(en) France, Alternative Libertaire 12th Congress AL
(Castillon-du-Gard, 2015) - A report: 24 years of Alternative
Libertaire strategy (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
Summary ---- Acting for the struggles, build by the struggles? (1992-1999) ---- The
turning visibility (2000-2003) ---- A new youth for AL, for a Social Front for Equality
and Solidarity (2002-2007) ---- AL and anticapitalist Fronts (2007-present) ---- Acting
for the struggles, build by the struggles? (1992-1999) ---- With the "left of the street"
---- The early 1990s was marked by the re-mobilization of the social movement and the
emergence of struggles on several fronts. They are an opportunity to launch new
structures: Acting together against Unemployment (AC!), Right to Housing (DAL), Ras
l'Front (RFL) places... Occupations, marches and demonstrations, various direct actions
and varied up the directory of the "left of the street" in which activists of AL take
their place.
The world of work is not foreign to this revival of struggles. The movement of
November-December 1995 sees the general assemblies of strikers prevail in the conduct of
the action. It will lead to clarifications in the left opposition of the CDFT. Just like
their comrades PTT, the AL activists rail, education and air will actively participate in
the creation of SUD unions. In facs, the first student union SUD emerge in Toulouse, Paris
and Orleans.
AL, there is room to unite the resistance and give more scope to the left of the street.
The strategic proposal then carried by AL is to establish a "Social Front of equality and
solidarity" (Third Congress, May 1995) that would allow associations and unions struggle
to assert their own social project, forged in the direct action of oppressed are a true
alternative to the illusions promoted by the reformist and institutional left.
For the autonomy of the social movement
But the days have only 24 hours and it is very complicated for G, which remains an
organization with modest numbers, to construct at once the new union and associative
structures born of the struggles of the first half of 1990 and to live a specific
libertarian communist organization capable of promoting its strategic directions..
Especially as other libertarian organizations remain deaf to this project of a federation
of social movements, and the CNT, uncovering new vitality, prioritizes a self-reliant
development.
For their part, the PCF, the Greens, but also the LCR prefer to support the hypothesis of
a "real" left government. The coming to power of the plural left in 1997 will shower those
hopes. Of course, it will not lead to political "service workers"... and she matraquera
unemployed and expel the undocumented. But the "Social Front of equality and solidarity
'does not constitute well and institutional illusions die hard.
In 1998 and 1999 the PCF and LCR seek to embark associations and trade unionists in
electioneering night stands. Two calls for autonomy of social movements are launched that
will testify to the existence of the political left of the street and allow to bring the
voice of those for whom "everything goes through the fight." However, the social movement
stalled and strategic proposal for the Social Front has not been the expected rally point.
Still, the activists of AL, who have worked hard to lead the struggles, allowed their
organization to gain legitimacy.
The turning visibility (2000-2003)
Affirm the existence of G
Nearly ten years after its foundation, G begins a "turning visibility" officially recorded
at its Fifth Congress (Paris, June 2000) which will be spread over nearly three years. The
passage of the monthly newsstand, the creation of the Friends of AL, the organization of
"utopia Workshops" and an annual festival is an opportunity to as many campaigns carried
by local collectives. The modernization of the website, the opening of local and holding
regular meetings at Roucous summer, all this shows the face of a living and active
organization.
The staff of the organization experiencing a sharp upturn. CAL, many of which are emerging
in this period, most now live to the rhythm of the organization, shall have in own
calendars and many are developing local initiatives. A diversity relays in the monthly
"Regions" pages provided.
This new visibility is not self-centered and does not prevent G to continue playing the
role unit it has set since its foundation. The early 2000s was marked by the debate on
"the unity of libertarians." Many and many are the activists of AL to engage in exchanges
and meetings that mark the debate. If it does not lead to a recomposition between existing
organizations, however, it makes clarifications and see-struggle libertarian positions
classes become predominant. Of course, for G, that does not interfere with the discussion
with other anti-capitalist and revolutionary currents and organizations.
Internationally, G is committed in 2001 in the construction of Libertarian International
Solidarity Network (SIL), focusing on concrete projects. SIL brings together specific
libertarian communist organizations (FAU in Uruguay FDCA Italy OSL Switzerland, for
example) but also anarcho-syndicalists (SGC Spanish, Swedish SAC) which reflects a
consistently affirmed syndicalist orientation and contacts maintained long, from the UTCL.
