Afghanistan: de cijfers waar Nederland de ogen voor sluit

Posted on 02/09/2013

 

Een maand geleden werden door de UNHCR de Eligibility Guidelines gepubliceerd over de situatie in Afghanistan. “23% meer burgerslachtoffers”, kopten sommige kranten, zij het klein en niet op de voorpagina. En daarna verdween het UNHCR rapport weer van het media-toneel, alsof dat de enige nieuwswaardige informatie uit het rapport was. De situatie is niet ‘een beetje verslechterd’, de situatie is dramatisch. Het lijkt er op dat informatie hierover uit het zicht van de publieke opinie wordt gehouden; logisch misschien, vanuit overheidsperspectief. Hoe zou een staatssecretaris, de IND en de Dienst Terugkeer en Vertrek moeten verkopen dat Afghaanse vluchtelingen geweigerd en zelfs en masse gedeporteerd worden als we weten wat de werkelijkheid in Afghanistan is?

De cijfers uit het UNHCR rapport geven een helder beeld van de rauwe en bijzonder reële hel in Afghanistan. Maar voor wie door de cijfers heen kan lezen, geeft het rapport niet alleen een ‘helder beeld’. Per slot van rekening zijn de cijfers alleen de getalsmatige weergave, maar schuilt er achter ieder cijfer een mens. Met een eigen verhaal, met ouders of kinderen, met trauma’s, met het onnoemelijk lijden van een verwoest leven.
Alstublieft.
Bij deze de cijfers.

Doden en gewonden

• In de tweede helft van 2012 steeg het aantal burgerslachtoffers met 13 procent. In de eerste helft van 2013 waren er 3.852 burgerslachtoffers door conflicten. Dat is een stijging van 23 procent vergeleken met dezelfde periode in 2012 en het komt neer op gemiddeld 21 burgerslachtoffers per dag;ⁱ
• In 2012 waren er minder grondgevechten tussen anti-overheidsgroepen (AGE’s) en overheidstroepen, maar waren er beduidend meer op burgers gerichte aanvallen door AGE’s. Het aantal burgerslachtoffers door gerichte aanvallen verdubbelde in vergelijking met 2011. Deze stijging zette door in de eerste helft van 2013 met een toename van 29 procent vergeleken met dezelfde periode in 2012.ⁱⁱ
• In 2012 vonden 868 burgers de dood en raakten 1663 burgers gewond door bomaanslagen – 34 procent van het totale aantal burgerslachtoffers. In de eerste zes maanden van 2013 was er een toename van 34 procent van het aantal burgerslachtoffers door bomaanslagen vergeleken met dezelfde periode in 2012. Verreweg de meeste bomaanslagen waarbij burgerslachtoffers vielen, waren niet gericht op militaire doelen, maar juist op locaties waar veel burgers zijn: wegen, markten, overheidskantoren, scholen, winkels en busstations.ⁱⁱⁱ
• Zelfmoordaanslagen en complexe aanvallen door AGE’s op markten, bruiloften, overheidskantoren en bijeenkomsten veroorzaakten in 2012 in totaal 1507 burgerslachtoffers. Hoewel het aantal burgerslachtoffers door zelfmoordaanslagen in de eerste helft van 2013 daalde met 24 procent vergeleken met dezelfde periode in 2012, steeg het aantal doden en gewonden door complexe aanvallen met 57 procent (en is zelfs verachtvoudigd sinds 2011).^iv
• Bermbommen en landmijnen blijven een grote impact hebben op de Afghaanse burgerbevolking, omdat veel van deze bommen en mijnen zich in gemeenschapsplaatsen bevinden, waardoor de toegang tot bijvoorbeeld zorg en onderwijs ernstig belemmerd wordt en er een constante dreiging van ernstige verwondingen, dood en vernietiging van eigendommen in stand wordt gehouden.^v
• In de eerste helft van 2013 is er een toename van 61 procent van het aantal burgerslachtoffers door incidenten veroorzaakt door de Afghaanse lokale politie, vergeleken met de eerste helft van 2012.^vi
• Over diezelfde periodes is er een stijging van 18 procent te zien wat betreft het aantal geweldsincidenten naar of directe aanvallen op scholen of onderwijzend personeel. In de eerste zes maanden van 2013 werden er gemiddeld drie scholen per twee weken aangevallen.^vii
• Het aantal geregistreerde gevallen van bedreiging, intimidatie en onderdrukking van burgers door anti-overheidsgroepen is in de eerste helft van 2013 verdubbeld in vergelijking met dezelfde periode in 2012.^viii
• Anti-overheidsgroepen voeren systematisch aanvallen uit die gericht zijn op burgers die bij de overheid, humanitaire organisaties of ontwikkelingswerk betrokken zijn. In de eerste zes maanden vielen er bij dit soort aanvallen 312 doden en 131 gewonden, een toename ten opzichte van dezelfde periode in 2012.^ix
• Het aantal gerichte moorden en mishandelingen in 2012 van burgers in dienst van de Afghaanse overheid is verzevenvoudigd in vergelijking met 2011. Ook in de eerste helft van 2013 was er een toename van dergelijke gerichte aanvallen te zien.^x
• Eind juni 2013 ligt het aantal interne vluchtelingen op 574.327, maar in werkelijkheid ligt het aantal interne ontheemden veel hoger, omdat bij deze cijfers niet de ontheemden in steden, krottenwijken of afgelegen/onbereikbare gebieden werden gerekend.^xi

Detentie

• Marteling en mishandeling van conflict-gerelateerde gedetineerden komt veelvuldig voor. De gevangenissen zijn overvol en periodes van voorarrest beslaan normaal gesproken al drie maanden of langer. Gedetineerden hebben slecht toegang tot juridische hulp.^xii
• Het aantal meisjes en vrouwen gedetineerd voor feiten die als ‘morele misdaden’ worden beschouwd is tussen oktober 2011 en mei 2013 met vijftig procent gestegen. ‘Morele misdaden’ zijn gedragingen die strijdig met de sharia wetgeving of met de traditionele gebruiken worden beschouwd. Hieronder valt ook het niet passend begeleid zijn in het openbaar, het weigeren van een huwelijk of ‘weglopen van huis’ (ook in situaties van huiselijk geweld).^xiii
• Kinderen die door de Afghaanse overheid verdacht worden van betrokkenheid bij anti-overheidsgroepen, kunnen in detentie vast worden gehouden. Uit rapporten blijkt dat deze kinderen in detentie te maken krijgen marteling, mishandeling, elektrische shocks, seksueel geweld en dreiging met seksueel geweld.^xiv

