and international capital. Defend the slogan "Go Cup" was to 
defend the process of capital accumulation and it is based on political speech 
"nationalist" that Brazil is the homeland of Shoes (myth built from the Estado Novo). But 
the slogan "In World Cup Will have Fight" means what? It is the cry of despair of the 
consented opposition, those who want to defend the system, but can not take it because 
they clearly need to remain as "opposition."

Fought in various categories and popular organizations such policy. The argument of the 
governing and paragovernistas was absurd: the ruling spoke that the movement against the 
World Cup was the "right". The paragovernistas said the World Cup was "inevitable" that 
the World Cup will happen and that people "want the Cup" because football is part of the 
Brazilian "culture."

These arguments have two assumptions. They ignore 1st class conflicts, the violence of the 
protests and economic struggles that put much of the mass against the interests involved 
in the Copa, speaking as if the working class were homogeneous; 2nd they consider that 
bourgeois ideology was assimilated by the working class and that once assimilated it can 
not be beaten, leaving organizations fit the limitations of bourgeois ideology. As a 
consequence the derived policy was open or defense of inertia (with complete paralysis of 
actions that were intended to defeat the capital, as it is considered that this is 
impossible) or conducting mock fight.

But the policy of the governing is already unmasked. The policy paragovernistas PSOL and 
PSTU what? They prevented the "Do not Go Tue Cup" campaign came to the broad and strong 
categories such as civil servants. Prevented this discussion were placed in the 
foundations and approved in a Summit Campaign "In Fight Cup'll have." Moreover, they 
fought by all means the construction of the general strike. And in the categories in which 
they have leadership try to prevent strikes or cause them suited to legalism, avoiding 
"losses" to the operation of the system during the World Cup (as has happened in the 
strike of the road Rio de Janeiro).

In fact is not that the slogan does not find an echo among workers. Rather, it came from 
them. Is not that impossible. The fact is that government supporters and paragovernistas 
systematically work against the general strike. They work as firefighters to prevent the 
fire from spreading rebellion. They are part of the factors that hinder this process. So 
fight the union bureaucracy is so important, so please do not fight, you must construct 
the revolutionary syndicalism as a form of mass organization.

Subway (SP) resist police repression anti-strike.

Our policy was clear. Build the General Strike. Defend the real possibility of defeat 
capital. It is possible the general strike? You can stop the World Cup? Yes "It will not 
be Cup" is not just a slogan. The indigenous movement stopped the tour of the World Cup in 
Brasilia, direct mass action prevented this. But these actions only take place precisely 
because there is no indigenous organizations in the presence of these sectors to 
desarticularem resistance, break fights. The outbreak of strikes in various categories 
shows that the working class wants to break the pact with the capital. But are many 
obstacles, such as sections of the movement who want to halt the advance.

Hence the slogan "Do not Go Tue Cup" expresses the class antagonism. Defend this slogan is 
the only way at this juncture to express anti-capitalism globally. But it is possible to 
transform the watchword in actual fact? This depends on the capacity and speed of own 
class to overcome union bureaucracy and the ruling party and paragovernista. Can a 
national general strike and mass actions also, but today the bourgeois state has a 
combined pro-government and paragoivernistas action to try to disrupt this mass action and 
the general strike, through the defense of a corporatist political and fatalistic.

We do not indicate this as a moral indictment. We know there are sincere in militant 
bases-government party and trade union organizations and paragovernistas. But precisely 
because it is a theoretical and political analysis, the mere subjective and generic 
defense is not enough to fight militants exempt from liability. We need those militants 
break with their directions and to launch the construction of forms of struggle that can 
meet the current historic tasks. Not doing this will become complicit in one of the 
greatest betrayals in the history of world workers.

Anarchists and revolutionaries also fits not only report, but building alternatives. 
Therefore it is essential to launch the slogan of the general strike and the construction 
of the Inter Strike Committee as a concrete form of action and to generalize the actions 
of mass protest all over Brazil, strengthening the organization by place of work, study 
and housing.

2 - The myth of the death of Homeland Shoes: crisis of political representation, economic 
crisis and ideological crisis

Regardless of the scenario, regardless of the working class have the ability to 
materialize in reality the slogan which she forged in the struggles of the popular 
uprising, the process of struggles will leave an unexpected legacy Cup. The death of the 
myth of "the homeland of cleats," greatest symbol of nationalism in Brazil.