The declination of the SIL network in France will be the opportunity of a real unit labor
between AL, OCL and No Pasaran.
Walking on two legs
Far from being closed in on itself, AL enjoying being in better shape for better and act
collectively. In 1999, the Battle of Seattle opens the cycle of anti-globalization
mobilizations. The processions of G will be present at all against-tops this period in
Prague in June 2000 in Annemasse in June 2003, through Nice in December 2000, Genova in
July 2001 and Brussels in December 2001.
AL tries to ensure that this movement is not reduced to dramatic appearances: the
declination of social forums locally is invested in this. It is well not to cut the actual
protest movement of the capitalist order while being able to wear the orientations of the
Libertarian Communists. In the same period, AL is the initiative of international calls
libertarian during most international mobilizations, proving that international
cooperation and convergence are possible.
In May-June 2003, the strike in defense of pensions is addressed in the same spirit by the
organization. Relying on a vibrant and necessary dialectic for a revolutionary
organization, AL manages to hold a specific and regular expression throughout the
movement, taking advantage of the immersion of its activists-are invested in union action
to refine his analysis and proposals.
A new youth for AL, for a Social Front for Equality and Solidarity (2002-2007)
The social and political context
The period of the early to mid 2000s was influenced by three significant political events:
the presence of the National Front candidate in the presidential elections of 2002, the
global justice movement sclerosis, who had carried the hopes of part of the Left street,
and finally the "no" votes in the referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty (ECT)
in 2005.
The absence of an anti-fascist movement worthy of the name (RFL having collapsed in the
late 1990s) is, without doubt, one of the shortcomings of the period.
The presence of Jean-Marie Le Pen in the second round of presidential elections in 2002
created a shock, bringing a new generation of activists to be and invest the political
field, including the many spontaneous demonstrations that followed April 21, 2002.
The struggles of youth in 2005 (Fillon high school reform), 2006 (CPE) and 2007-2008
(reform of universities) are, in part, the highlights of the militant and political
structuring of this generation.
Entry into activism through the electoral refusal, she could benefit from a succession of
social movements to continue its engagement in a broader framework.
The strikes against pension reform in spring 2003, employees precarious youth movement
(McDonalds, Pizza Hut,, etc...), the performing intermittent continued to maintain a high
social climate, alongside the movements related to immigration employee (Arcade, ACCOR,
cleaning,...) or not (RESF, CNCSSP) could suggest that this time record a development of
class consciousness and social struggles. But this social movement is experiencing a state
of division unknown until then, while maintaining the burst and multifaceted nature.
Following the 2002 presidential election, he opposed, now, to a governmental authority
reinforced its new electoral legitimacy that accelerates its anti-social policies amid
"liberalism" European maniac, whose soil has been shaped by the government Jospin in the
previous period.
Despite some struggles and victories, especially around housing, and taking advantage of
new international challenges related to the post-September 11, government policy is
accompanied by political and ideological setbacks causing particular, the virtual
disappearance of anti-racist movements.
With the closure of the center of Sangate (2003), the Government, by circular (Sarkozy,
interior minister) dual objectives of aliens expulsions and passed a series of draconian
laws: LOPPSI 1 (2002) the veil Act (2004), reform of CESEDA (2006).
The anti-globalization movement, which since Seattle in 1999 represented a real hope for
social left out of anonymity, has slowly ossified after the success-against the G8 summit
in Annemasse in 2003, where for the first time in years the French libertarian movement
has managed to silence its differences to organize a unitary pole around the Convergence
of anti-authoritarian and anti-capitalist struggles (CLAAAC). This unit is continued,
often in trouble with the organization in November 2003 in Paris, alongside the European
Social Forum, a Libertarian Social Forum (SLF). Concluded with a procession bringing
together thousands of libertarians, the FSL is the latest success of a unit working all
French organizations.
Although movements like Attac continue to exist, the anti-globalization cycle ends in
France, after the against-the Evian summit. Eventually, this dynamic will not be found.
Last highlight of the period, the victory of the "No" in the 2005 referendum on the TCE
whose dynamics could be created from local and national unitary collectives against an
abstract European Union and ultra-liberal. This electoral majority based on a broad social
front working for the most part, solidarity and equality for all has led to a major crisis
within the European institutions have nevertheless managed to get around, with the support
of European social democracy and part of the labor movement, popular votes of French and
Dutch voters.