Geweld tegen meisjes en vrouwen

• Geweld tegen vrouwen en meisjes is wijd verspreid en het aantal geregistreerde geweldsincidenten neemt toe. Daders van geweldsincidenten tegen vrouwen en meisjes blijven meestal onbestraft. In de laatste zes maanden van 2012 is er een toename van 22 procent van het aantal geweldsdelicten tegen vrouwen en meisjes in vergelijking met dezelfde periode in 2011, maar veel van de geweldsdelicten worden niet gemeld en blijven dus ongeregistreerd.^xv
• De VN stelt vast dat seksueel geweld tegen vrouwen in Afghanistan wijd verspreid is. Onder dit geweld valt bijvoorbeeld ook eerwraak, ontvoering, verkrachting, gedwongen abortus en huiselijk geweld.^xvi
• Als er sprake is van huiselijk geweld of gedwongen huwelijken, worden vrouwen vaak veroordeeld en gedetineerd, terwijl mannen die hiervoor verantwoordelijk zijn onbestraft blijven.^xvii
• Bij zestig tot tachtig procent van de huwelijken in Afghanistan is er sprake van een gedwongen huwelijk. Bij vijftien procent van de huwelijken wordt het meisje al uitgehuwelijkt op de leeftijd van vijftien jaar. Bijna de helft van de Afghaanse vrouwen wordt uitgehuwelijkt als ze achttien zijn.^xviii

• Het aantal doden door eerwraak stijgt. In het UNHCR rapport worden verschillende voorbeelden van slachtoffers van eerwraak gegeven, waarbij het slachtoffers levend begraven werden, onthoofd werden of door vaders of broers vermoord werden. In één van de geregistreerde gevallen was er sprake van een meisje van veertien jaar oud.^xix Het UNHCR stelt ook dat verreweg de meeste gevallen van dood door eerwraak niet geregistreerd worden.^xx
• De traditie van betaling van een bruidsschat maakt dat meisjes afkomstig uit arme families vaak al in de leeftijd van zes tot zeven jaar uitgehuwelijkt worden. Hoewel officieel het feitelijke huwelijk dan uitgesteld zou moeten worden totdat het meisje de huwbare leeftijd heeft bereikt, blijkt dat onderzoek dat dat uitstel zelden gerespecteerd wordt en dat deze jonge bruiden veelvuldig het slachtoffer zijn van seksueel misbruik door volwassen leden van de familie van de bruidegom. Er zijn gevallen bekend waarin meisjes die op negen- en elfjarige leeftijd werden uitgehuwelijkt zelfmoordpogingen door zelfverbranding deden. Jong uitgehuwelijkte meisjes worden ook uitgesloten van onderwijs, door de wet die schoolgang van gehuwelijkten verbiedt.^xxi

Kinderen

• Het aantal kinderen dat gedwongen wordt gerekruteerd door anti-overheidsgroepen stijgt en de AGE’s zetten ook in toenemende mate kinderen in bij zelfmoordaanslagen, door geld te beloven of ze tot zelfmoordaanslagen te dwingen. Het komt ook voor dat kinderen explosieven dragen zonder te weten dat het om explosieven gaat. Anti-overheidsgroepen zetten kinderen in om landmijnen te plaatsen, wapens en uniforms te smokkelen en voor verkennersactiviteiten. Uit rapporten blijkt dat de AGE’s kinderen ook seksueel misbruiken.^xxii
• Kinderarbeid blijft wijdverspreid in Afghanistan, inclusief dwangarbeid, drugssmokkel en prostitutie.^xxiii Dertig procent van de kinderen onder de twaalf worden ingezet bij kinderarbeid. Meer dan 1 miljoen kinderen onder de veertien werkt.^xxiv In Kabul werken naar schatting tussen de 50.000 en de 60.000 kinderen op straat.^xxv

• Kindermishandeling is wijd verspreid en het aantal geregistreerde gevallen neemt toe. Fysieke mishandeling, seksueel misbruik, verlating en verwaarlozing komen in heel Afghanistan veelvuldig voor. Seksueel misbruik van kinderen is frequent. De daders kunnen familieleden zijn (met name bij meisjes), leden van overheidstroepen zoals politie en leger (meisjes en jongens) en anti-overheidsgroepen (vooral jongens). Jonge jongens lopen veelvuldig het risico om slachtoffer te worden van bachi baazi, een praktijk waarbij minderjarige jongens verkocht worden aan vermogende of invloedrijke personen en als seksslaaf gebruikt te worden. Het aantal slachtoffers van bacha baazi neemt toe.^xxvi
• In 2011 waren er 100 geregistreerde gevallen van kinderverkrachting alleen al in Kabul. Verslagen uit andere provincies noteerden 470 gevallen van kinderverkrachting in datzelfde jaar, maar het totale (ongeregistreerde) aantal ligt waarschijnlijk veel hoger.^xxvii

Conclusie
Als de situatie in Afghanistan in de politiek, de media of de publieke opinie ter sprake komt, dan gaat het vaak over de inzet van het Nederlandse leger in Afghanistan of over de duur van de missie. Berichten over de veiligheidssituatie voor de burgers zelf dringen slechts sporadisch door in de media, laat staan berichten over schendingen van de mensenrechten. Toch spreekt het UNHCR rapport klare taal: Afghanistan hoort bij één van de meest onveilige landen ter wereld. Het zou niet meer dan logisch moeten zijn dat bij de beoordeling van individuele asielaanvragen van Afghaanse asielzoekers ook het toenemende geweld in Afghanistan in het algemeen moet worden meegewogen. Deportatie van vluchtelingen naar een land als Afghanistan, waar aantoonbaar op grote schaal de fundamentele rechten van de mens geschonden worden, is op zichzelf al een schending van vluchtelingenrechten zoals ze vastgelegd liggen in het Verdrag van Geneve.

i UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 15
UNAMA noted that while the total civilian casualty figure for 2012 represented a four per cent decrease compared to 2011, civilian casualties in the last half of 2012 increased by 13 per cent compared to the same period in 2011. This upwards trend continued in 2013. In the first six months of 2013, UNAMA registered 3,852 conflict-related civilian casualties, an increase of 23 per cent compared to the same period of 2012 and representing a return to the recordhigh number of civilian casualties of 2011.

ii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 15-16
As a result, UNAMA observed a shift in 2012 in the nature of the conflict-related violence, with fewer ground engagements between AGEs and progovernment forces, but significantly more targeted killings of civilians by AGEs. Civilian casualties resulting from targeted attacks increased by 108 per cent in 2012 compared to 2011, with UNAMA documenting the death of 698 civilians and the wounding of 379 others in incidents of (attempted) targeted killings.
The upward trend in the number of civilian casualties as a result of targeted attacks continued in 2013, with UNAMA reporting a further 29 per cent increase in civilian casualties as a result of such attacks in the first six months of 2013 compared to the same period in 2012.

iii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 16
In 2012, improvised explosive devices (IEDs) were responsible for 34 per cent of all civilian casualties (868 civilian deaths and 1,663 injuries). In the first six months of 2013, civilian deaths and injuries resulting from the use of IEDs by AGEs were up 34 per cent compared to the same period in 2012. In most cases of civilian casualties caused by IEDs, the IEDs appeared not to have been directed at specific military objectives or they were employed in such a way that their effects could not be limited to legitimate military targets, in violation of the requirements of international humanitarian law. AGEs were reported to continue to plant IEDs on roads routinely used by civilians, as well as in other public areas commonly used by civilians, such as markets and bazaars, government offices, in and around schools, shops and bus stations. AGEs also used IEDs in assassination attempts against civilians, frequently killing a high number of bystanders.