The strength of the trade union bureaucracy and state repression can be enough to 
momentarily ensure that the working class is not able to take a blow to the global 
accumulation of capital and the bourgeois (the stoppage of the World Cup would have 
economic and ideological purposes ideology, for it would destroy definitely the myth of 
invincibility of the capitalist system and compromise the investments). But new forms of 
struggle certainly gave a deep blow to the myth of "homeland of cleats."

This myth has been built to give unity to a society marked by ethnic contradictions, class 
and regional. The idea that Brazil only exists as a nation unified around football was 
used in many contexts as a political weapon. But after the popular uprising, even at the 
lowest strata of the population there is the feeling that "football" does not unify their 
interests with the "nation" as opposed to the interests of entrepreneurs Soccer sacrificed 
popular interests (health, education, housing). We can say that the World Cup, 
contradictorily, will leave as one of its legacies, disillusionment with football as a 
means of national integration. This is a crisis of bourgeois ideology that has weakened 
one of its main instruments.

This crisis adds to two other crises. The political crisis (the representativeness of 
trade unions and parties) explained that the popular uprising and intensified. Workers do 
not feel represented and view existing organizations as enemies of their interests. 
Moreover, the global economic crisis is beginning to hamper capital accumulation in 
Brazil. Ie, an economic crisis will soon be added to ideological and political crisis, so 
that the capital will have to step up attacks on the working class, but without the 
ideological and political tools he had before, or at least without their the same efficiency.

Therefore, even if a new popular uprising occurs, even if the union bureaucracy and party 
can sabotage the struggle and thereby assist in hosting the World Cup and in the process 
of capital accumulation, this situation does not express an overall defeat of class 
working. Rather, it expresses the momentary inability of its autonomous constitution. 
These three seizure does not necessarily lead to the formation of an alternative.

Therefore it is necessary to the formation of a militant structure that can respond to 
each situation and combat governismo paragovernismo and creating alternative forms of 
organization. This is the task of revolutionary anarchists, the barricades on fire forge a 
new mass organization.

Skip to Fight without Fear!

Daring to Struggle, Dare to Win!

Will not have Cup!

(en) Brazil, UNIPA, The status of the fans, the criminalization of organized supporters and gentrification of football (pt)

Opportunistic speech governismo that the fight against the World Cup in Brazil is not the 
Brazilian people is totally false. The official line is that the "other people love 
football" and therefore not contraporia Cup. ---- On the other hand there is a discourse 
among the alleged aware, that football is "the opium of the people" and that the process 
of alienation of the masses would by denial of football, nothing could be more false! ---- 
The Latin American football, since its inception was influenced by different currents 
classist workers from different theoretical frameworks. Several teams that were born from 
the direct influence of classism and today are just big companies. ---- Even with the 
development of the commodification of football, this continued to be linked to the policy. 
The fight against Corinthian Democracy Civil-Military Dictatorship reflects this process 
at national level. Similar cases occurred worldwide.

Recently the popular uprising in Egypt has exposed symptomatic of how the role of 
organized supporters. In a context in which trade unions and student organizations were 
outlawed, organized supporters played a major role in the popular mobilizations.

Although less intense as the popular uprising last year had an important role of organized 
supporters in some twisted cities are rivals to fight the common enemy: the state.

The disorganization of organized


Band Photo of Ultras Resistencia Coral. Fans left Cear?. Registered in the demonstrations 
of the day 06/19/2014. Range prohibited by statute in the stadiums of fans.

The discontent of the fans is connected to the gentrification of the stadiums and the 
criminalization of the twisted process. The criminalization of the fans comes from the Fan 
Statute that, similar to what the unions did to the Trade Union Charter mode, tutored 
twisted the judgment of the State.

Thus, the speech pattern of construction of stadiums FIFA added with the initial purpose 
of the Statute of the Fan that was elitizar football to restrict / limit / criminalize 
supporters that are the complement of football and part of Brazilian popular culture.

The construction of these stadiums purpose was to prevent people's access to football, 
just note that one of the main characteristics of these was the elimination of the 
"general", popular space in which the ticket cost only 1 dollar. Today tickets plus very 
expensive suit the time of the end of the novels, further elitizando stages.

In June last year, despite all the rivalry, we organized several uniting to fight the 
state and its policy of gentrification via World Cup stadiums. The only way to defeat the 
Statute of the Fan and the growing gentrification of the stadiums / commodification of 
football is on the union of organized against the state.