Born unitary collectives of this country have, in part, decided to present a common
candidate in the 2007 presidential election in the person of the former peasant leader
José Bové, whose low score eventually to explode the last existing collective which could
eventually join the NPA in creation or the Left Front.
The strategy of U during the period
The turning visibility adopted at the Paris Congress in 2000 has fostered an increase in
the installation of AL and its political visibility, which allows G to approach the 2000s
as a political organization capable of conducting coordinated campaigns.
Rejecting the artificial division related to electoral positions on the fronts which the
organization participates, Alternative Libertaire will, over the period, a strict social
position of building fronts and not for a Chirac vote as some claim reproach us.
In 2002 AL opt for the formula "No one working for the billionaire voices Le Pen" and will
actively campaign for the NO to the TCE 2005 referendum out with the abstention principle,
allegedly developed by the libertarian movement.
The involvement of Alternative Libertaire in the movement of pensions spring 2003,
although coordinated, unable to pass a course, in terms of location and number of activists.
After a relatively blank year 2004, 2005 and 2006 see the youth is placed in the center of
the political game, first with the student movement against the reform of high school,
then with the anti-CPE movement. The youth wing of AL will play a significant role in both
cases. Young people are AL ringside in several cities (Rennes, Orléans, Paris,
Aix-en-Provence...), which also causes unprecedented wave of repression, the organization
ending up with 7 simultaneously targeted by militants legal proceedings.
Faced with this heavy financial repression and convictions, involvement in trade unions AL
and struggles collects several thousand in a few weeks, showing that the organization has
forged bonds of trust and its militant -es are perceived es positively.
In 2005 again, the popular movement against the European Constitution saw AL lead for the
first time, a truly national campaign. The propaganda material - for a "no"
anti-capitalist and internationalist, and especially without mythify the referendum - was
a real success and in block two successive reprints were necessary, orders arriving from
all over France. AL has been the only organization to campaign libertarian, various
militants and anarchist groups have indeed, on this occasion, seized his expression.
This period is also that, for G, the return of some debate: feminism, but also ecology,
racism, the struggles of "national liberation"... The renewal helping militant, a
theoretical update was felt. New working commissions are created, and mark the debates of
the seventh and eighth congress.
The succession of social movements, the arrival of a new generation of activists, an
unabashed right-wing government have strengthened the organization. U can count on a
capacity for mobilization and conduct federal campaigns she had not before.
This strengthening is also expressed through the adoption of a new formula for the
monthly, which changes its model and increases its circulation in 2007. This change is in
parallel with a commitment to strengthen the presence of G in the landscape by relaunching
the political the Friends of AL and leading several federal campaigns on the theme of
"Unity is strength" or elections.
A mixed picture
The first positive point to be drawn from this period is the ability of G had to renew and
invest, or reinvest, land struggles (feminism, ecology...). By strengthening its
territorial coverage and continuing his work in the unions and associations fighting, AL
has become during these years a political organization that counts in the political
landscape of the Left of the street.
G was present in unitary collectives that were largely beyond gather activists from the
fringes of wrestling associations, labor or political set up. This activist investment
helps build solidarity, mutual support between different sectors of struggle and
constitutes a valuable contribution to the sustainability of struggles and organized.
Wearing aims to train a true Social Front for Equality and Solidarity in compliance with
our guidelines defined in our Congress, this policy showed that libertarians could engage
non-sectarian way with other political forces, while retaining their peculiarities and
convictions.
However, the views of the period, one can consider that AL did not "refueling". The
increase in membership remained marginal, the paper's circulation was limited to a
sympathizer-es circle and the impact of federal campaigns has been difficult to feel.
AL and anticapitalist Fronts (2007-present)
A series of defeats of the social movement
The global economic crisis that began in 2007 with the crisis of subprime leads capitalist
offensive, politically implemented in France by Sarkozy, elected in 2007, which adds a
reactionary color, then by Holland in 2012. The social movement undergoes several defeats.
The result: several organizations through serious crises. It is in this difficult context
that Alternative Libertaire continues its development and is adopting a strategic
direction aimed at overcoming the fragmentation of anti-capitalist forces.
This period opens for Alternative Libertaire with orientation towards anticapitalist
fronts, which will be discussed in more detail below, and the launch of a new formula of
the monthly fall 2007. In 2008, the organization launches a campaign "To resist
against-attack", with posters, stickers, banners and arguments drawn in large numbers and
a series of public meetings.