iv UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 16-17
AGEs also continued to use suicide attacks to target public places, including crowded markets, mosques, social gatherings such as weddings, gatherings of tribal elders and civilian government offices, in violation of international humanitarian law. Suicide attacks ostensibly targeting IMF or Afghan forces also frequently lead to large numbers of civilian casualties. In 2012 UNAMA documented 1,507 civilian casualties (328 deaths and 1,1,79 people injured) as a result of suicide and complex attacks. In the period between 1 January and 6 June 2013, civilian casualties as a result to of direct suicide attacks by AGEs were down 24 per cent compared to 2012, but the number of civilians killed and injured in complex attacks increased by 57 per cent in 2013 compared to 2012 (and by 800 per cent compared to the same period in 2011).

v UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 17
Furthermore, so-called legacy IEDs −planted but undetonated IEDs – continued to have a serious impact on Afghan civilians, with legacy IEDs in community spaces hindering access to health and education, and creating an environment of fear and insecurity, with civilians living under the constant threat of death, maiming, serious injury and destruction of property.

vi UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 20
In the first six months of 2013, UNAMA documented 14 civilian deaths and 23 wounded in incidents attributed to the ALP, an increase of 61 per cent compared to the same period in 2012.

vii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 22
In the first six months of 2013 UNAMA documented 40 incidents of conflictrelated violence affecting schools and direct attacks against schools and educational staff, representing an increase of 18 per cent compared to the first six months in 2012.

viii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 22
In the first six months of 2013 UNAMA documented 90 incidents of AGEs threatening, intimidating and harassing civilians, a 105 per cent increase compared with the first half of 2012.

ix UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 31
AGEs are reported to systematically target civilians who are associated with, or who are perceived to be supporting the Afghan Government and the international community in Afghanistan, including the IMF and international humanitarian and development actors. As noted above, in 2012 this campaign of systematic targeting intensified, with UNAMA documenting the deaths of 698 civilians and the wounding of 379 others in incidents of targeted killings or attempted targeted killings. The first six months of 2013 saw a further 29 increase in civilian casualties as a result of such attacks compared to the same period in 2012, with 312 civilians killed and 131 injured.

x UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 32
Targeted killings and injuries by AGEs of government civilian employees increased by 700 per cent in 2012 compared to 2011. In the first six months of 2013, UNAMA documented a further increase in civilian casualties from AGEs targeting civilian government employees, government offices, district headquarters and other civilian structures.

xi UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 27
By the end of June 2013, the figure for the total number of conflict-related internally displaced people (IDPs) had risen to 574,327. However, official figures for the number of IDPs are widely considered to underrepresent the scale of the displacement problem in Afghanistan, as they exclude those dispersed in urban and semi-urban areas, as well as those displaced to rural locations in areas inaccessible to humanitarian actors.

xii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 19
In two successive reports, UNAMA has documented the widespread use of torture and ill-treatment of conflict-related detainees held by the NDS, the ANP, the ALP and the Afghan National Army (ANA). Detainees reportedly also lack access to remedial mechanisms, including the right to habeas corpus, as well as meaningful access to defence counsel. Neither the NDS nor the ANP keep regular public statistics of their prison population. The prison system run by the Central Prisons Directorate reportedly suffers from severe overcrowding, with pre-trial detention routinely stretching up to three months or longer. This situation is reported to be a contributing factor in the willingness of law enforcement agencies to use torture in order to coerce confessions from detainees, particularly conflict-related detainees.

xiii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 56
Detention for breaches of customary or Sharia law disproportionately affects women and girls, including detention on the ground of perceived “moral crimes” such as being improperly unaccompanied, refusing marriage, or “running away from home” (including in situations of domestic violence). The number of girls and women detained for “moral crimes” was reported to have risen by 50 per cent between October 2011 and May 2013.

xiv UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 59
Children are reportedly at risk of illegal detention for alleged support to AGEs, and at risk of torture and ill-treatment in detention, including beatings, electric shocks, sexual violence and threats of sexual violence.

xv UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 49
Violence against women and girls remains widespread and is reported to be on the rise; impunity in relation to such violence is reportedly common. (–) The AIHRC estimated that the number of reported cases of violence against women had increased by 22 per cent during the last six months of 2012 compared to the same period in 2011. (–) It nevertheless cautions that “incidents of violence against women are greatly under-reported”.

xvi UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 52
The UN Secretary-General has noted that sexual and gender-based violence against women in Afghanistan remains endemic. Such violence includes “honour killings”, abduction, rape, forced abortion and domestic violence.

xvii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 53
While many women in these circumstances are convicted and imprisoned, men responsible for the domestic violence or forced marriages almost always enjoy impunity.

xviii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 54
The Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission estimates that between 60 and 80 per cent of all marriages in Afghanistan are forced. Although reliable data are difficult to obtain, surveys indicate that 15 per cent of women are married by age 15, and 46 per cent of women are married by age 18.

xix UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 54
Cases of honour killings are reported to be on the rise. (–) On 22 April 2013, a woman named Halima, who was a mother of two children, was reportedly shot dead by her father in in the village of Kookchaheel, in the Aabkamari district of Badghis province, after having been accused of running away with a male cousin while her husband was in Iran. Cases of “honour killings” reported in March 2013 included a young girl who was reportedly buried alive by her brother and father in Kishim district of Badakhshan province; a 14 year-old girl in Herat province who was reportedly killed when she refused to marry her fiancé; a brother who was reported to have killed his married sister as she insisted on joining her husband in Iran; and a husband in Jawzjan province who reportedly beheaded his wife.

xx UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 54
For each reported case of an “honour killing”, a dozen other cases are estimated to remain unreported.

xxi UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 55
The US State Department noted that the custom of bride money motivated poor families to pledge daughters as young as six or seven years old, with the understanding that the actual marriage would be delayed until the child reached puberty. However, reports indicated that this delay was rarely observed and that young girls were sexually violated not only by the groom but also by older men in the family, particularly if the groom was also a child. There were reports that young girls who were married between the ages of nine and 11 attempted self-immolation. US Department of State, 2012 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Afghanistan, 19 April 2013, http://www.refworld.org/docid/517e6e73f.html. A law banning the enrolment in the public school system of anyone who is married forces many girls who are married at a young age to drop out of school.

xxii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 58
Recruitment by AGEs of children was reportedly on the rise. AGEs increasingly used children for suicide attacks; in 2012 UNAMA documented the death of three children while they carried out suicide attacks, while a further 48 children were arrested by the ANSF on allegations of plans to carry out suicide attacks. Children were also used to plant IEDs and to smuggle weapons and uniforms, and to act as guards or scouts for reconnaissance. In some cases AGEs abused children sexually. (–) The Taliban reportedly tricked children, promised them money, or forced them to become suicide bombers.(-) Some children unknowingly carried explosive packages.