FOOTBALL FOR THE PEOPLE!

WILL NOT HAVE COPA!

(en) Brazil, UNIPA, The peasant struggle and the dictatorship Brazilian civil-military: the role of trade union repression and guardianship over the field workers (fr, pt)

Camponesas Leagues - Brazil ---- A report by the Secretariat on Human Rights (SDH), dated 
September 2012, indicates that the murders during the Civil-Military Dictatorship 
Brazilian would have been much higher than the few cases legally recognized by the state. 
The report indicates the minimum of 1,196 murdered between peasants and peasant supporters 
of the cause. On the other hand, the number is recognized legally only 29 political 
killings in the countryside. The peasants are excluded even their right to justice and 
memory. The central issue here is that we want to return the number of deaths presented by 
the study of SDH has once again demonstrated the political weight of the peasant struggle 
in this country, a fact omitted by many "intellectuals", parties and even the legal-State 
recognition.

The pre-dictatorship period: the radicalization of the class struggle and the struggle of 
tendencies

The moment that precedes the dictatorship of 64 is characterized by relatively free and 
independent peasantry against State action and organization. The peasant associations, 
unions and especially the national organization of the Peasant Leagues, this period did 
not have a direct legal and political control of the state. Although there is already a 
number of initiatives and defenses of the institutionalization of rural unionism, 
especially via Communist Party (PCB) and Catholic organizations (Catholic and AP), by the 
year 1960 there were more than 8 rural unions recognized and registered with the Ministry 
Labour, three of the states of Pernambuco and Bahia, and one in Rio de Janeiro and Santa 
Catarina.

The defense of the institutionalization of peasant organization via "official union" made 
especially for the PCB was politically opposed by leagues. The fact is that the Communists 
believed in "peaceful road" to socialism, combining with the "progressive" bourgeoisie and 
participating governments with bourgeois parties. Maintain peace and order was a necessity 
of this strategy. However, the conflicts of the field ceased not to radicalize forward the 
developmental policies (supported by the PCB itself). Faced with this, the fighting and 
guerrilla tactics used by leagues and other peasant organizations were taking great 
political proportions, demonstrating the viability of the armed struggle against 
landlordism and capitalist exploitation.

1964-1988: The dictatorship and authoritarianism of the bourgeoisie in response

Jos? Campos Barreto, the "Zequinha" Lamarca developed alongside the revolutionary 
political work among the peasants. Were murdered in 1971 in the town of Painted-BA. 
Zequinha Live!

With the radicalization of the struggle for rights in the countryside and in the city 
(especially the struggle for land) as well as the inability of the bourgeois populist 
government of Joao Goulart in containing these struggles, the response of the industrial 
bourgeoisie, landlordism and layers of high military will be the coup of March 31, 1964. 
As we remember the beginning of this text, the dictatorship organized a real war machine 
to kill, torture and persecute the peasants and their allies. The Communist Party remained 
listless against fascist coup, seeing his disastrous bourgeois-democratic political fall 
to the ground and even allies of the "progressive bourgeoisie" pass the bag and baggage to 
the side of dictatorship (as Mauro Borges, former governor of Goi?s).

The history of the movement of rural workers is forever marked by repression of 
civil-military dictatorship. Whether the government of Get?lio Vargas can be defined as a 
milestone in the imposition of state of trade unionism in cities and workers' unions, 
Dictatorship 1964 can be defined as a milestone in the consolidation of this structure in 
the control of peasants and rural workers. According intellectual Armando Boito J?nior: 
"The deployment of the military dictatorship in 1964 sealed the defeat of the leagues and 
win the state in the field of trade unionism. The dictatorship, and dissolve the leagues, 
created thousands of official unions in the field " (State Unionism in Brazil, 1991). 
Therefore, even more than the brutal persecution and murder of hundreds of leaders, the 
dictatorship imposed a new organizational structure for the peasants that remains to this 
day: the official rural unionism, represented by CONTAG.

The militaristic repression is not over! Organize new Peasant Resistance!

The last decade of the PT government shows that the path of conciliation with the 
bourgeoisie in "progressive" governments brings no progress in the fight for workers. 
Repression continues claiming lives in the countryside. The National Strength follows 
attacking and killing indigenous and peasants struggling for land, and often silences and 
endorsement of the pro-government entities (CONTAG, CUT, CMS, etc..). And all this is 
happening today in the name of the same model of "rural development" legacy dictatorship: 
the conservative modernization, agribusiness, export production, land concentration.