If the immediate result has not been up to expectations, this mobilization of the
organization has led to the realization that making a building campaign was quite possible
and systematize the organization of public or semi-public meetings by CAL. But failed to
repeat a campaign of this magnitude thereafter, the organization was responsive throughout
this period for the publishing of stickers or posters related to the news, and improved
its equipment, its public intervention and integration of activists and sympathizers are
its business.
It is first the student movement who suffers a major defeat with the establishment of the
autonomy of universities (LRU). The unity of struggle unionism allows the impetus of a
major struggle in universities in 2008 and then in 2009 when the mobilization is more
driven by personal and where the youth wing AL will motor.
The student unionism underwent a major crisis after this defeat, aggravated by the renewal
of the outcome of the CPE generation and sociological evolution of universities, it is not
out yet today. AL therefore undergoes a significant reflux implantation in youth.
The failed general strike against the reform of pensions in 2010 is a major defeat for the
entire social movement. The militants of Alternative Libertaire yet have weighed all their
weight to the impetus and extension of strikes and convergence initiatives and have been
pivotal in launching the call "for a general strike Unionists" and dissemination. The AL
specific intervention is not left with many distributions of leaflets and public meetings,
and quick editing of a balance sheet brochure.
Finally, the other fronts of struggle are not neglected. The strikes of 2008 undocumented
give a new dimension to this struggle, complementary to that of RESF. But success has been
mixed and especially the anti-racist movement remains very cleaved between different
chapels or approaches. Alternative Libertaire campaigned throughout this period for the
unity of the movement, including its intervention in the unitary collectives such as UCIJ.
Environmentalists struggle experiencing a new youth, including the struggle of Notre Dame
des Landes and the constitution of ZAD, often followed by CAL and relayed mobilizations
and analyzed in the paper through a revived and dynamic ecology commission.
Finally, in 2013 the murder of the student union and anti-fascist activist Clement Meric
by fascist anti-fascist causes a surge in France. Alternative Libertaire is involved
antifascist mobilizations and reconstruction of local public, to specific security or in
respect of trade union organizations to which we belong, by opposing an artificial break
between fascism "radical" or "mass" and attempting to structure these collective
nationally via Conex.
The failure of the demonstration against the FN congress in Lyon in 2014 reflects the
difficult reconstruction of a broad and dynamic antifascist movement.
This assessment is far from comprehensive. We could detail the rebound missed the fight
against nuclear power following the Fukushima accident and network manipulation attempts
Nuclear Phaseout, support for mobilizations in companies, the growing institutionalization
of the historical feminist movement and renewal, still in its infancy around the strike of
women etc. This report illustrates the strategy of G over this period, articulating
involvement in the social movement in unit collective and specific political intervention.
On this period, the organization has been able to both set priorities for intervention,
while CAL pooling of experiences to give a national echo the local mobilizations.
The implementation of the strategy of anticapitalist fronts
Alternative Libertaire has gone through this period with the strategic compass
anticapitalist fronts. This approach was adopted in the Federal Coordination of May 2007.
We then did the realization that the flowering of local and scattered struggles breaking
the electoral truce contrasted with the political debate within the left and the extreme
left and lacked a militant thrust to give these massive struggles and political.
We deduce the need to "be open anti-capitalist space largely to activists from the left of
the street", with the possible partners "the Bové collective, LCR, the Alternative, FMD,
CGA, but also the movement of activists of social and trade union left edge of these
organizations there or simply alternative research ".
Finally, we situions this strategy in the broader perspective of building a broad
anti-capitalist movement and self-management in which U would fit without disappearing, AL
orientation since its inception.
This approach has been widely adopted this federal coordination, but the initial proposal
of a national appeal has been withdrawn, the organization initially preferring to work for
the emergence of local anticapitalist fronts, conducting parallel meetings with partners
identified.
We then encountered several difficulties. The first is that the LCR launched at the same
time its draft New Anti-Capitalist Party, and availing of a unitary polarizing posture and
attention, be it within the social movement or even, in part, on the side libertarians.
Later, the launch of the Left Front, promising to provide a political outlet to the
struggles, had the same effect but allowed at least clarify political lines with the
unification of a genuinely reformist pole. It was not until 2012 and the crises of the
organizations that our proposal will be heard or taken over by some groups, particularly
within the NPA and Alternative.