xxiii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 59
Child labour reportedly remains widespread. Manifestations of child labour in Afghanistan include the worst forms of child labour, such as debt bondage and other forms of forced labour, the use of children in illicit activities including the drug trade, as well as the use of children in prostitution.

xxiv UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 59
According to UNICEF estimates, at least 30 per cent of primary school-age children undertook some form of work, and there were more than one million child labourers younger than 14.

xxv UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 59
Estimates for the total number of children working in Kabul’s streets range from 50,000 to 60,000.

xxvi UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 60
Child abuse is reported to be endemic throughout the country, with the number of reported cases on the rise in 2012. Common forms of abuse include physical violence, sexual abuse, abandonment and general neglect. Some forms of domestic violence against children take place in the name of discipline. Sexual abuse of children reportedly remains pervasive. While most child victims of sexual abuse, particularly girls, are abused by family members, boys and girls were also reported to be at risk of sexual violence at the hands of state agents, while boys in particular were reported to be at risk of sexual abuse by AGEs. Young boys continue to be at risk of bacha baazi, a practice in which boys are sold to powerful figures and businessmen and trained to dance in female clothes for male audiences and then used and traded for sex. The practice is reported to be on the rise.

xxvii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 60
In 2011, the Ministry of Interior recorded an estimated 100 cases of child rape in Kabul alone, while reports from 13 other provinces totaled 470 cases of child rape in 2011. The unreported numbers were believed to be much higher.

De rol van de Afghaanse overheid

De rol van een overheid is om zowel de nationale belangen als de burgers te beschermen, middels bijvoorbeeld wetgeving, wetshandhaving, het toegang bieden tot basisvoorzieningen en het ontwikkelen van infrastructuur.

Rapporten van humanitaire organisaties laten al jaren zien dat de Afghaanse overheid hier om verschillende redenen jammerlijk in faalt. Wijd verspreide corruptie en straffeloosheid verzwakken de invloed van de overheid in hoge mate; de ontwikkeling van een juridisch systeem stagneert. Ondanks toezeggingen van de Afghaanse overheid naar aanleiding van zware kritiek van verschillende internationale organisaties blijven verbeteringen uit. Sterker nog: de overheid zelf, inclusief leden van de nationale politie en de lokale politie, blijkt schuldig aan schendingen van de mensenrechten op grote schaal en vormt daarmee een sterke bedreiging voor de burgers in Afghanistan.ⁱ

Zwakheid van de overheid

Wetgeving omtrent kinderarbeid laat al te wensen over: volgens de wet mogen kinderen vanaf 15 jaar ‘licht werk’ verrichten tot 35 uur per week. Maar de handhaving van die wet blijkt zwak, vanwege het gebrek aan institutionele capaciteit, maar ook door het feit dat minder dan 10 procent van de kinderen formeel geregistreerd staat, waardoor het tegengaan van kinderarbeid en de excessen daarvan moeilijk tegen te gaan is bij de ongeregistreerde kinderen.ⁱⁱ

Ook de positie van de vrouwen blijft onverminderd slecht in Afghanistan. De implementatie van de EVAW-wet, die vrouwenrechten zou moeten beschermen, vordert slechts bijzonder langzaam en de betrokkenheid van de regeringspartijen bij de bescherming van vrouwenrechten wordt door diverse observerende partijen in twijfel getrokken.ⁱⁱⁱ President Karzai liet in mei 2013 aan vrouwenrechtenactivisten weten dat hij de EVAW wet niet verder kon beschermen en adviseerde ze om hun activiteiten op te geven.^iv

De overheid implementeerde drie verschillende hulpprogramma’s voor slachtoffers van geweldsconflicten in Afghanistan en stelde zich middels een ander programma ten doel om de praktijk van bacha baazi – het verkopen van minderjarige jongens als seksslaven – tegen te gaan. Uit onderzoek blijkt dat de programma’s ineffectief zijn en geen verbetering teweeg brengen.^{v vi}

Als burgers de overheid willen bijstaan in hun beschermende taak, bijvoorbeeld door locaties van landmijnen te rapporteren, dan lopen deze burgers het risico op serieuze repercussies vanuit anti-overheidselementen en zijn de lokale politietroepen niet bij machte om dat tegen te houden.^vii

De overheid zelf als ernstige bedreiging

Zwakke handhaving en gebrek aan verbeteringen zijn niet het enige probleem wat betreft de Afghaanse overheid. En vele malen groter probleem is dat van misdaden begaan door de vertegenwoordigers van de wet en de overheid zelf. De overheid en het rechtssysteem zelf maakt zich in hoge mate schuldig aan corruptie, machtsmisbruik en afpersing.^viii Leden van de nationale veiligheidsdienst, de nationale politie, de lokale politie en de grenspolitie blijken zich schuldig te maken aan moord. Overheidsmedewerkers, veiligheidstroepen, detentieautoriteiten en politie maken zich schuldig aan marteling, wreed, onmenselijk en vernederend optreden en dito straffen. Vrouwen worden regelmatig door politieofficieren verkracht, waarna de daders onbestraft blijven.

Seksueel misbruik van kinderen komt veelvuldig voor en leden van de nationale politie, individuen betrokken bij de politie en leden van de Afghaanse nationale veiligheidstroepen^ix behoren ook tot de daders. Vaak blijven zij onbestraft, maar worden de slachtoffers van kindermisbruik daarentegen gedetineerd, onder het argument dat ze ‘morele misdrijven’ hebben begaan, schande over hun familie hebben gebracht en daarvoor bestraft dienen te worden.^x

In twee detentiecentra, zes nationale politieposten en één grenspolitiepost bleek de inzet van marteling systematisch en waren er onder de gemartelde gedetineerden ook kinderen.^xi De problemen in de detentiecentra groeien, door het toenemende aantal gedetineerden in de toch al overbevolkte detentiecentra; dit draagt volgens de UNHCR bij aan de bereidheid van detentieautoriteiten en officieren om marteling in te zetten bij het loskrijgen van bekentenissen van conflict-gerelateerde gedetineerden.^xii

De VN missie rapporteerde over 80 gevallen waarin kinderen door de nationale detentieautoriteiten, de nationale politie en de lokale politie onrechtmatig werden gedetineerd en gemarteld, ook als het om kinderen ging die eerder door AGE’s gedwongen waren om een zelfmoordaanslag te pogen.^xiii

Officiers van de Afghaanse lokale politie bleken direct betrokken bij baad (het schenken van meisjes en vrouwen ter compensatie van misdrijven), verkrachting, marteling van gedetineerden, mishandeling, confiscatie van eigendommen en dwangarbeid.^xiv Zo werd door een hooggeplaatste politiefunctionaris in mei 2012 een achttienjarig meisje weggegeven aan één van zijn officieren om een mogelijke ruzie tussen twee families te voorkomen.^xv