Strike in 2012 cane cutters of the Mill Decasa. The strike was organized in an autonomous 
and combative form the Union of Rural Workers of Chairman Wenceslas and Maraba Paulista.

The brave fighters of the field can no longer sustain illusions that a "land reform" will 
be taken by political agreements within the state. Yes we must continue and deepen the 
combative methods of peasant organization: building autonomous rural unions, union 
opposition and militant peasant movements, and strengthen direct action through land 
occupations, rural and strikes in defense of rural-urban general strike. This new 
organization should be articulated in the strategy of the Revolutionary Syndicalism. We 
must denounce the military repression of yesterday and today, also denouncing the betrayal 
of former and current PCB PT and PCdoB, remembering our dead in dictatorship and those who 
fell in the current pseudo-"democratic" regime, continuing the struggle and bravery of so 
many peasants.

Punishment to killers and tortured the Dictatorship!

Do not forget, nor forgive!

Death to Unionism State!

Direct Action for Land and Liberty!

(en) Brazil, UNIPA, Ukraine, Venezuela and Syria: Imperialism in Action (fr, pt)

U.S. supports opposition to Maduro to expand its geopolitical control in Latin America. 
---- The international situation has been marked by imperialist disputes. Where Syrian and 
Ukrainian conflict between Block United States and the European Union-China-Russia. The 
experience of intervention in Libya, with the approval of Air Exclusion Zone for action by 
the Organization of the North Atlantic Treaty (NATO) - A military organization of the 
countries of the West, was the overthrow of the Gaddafi government which led Russia and 
China to positioned against this type of measure in Syria and Ukraine. In Syria, the 
Russian state has a military base in Tartus, on the Mediterranean Sea. The Russian 
government has negotiated with the Syrian government to deliver chemical weapons to UN and 
weakened the political and military position of the United States, its international 
allies (including France, Germany, England and Turkey) and fractionated and heterogeneous 
conservative and liberal opposition.

Ukraine popular dissatisfaction against the political system that governs the country was 
capitalized by far-right groups and right supported by Western governments. Disputes 
increased tension between the U.S. and Russia seeking to maintain and increase their 
political, economic and military presence in the region. Thus, the conflicts were incited 
to the extent that Ukrainian nationalist groups deposed the elected President, for being 
against the free trade agreement with the European Union. The pro-Russian nationalists 
began to demand the separation of the central authority of Kiev, with the support of 
Russia, as in the case of Crimea and maintaining military base in Sebastopol, Sea 
Negro.Tanto the West, such as Russia, the feed chauvisnismo, whether Ukrainian or Russian, 
for the sake of their political-military and economic interests such as territorial 
control of the region and the energy supply, mainly from gas to Europe.

In Venezuela we have the return of street protests, Venezuelan historical experience since 
1989, led and organized by the opposition led by Leopoldo L?pez, the Popular Will Party, 
against the government of Nicolas Maduro (PSUV), successor to Hugo Chavez. These protests 
supported by the U.S. through the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and the U.S. 
Agency for International Development (USAID) and with financial contributions from the 
International Republican Institute (IRI) aims to destabilize the government of Caracas, 
once it has parliamentary minority and is against the Bolivarian project. However, the 
last candidate of the Bureau of Democr?tivo Unity (MUD), current governor of Miranda 
state, Henrique Capriles, there was ahead of demonstrations and street attacks across the 
country. Constituted itself as a moderate opposition, but in the course of proceedings was 
added to mobilizations organized by Leopoldo L?pez.

This opposition bloc, with U.S. support, aims to join the pro-American bloc Pacific 
Alliance today comprises Chile, Mexico, Costa Rica, Colombia and Peru. This block is 
inserted in the new American policy that directs the Asia-Pacific, including deploying 
troops from Europe to the Far East. Moreover, the U.S. seeks to reduce dependence on 
imported oil from the Arab countries, increasing buying Mexican and Venezuelan oil.

Only the proletarian internationalism and social revolution are able to defeat the power 
of the imperialist powers, destroy the interstate system and establish a new social order 
built on the pillars of justice and freedom. The task of revolutionaries before the 
intraburguesas and disputes between the imperialist powers is the intransigent defense of 
proletarian revolution. The only issue being advocated is the cause of the revolution, the 
only position to take is that beside the historic task of the working class.