As for the libertarian organizations, we made the observation from the beginning that our
proposed anti-capitalist unity would be ill received, for reasons primarily ideological.
Thus, none of them agreed to meet us at the national level on the subject. However, here
too, local work was possible.
Second difficulty, the relationship between the social front, the broad political unitary
collectives, building G and anticapitalist fronts construction was not easy. Was it
necessary to involve associative collective anticapitalist fronts? Are not there puts into
question the autonomy of the social movement? Far to push the limits of the
anti-capitalist political unity? How to involve unorganized es these fronts?
In fact, these questions show that the anti-capitalist orientation of fronts was a
rebalancing strategy in the AL over that of the 90s, when the organization was immersed in
social movements then conquerors, with the perspective of the Federation these movements
within a "Social Front of equality and solidarity", without specific building strategy.
These questions find themselves in convention texts from this period, which largely
reaffirm each time this orientation and clarify things, while regretting a formal
unsatisfactory practice.
Consequence of these difficulties, the organization struggled to decline locally this
orientation. Apart from very partial local experiences, only the CAL Paris Northeast
managed to mount an anti-capitalist network, responsive to the struggles and periodically
organizing public meetings in the period 2007-2012.
The situation changed in 2012. The unification of a reformist pole within the Left Front,
and therefore, the crises that this has caused to the NPA and Alternative (plus the
crisis, due to the rather reflux of struggles, CNT), presented to the discussion of the
center unit of the necessary anti-capitalist. Thus fronts, over time or occasionally, have
been made in the Lot-et-Garonne, in Nantes, Angers, Toulouse, Orleans and in the Gard.
It is indeed in the action that the process has accelerated: Common processions, concert
organizations or public meetings, support for struggles... These initiatives amounted
mostly to the local NPA, primarily because " it is often the only anti-capitalist partner
of the city, but also manage to lead the CNT, the MOC, the OCML-VP or AF. In Albi, Brest,
Rennes and in Herault, the activists NPA, Alternative, or CNT FA have expressed interest
in the process and try to implement it. In Bobigny, a public meeting and a blog has been
made but it is the collapse of the NPA activist who was unable to continue.
Of course there are difficulties: take the length is not simple, it is a task in addition
to political and trade union associations or investment, some organizations may pull the
blanket to them. But at least these difficulties are identified on the basis of field
experience.
Acknowledging this new dynamic, the Federal Coordination in September 2014 decided to
campaign with the help of a brochure "Developing anticapitalist fronts," towards the
activists and social policies that we encounter.
Finally, regardless of its implementation, this approach has allowed to situate
Alternative Libertaire as an organization does not resigning himself to the dispersion of
anti-capitalist forces, or to the development of a small political group closed in on itself.
This strategy is still relevant today for several reasons. It avoids us to define a form
of construction centered on itself or restricted only to libertarian circles.
It puts us in a good position, despite our numerical weakness, to work for unity among
activists and organizations, both locally and nationally.
It sets us strong barriers for our unit strategies will not lead us to opportunistic
drift. It allows to work together isolated es activists of various political groups and to
restore some momentum in the deserts militants.
It allows us, finally, to make contact with activists whose paths are different and live
out an open and attractive libertarian communism.
This has undoubtedly convinced comrades from es to larger organizations (including NPA and
CNT) to join us. It is also notable that, if the organization has gradually increased over
this period, it remained, unlike most anti-capitalist organizations that have known or are
still experiencing very important crises (NPA, CNT, Alternative, CGA).
Reconstruction of an international libertarian network
If the coordination of international libertarian forces lost momentum after the period
against anti-globalization summits of the early 2000s, international dating in Saint-Imier
in 2012 bring new perspectives. Beyond the political event in itself, which brings
together more than 5,000 people for a week, it is also an opportunity for the network to
meet Anarkismo physically and enact the revitalization of this tool.
After several stages, and the disappearance of several member organizations, the network
had new life breathed through a radical reform and the arrival of new organizations.
Anarkismo therefore helps to support the emergence of new organizations in the world and
to develop the internationalist solidarity. G, through its International Commission, was
particularly involved in the relaunch of the network, just as it has participated in and
organized many internationalists shares during this period.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Un-bilan-24-ans-de-strategie-d