De UNHCR noteerde meldingen van kinderverkrachting door leden van de Afghaanse nationale veiligheidsdiensten (inclusief bacha baazi), omkoping van politie- en detentieofficieren door mensenhandelaars, kindermisbruik door medewerkers in overheidsweeshuizen waarbij de kinderen ook tot prostitutie gedwongen werden en het faciliteren van mensenhandel door omgekochte grenspolitiewachten.^xvi Bij dit laatste werd de mensenhandel niet alleen gefaciliteerd, maar werden de slachtoffers ook verkracht en beschuldigd van misdrijven. Ondanks de instelling van een wet om mensenhandel tegen te gaan, werd er in de periode van juni 2011 en juli 2012 niemand vervolgd of veroordeeld wegens mensenhandel.^xvii

Kindermisbruik blijkt één van de motiverende factoren voor het ronselen van kinderen te zijn door de Afghaanse nationale veiligheidsdiensten.^xviii Er is een significante toename in het aantal gevallen van mishandeling, geweld en detentie door politieambtenaren op basis van seksuele geaardheid.^xix

Een andere schending van mensenrechten door de overheid zelf betrof bijvoorbeeld de arrestatie en mishandeling van vreedzame demonstranten in Kabul op 2 mei 2013.^xx

i UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 23

Afghan governance is perceived as particularly weak. High levels of corruption, ineffective governance and a climate of impunity are all reported by observers as factors that weaken the rule of law and undermine the ability of the State to provide protection from human rights violations. Accountability for human rights violations is reported to remain weak, and little or no political support has materialized for the advancement of transitional justice mechanisms, despite past commitments on the part of the Government. As noted above, a number of State actors tasked with protecting human rights, including the ANP and ALP, are themselves reported to commit human rights abuses with impunity in certain parts of the country.

ii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 59

The Labour Law sets the minimum age for employment, including hazardous employment,

at 18; children between ages 15 and 18 may engage in “light work” up to 35 hours per week. A child may work as an apprentice from age 14. However, enforcement of the Labour Law was reported to be weak, due to a lack of institutional capacity on the part of the government, and because fewer than 10 per cent of children had formal birth registrations.

iii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 50

Observers have noted that the government’s commitment to the promotion and protection of women’s rights has at times been in doubt. The implementation of legislation to protect women’s rights remains slow.

iv UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 50

According to Human Rights Watch, in May 2013 President Karzai told women’s rights activists that he was unable to support further efforts to protect Afghanistan’s EVAW law, and advised them to stop advocating for stronger enforcement of the EVAW law.

v UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 18

The Afghan Government administers three programmes to provide assistance to civilians who suffered conflict-related harm at the hands of any of the warring parties. However, many affected civilians, including civilians harmed by the ANSF, reportedly receive no help from these programmes.

vi UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 63

The US State Department also states that no progress was reported in the twelve months to June

2012 towards fulfilling the goals of the action plan signed in January 2011 to combat the use of bacha baazi by the ANSF.

vii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 35

UNAMA reports having documented many cases of AGEs murdering or mutilating persons suspected of collaborating with pro-government forces. Communities in districts with a high prevalence of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) are reported to face serious repercussions from AGEs when they seek to report IED locations to the ANSF.

viii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 24

Corruption is reported to affect many parts of the state apparatus, on the national, provincial and local levels. In 2012, half of all Afghan citizens who had contact with public officials reportedly had to pay bribes to access public services. Within the police, corruption is reported to be endemic, as is

the abuse of power and extortion. The justice system is similarly reported to suffer from systemic

corruption.

ix UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 19

Various State actors have been accused of committing serious human rights violations. The NDS, the ANP, the ALP and the Afghan Border Police (ABP) have reportedly committed unlawful killings. Government officials, security forces, detention centre authorities, and police have reportedly used torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Police officers have reportedly raped female detainees. The ANSF have reportedly sexually abused and exploited children. Impunity for human rights violations committed by each of these State actors is reported to have remained widespread.

x UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 60-61

Impunity for sexual abuse of children remains a problem: most abusers are not arrested, and there are reports of children raped with impunity by security officials and individuals connected to the ANP. Some children who were prosecuted for “moral crimes” were victims rather than perpetrators of crime; having reported instances of sexual abuse, they are perceived to have brought shame on their family and to be in need of punishment.

xi UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 41

UNAMA reported that in two NDS facilities, six ANP facilities and one ABP location, the use of torture was systematic. Among the detainees who were found to have been subjected to torture were children.

xii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 42

The UN Secretary-General noted in June 2012 that the prison population continued to grow significantly, while the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights had earlier noted that the increasing strains caused by the growing prison population on the already overcrowded prison system “has been a contributing factor in the willingness of law enforcement agencies to use torture in order to coerce confessions from detainees, particularly conflict-related detainees.”

xiii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 59

UNAMA report documented the illegal detention and torture of 80 children by the NDS, ANP and ALP for alleged national security crimes, including alleged suicide attacks.

xiv UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 20

Examples of documented human rights violations with the reported direct involvement of ALP members in 2012 include cases of the practice of baad (the giving away of girls and women as

compensation for criminal acts), rape, torture of detainees, ill-treatment, property seizure and forced labour.

xv UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 54

In the first six months of 2012, UNAMA documented a number of cases where ALP officers

were directly involved in cases of baad, including the case of an 18-year-old girl in Kunduz district, Kunduz province, on 17 May 2012, who was given in baad by an ALP commander to one of his ALP members, allegedly to prevent a potential dispute between two ALP members’ families over a recent marriage.

xvi UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 64

This includes reports of sexual abuse of boys, including for bacha baazi, by members of the ANSF; reports of traffickers bribing Afghan officials to secure their release from prison; reports of corrupt officials in government-run orphanages sexually abusing children and forcing them into prostitution; and reports that ANP and border police facilitated trafficking and raped sex trafficking victims. The government is reported not to have investigated, arrested or prosecuted any government officials for facilitating trafficking offense.

xvii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 63-64

In 2008 the Government adopted an anti-trafficking law, but in the twelve months between June

2011 and June 2012 it is reported not to have prosecuted or convicted any trafficking offenders under this law. In contrast, the Government reportedly punished victims for offenses they allegedly committed as a direct result of being trafficked. Government employees are reported to have been accused of complicity in human trafficking.

xviii UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 58

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reported that sexual exploitation was a motivating factor for the recruitment of boys into the ANSF.

xix UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 64

The use by the police of harassment, violence, and detention on the basis of people’s sexual orientation was reported to have increased significantly during 2012 compared to previous years.

xx UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines d.d. 6 augustus 2013, pagina 20

Other reported human rights violations by State actors include the arrest and alleged maltreatment of peaceful protesters in Kabul on 2 May 2013.

This entry was posted in News, research and tagged afghanistan, asiel, burgerslachtoffer, deportatie, geweld, kabul, oorlog, uitzetting, UNHCR by deportatieverzet.Bookmark the permalink.

Human Rights Watch + petition : Russia - massive detention of migrants‏

Below some information received in early august. As info on Russia passed by action, those one might be of your interest. Sorry, if doublons.

Petition:
http://avtonom.org/en/news/call-international-campaign-against-concentration-camps-russia
http://avtonom.org/news/prizyv-k-mezhdunarodnoy-solidarnosti-protiv-konclagerey-v-rossii

below, press release of HRW

best
Eva

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Julien Lambert <adv_ip1@hrw.org>
Date: 2013/8/12
Subject: Human Rights Watch: Russie - Détention massive de migrants
To:

Madame,  Monsieur,

Je vous prie de bien vouloir trouver, ci-joint et ci-dessous, un communiqué de presse en anglais, diffusé par Human Rights Watch.

La police moscovite détient des milliers de migrants suspectés d’être en situation irrégulière depuis la fin juillet, pour violation alléguées des réglementations du travail et migratoires. Des centaines d’entre eux sont en prison,  dont dans un camp fait de tentes de fortunes dans des conditions inhumaines.

Selon Tanya Lokshina, directrice du programme Russie à Human Rights Watch : « Détention prolongée sans avocat, profilage ethnique, conditions inhumaines – cela doit prendre fin tout de suite ».

Nous restons à votre disposition pour toute information complémentaire,

Cordialement,

Julien LAMBERT
Advocacy Assistant, Paris | Human Rights Watch 142 rue Montmartre, 75002 Paris Å : +33(0) 143 595 533

 

For Immediate Release

Russia: Mass Detention of Migrants

Racial Profiling, Arbitrary Detention, Harsh Detention Conditions

(Moscow, August 9, 2013) – Moscow police have detained thousands of suspected irregular migrants since late July 2013, for alleged violation of migration and employment regulations, Human Rights Watch said today. Hundreds are in custody, including in a makeshift tent camp in inhuman conditions. Russia should immediately halt these arbitrary detentions and the degrading treatment of migrants.

At the end of July, Moscow police opened a massive campaign in Russia’s capital against irregular migrants, sweeping through street markets and other places where many migrants gather, and detaining people based on their non-Slavic appearance. According to media reports, over 4,000 people have been taken into custody, including nationals of Vietnam, Syria, Afghanistan, Egypt, Morocco, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan.

“Everything about this massive sweep violates Russia’s obligations under international law,” said Tanya Lokshina, Russia program director at Human Rights Watch. “Prolonged detention without counsel, ethnic profiling, inhuman conditions – it should stop now.”

The migrants are being held in police detention centers and holding centers for foreign nationals, with courts ordering their deportation based on perfunctory, rubber-stamp hearings. The government should guarantee the fundamental rights of anyone taken into custody and provide detention conditions that meet international standards, Human Rights Watch said.

Police sweeps are still going on. According to media reports, over 1,000 more people were apprehended at the Gardener Market in Moscow on August 7. On August 8, police authorities and city militia carried out a sweep by the entrance to the metro next to one of the main train stations in the city. Throughout the day, Human Rights Watch observed people who did not have a Slavic appearance get stopped and questioned by police at central metro stations in a clear-cut ethnic profiling operation.

Undocumented migration and crime in Russia’s capital are high on the political agenda in the lead up to the September mayoral elections. Concerns about rising migration and “ethnic” crime have become a dominant feature of official pre-election rhetoric. The massive campaign against irregular migrants was allegedly triggered by an incident at an open-air market in Moscow on July 27, when a policeman attempting to arrest a rape suspect from Russia’s North Caucasus was attacked by the suspect’s relatives and seriously injured.

With police facilities and holding centers full to overflowing, the authorities built a makeshift camp in the eastern part of Moscow, herding hundreds of people into tents with no electricity, no communications, appalling sanitation conditions, inadequate food, and lack of access to potable water.

Migrants detained during police raids typically have had no access to legal counsel or translators. They have not been able to inform family members of their fate and whereabouts, and were not allowed to pack any belongings or retrieve documents they were not carrying at the time they were detained.  Some who are awaiting deportation are asylum seekers or have lawful residence permits, and thus have a legal right to be in Russia.

Systematically detaining people who appear to be of different ethnic or racial background without a reasonable suspicion of individual wrongdoing is discriminatory and constitutes arbitrary deprivation of liberty in violation of national and international human rights law, Human Rights Watch said.

On August 2, the day after a police raid of sewing sweatshops employing over 1000 allegedly irregular Vietnamese workers, the Emergencies Ministry hastily built a large tent camp in Golyanovo, in the eastern part of Moscow. The camp supposedly has the capacity to accommodate 900 people but its legal status is unclear. By August 4, it held over 600 migrants under close police surveillance. By August 7, most of the women had been moved to police detention centers and the number of people at the camp had decreased to approximately 500. Also on August 7, the authorities had to hospitalize 30 of the camp’s inmates due to severe skin rash and allergies of unknown origin.

According to media reports, some of those detained are taken to police precincts across Moscow, where the holding conditions are even more problematic than at the Golyanovo camp.

Svetlana Gannushkina, head of the Civic Assistance Committee, a human rights group that provides legal assistance to migrants and asylum seekers, said that under Russian law, foreign nationals subject to deportation can be held only in specialized holding centers. “Golyanovo is essentially an unlawful detention facility,” Gannushkina told Human Rights Watch. She said that three of her group’s pro bono clients – two Syrian nationals and an Afghan national – being held in the camp awaiting deportation are asylum seekers protected by international law.

Russia’s ombudsman, Vladimir Lukin, told the news media that the sanitary conditions at the camp were unacceptable, especially the state of the toilets and the lack of proper washing facilities. Gannushkina, who visited the camp jointly with Lukin, described the conditions in the camp to Human Rights Watch as “inhuman.”

Alexander Kulikovsky, a human rights activist on the public advisory board of the Moscow City Police Department, who recently visited the camp several times, told Human Rights Watch that detainees had no access to potable water and their intake of liquids was limited to tea provided with their clearly inadequate meals.

He said that because the camp had no hot water, detainees have not been able to wash properly since they arrived. He also said that the authorities failed to provide them with such basic necessities as soap, toothpaste and toothbrushes, towels, underwear, footwear, medical kits, etc. The tents were dirty and overcrowded and appeared unprotected from inclement weather, he said. Dozens of photographs of the camp examined by Human Rights Watch confirm this assessment.

Kulikovsky said detainees cannot communicate with family members or lawyers, as access to the camp is restricted and there are no payphones or facilities to charge cell phones.

The Civic Assistance Committee told Human Rights Watch that its staff lawyer encountered severe obstacles when she went to the camp on August 6, to meet with their three clients. The police prevented the lawyer from entering the camp for about two hours, demanding “special permission” and trying to wave her off despite her repeated explanations that lawyers need no “permission” to see their clients.

Finally, after the group made several phone calls to the authorities, she was able to see two of her three clients. However, the police allowed them no privacy, so they had to speak standing on opposite sides of a hedge under the surveillance of a police officer.

“Obstructing a meeting between a lawyer and his or her client in detention is a blatant violation of international human rights law,” Lokshina said.

The absence of phones and translators has worsened the problem of lack of access to counsel, leaving the detainees facing great obstacles in challenging the legality of their detention or requesting asylum, Human Rights Watch said.

Gannushkina told Human Rights Watch that most of the migrants she interviewed in the camp had no money and had not been paid for the work they were doing before they were detained. They said their documents, clothing, and other possessions had been left behind at the dormitories where they had been staying. The migrants were particularly concerned that they would not be able to reclaim their papers and personal belongings, she said.

Others had their migration cards and work permits with them, but told Gannushkina that the court would not examine their documents or listen to the migrants’ explanations. Court deportation orders appeared to be made automatically, with no consideration for the specifics of individual cases. An Afghan asylum seeker held in Golyanovo informed the Civic Assistance Committee that during his court hearings he had been given no opportunity to inform the judge about his status.

In the detentions Human Rights Watch observed on August 8, some of the people targeted were apparently taken into custody for being unable to answer questions because they did not speak enough Russian and police officials had no translators with them. Kulikovsky said that five Tajikistan nationals detained by police in July spent 14 days at the temporary detention center of a police precinct, in inhuman conditions. Russian law does not allow police to hold people at police precincts for longer than 48 hours. The cells are not designed for longer stays, and the precincts do not have adequate sanitary facilities. The Civic Assistance Committee also told Human Rights Watch that they are aware of dozens of people who were unlawfully held at police precincts for three to five days awaiting court hearings.

“Nothing can justify massive detentions based on ethnic profiling,” Lokshina said. “If the authorities are serious about improving security and public order in Moscow, they should focus on fighting crime and stop trying to divert public discontent by using migrants as scapegoats.”

To read the Human Rights Watch report “‘Are you Happy to Cheat Us?’: Exploitation of Migrant Construction Workers in Russia,” please visit:

http://www.hrw.org/reports/2009/02/09/are-you-happy-cheat-us-0

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Russia, please visit:

http://www.hrw.org/europecentral-asia/russia

1. Newsletter | Septembre 2013 (Action pour la Paix - MIR-IRG)

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Descente de SN Brussels Airlines dans un centre fermé, Inval van SN Brussels Airlines in een gesloten centrum! SN Brussels Airlines raid in a closed centre‏

Nous apprenons par des détenus que des agents de la compagnie SN Airlines ont
“rendu visite”  à quelques détenus d’un centre fermé  ce  03/09/2013.
 
Ils ont demandé le dossier de quelques Africain(e)s en voie d’expulsion et qui
avaient déjà subi une (des) tentative(s) d’expulsion. A leur demande,
l’assistante sociale du centre leur a remis le dossier des personnes qu’ils
voulaient rencontrer.
 
Les employés de la compagnie SN Brussels Airlines ont donc pu avoir un
entretien avec ces personnes : ils leur ont expliqué que la compagnie
proposait que la personne à expulser collabore et se laisse expulser sans
escorte et qu’en contrepartie la compagnie leur donnerait 250 euros à
l’arrivée au pays.
 
D’après notre interlocuteur, ce genre de marché avait déjà été précédemment
proposé à d’autres par la compagnie, à l’aéroport au moment de l’expulsion. A
leur arrivée au pays, toujours d’après les témoignages, ils n’ont pas reçu la
somme proposée.
 
Pour rappel, une polémique avait eu lieu suite à un communiqué Belga :
 
»Le budget annuel de la police pour les rapatriements forcés a déjà été
presque entièrement consommé »
 
«  Réagissant à l’information publiée ce lundi matin par De Standaard et Het
Nieuwsblad, la Secrétaire d’Etat à l’Asile et à la Migration, Maggie De Block
affirme “que le budget de l’Office des Etrangers destiné au rapatriement lors
de retours forcés est toujours suffisant”. “La question des escortes de la
Police pour ces rapatriements sera discutée ces prochains jours avec la
cellule politique compétente”, est-il ajouté. »
 
http://www.rtbf.be/info/belgique/detail_le-budget-2013-pour-les-rapatriements-des-illegaux-toujours-suffisant?id=8074565
 
Serait-ce cette collaboration bien malhonnête avec SN Brussels Airlines qu’ils
ont sortie d’un chapeau pour régler « la question des escortes de la police
pour ces rapatriements » ?
 
Comment des employés d’une firme privée ont-ils accès aux centres fermés
pourtant si hermétiques, le centre fermé de Bruges ayant même refusé l’accès à
des journaliste lors de la campagne “open access”?
Comment la déontologie d’assistant(e)s sociaux permet-elle la remise de
dossiers personnels à ces employés?
De plus, ce mode de fonctionnement n’indiquerait-il pas que l’on se dirige
vers une privatisation des expulsions par des entreprises spécialisées?
A savoir que e.a. au Royaume-Uni les rapatriements sont déjà effectués par une
firme privée, le G4S, pour ne pas le nommer, non sans graves dégats «
collatéraux » http://www.corporatewatch.org/
 
SNAIRLINESCOLLABOS
 
NODEPORTATION
 
http://www.gettingthevoiceout.org/descente-de-sn-brussels-airlines-dans-un-centre-ferme/
http://www.gettingthevoiceout.org/inval-van-sn-brussels-airlines-in-een-gesloten-centrum/
http://www.gettingthevoiceout.org/sn-brussels-airlines-raid-in-a-closed-centre/

Organisation Communiste Libertarie - Syria, the perfect response by Santiago Alba Rico (fr)

A view that seemed interesting to know, even if there are other things to say.
But already the "no war" or the refusal of Western intervention (now more modestly 
Franco-?tatsunienne) that we fully share is not enough to define a policy in this context 
it should also be positioned against the bloody regime of Bashar al-Assad and make some 
general statements about the future of this region, the future of these peoples and people 
of all regimes - and those who would succeed them - and the boundaries imposed by force by 
the imperialist powers, including the Palestinian and Kurdish cases illustrate alone 
tragically disastrous consequences. ---- The stakes in this war and Western intervention, 
beyond the question of the survival of the regime. It tends to redefine the political map 
of the Middle East. It is also at this level that we must try to understand it and lie.
 
August 31, 2013
 
Regarding the military "action" more than likely the Government of the United States to 
Syria, there are two positions equally absurd:
 
That those who claim that Bashar al-Assad has not used chemical weapons. A murderer who 
bombed and launched missiles at its own people, the people who systematically torture and 
slaughter women and children, is probably capable of launching sarin gas or any other 
lethal substance which its citizens.
That those who claim that the United States does not lie on the use of chemical weapons in 
Syria. Power capable of invading Iraq after inventing evidence and falsifying documents, 
which did not close Guantanamo and systematic practice of extrajudicial executions outside 
its borders and from the air, is perfectly capable of lying also in the case of Syria, as 
so many times before.
 
 From the point of view of law and justice, it is imperative to investigate and determine 
whether and used chemical weapons in Syria and try to prosecute and convict the guilty, 
whoever they are. But a serious political analysis, not "ideological" and nonsectarian 
rather must be based on demonstrable facts alone. They are two in number. The first is 
that, regardless of whether or not used chemical weapons against his own people, the 
dictatorship of the Assad dynasty is the first and directly responsible for the 
destruction of Syria, the suffering of its people and all the consequences, human, and 
regional policies that result. Under a painful paradox (at least painful for the author of 
these lines), some of those who now clamor "against the war", as if there had not already 
been two years kept silent about the crimes of the Syrian regime or worse, have practiced 
the most abject denial. Judging by their vehement denunciations, vibrant moral authority, 
the U.S. military would be willing to bomb a peaceful and prosperous country, led by a 
popular government whose only crime is to "resist" the insidious attacks of Israel. This 
"moral outrage" of some anti-imperialist - I must admit - sounds to me as so obnoxiously 
hypocritical invocations of "democracy" and the "humanitarianism" of the imperialists.
 
The second indisputable fact is that regardless whether he lied about the use of chemical 
weapons in Syria, the government of the United States has not the slightest interest in 
democracy and the protection of civilians or to the "moral" issue of chemical weapons. He 
thinks only of his own interests, as always, never interests coincide with those of the 
people he claims to want to help and those who historically have been abandoned, subject 
bombed and murdered. This truism (some desperate Syrians would in turn deny) is fully 
compatible with the previous one, because the truth is that in this world can hold a lot 
of criminal forces and relatively independent of each other, no one can force us to apply 
the principles of logic to ethical and political dilemmas. A declaration of a person who 
supported him that "it is not possible to be in two places at the same time" , Groucho 
Marx responded with joyful strength: "It is not true. New York and Washington are in two 
different places at the same time. " In history, the battle in the revolution, in this 
terrible world, it is perfectly possible that Bashar al-Assad has used chemical weapons 
and at the same time Obama lied on the use of chemical weapons Bashar al-Assad.
 
Once accepted these facts certified, and facing imminent attack ?tatsunienne, it is 
certainly imperative to "condemn" (as if it was nothing more than a rhetorical exercise 
and save conduit acquire the right to speak and be heard in some circles), but it is 
imperative to understand. We condemn that (condemn, condemn, condemn) the ?tatsunienne 
attack, we can choose one of these two "stories":
 
1. the United States (here, a unit Abominable, as monolithic and ahistorical that can be a 
"Plan") carries with it, since its origins, a plan for world domination designed in illo 
tempore and consistently applied, a providential plan omnipotent and that carries with it 
since the dawn of time, regardless of the balance of forces and changing avatars in the 
region, the overthrow of the nationalist government, strong Socialist Baath Party in Syria 
plan he organized or at least he used a popular pseudo-revolution, after arming the 
so-called "rebels" to the teeth, look for two years as a pretext to justify the attack and 
invasion of the country map blocked by Russia, Iran and China, and now, thanks to a lie 
amplified by the media mercenaries of imperialism, is finally about to be realized.
 
. 2 The United States (a unit direction worked with many contradictions, like everything 
in this world) sometimes do not have a plan, but many and many doubts, Syria is an enemy 
in the context of his clash with Iran and its excessive defense of Israel, but does little 
discomfort and guarantees, to a certain extent, the status quo in the region where the 
wave of so-called "Arab Spring" the Syrian people trying to shake off the yoke of 40 years 
of dictatorship, the Obama administration supports their cause rhetorically, concerned in 
any case by the army in which drift gaining ground (a very Leninist) the most radical 
Islamist groups, and for this it combines formal support to the Syrian revolution with the 
greatest caution when giving arms to rebels from the beginning, he tries by all means not 
to militarily involved in a hornet's nest which he knows not being able to get anything 
and, in addition, can also harm Israel from a certain moment, he opted for a political 
solution to reach an agreement with Russia, feels more threatened by Al-Qaeda by Bashar 
al-Assad, but he talked a lot, set a red line and needed now, because it is low, a 
demonstration of force, as explained in the New York Times Edward Luttwak, Center for 
Strategic and International Studies, combines the need to do something he does not want 
to, and scope "limited and almost propagandist" (which depends not only on them) with its 
true interests, and it is to say no, not the overthrow of Assad and the establishment of 
democracy, but the extension of the Syrian war as long as possible to avoid not win one of 
the two opponents (or Assad or the rebels), both extremely dangerous for the plan 
?tatsunien regional domination (with much cynicism, Luttwak argues that the United States 
should provide arms to the rebels every time they lose ground and close the valve to each 
Once they earn).
 
The first story has a flaw: it is consistent as myth. The second story has a virtue: it is 
uncertain as reality itself. The first story - in addition to the free publicity of the 
omnipotence of U.S. imperialism in its lowest hours and want the military intervention, 
involves despise people who are fighting in the region, to ignore their pain, justify 
their executioners. The second story puts us in a complex bee-eater, full of ethical and 
political dilemmas, where nothing is certain, but which also - now or later - people can 
win something, but not all, and they can all lose, but not dignity.
 
I condemn, condemn, condemn the U.S. military intervention for all the right reasons 
explained by Yassin Swehat in an excellent recent text  : because it would not be legal, 
because it is going to exacerbate the suffering of the population, because it is the 
Syrian people must get rid of the dictator, because international solidarity can be much 
more efficient in other ways, because this procedure does not intend to help the Syrian 
people and because consequences, even if she wanted to and was able to overthrow the 
regime (which is an extravagant assumption), would still be contrary to the revolution 
that he and many other Syrians have argued from the beginning.
 

(en) Aleksey ?Raskhod? Raskhodchikov, anarchist, antifascist and musician ,was beaten and arrested

Aleksey ?Raskhod? Raskhodchikov, anarchist, antifascist and musician was beaten and 
arrested by police at night of 23 of July 2013 in the center of Murmansk city. On the main 
square policemen surrounded a group of punk-rockers and without any reason asked for IDs. 
Raskhod tried to ask for documents of police officers, but he was beaten and arrested. 
---- The police violence continued in the police station. As a result anarchist was taken 
to the hospital by ambulance, there he contacted with Regional Youth Human Right Board and 
Public monitoring committee (PMC) of compliance of human rights in places of detention and 
asked for help. ---- Than human rights defenders arrived to the police station. They 
observed badly injured Raskhodchikov with bandaged head and police officer with stains of 
blood all over his uniform.  The floor and walls in the police foyer were also stained 
with blood.
 
After it Raskhodchikov was set free, human rights defenders went to the
Department's own security AMIA Russia's Murmansk region, were they
officially reported about crime of policemen against anarchist,
accentuated attention on the fact that the police station has
video-cameras, which should been spotted the cruel treatment.
Nobody  informed watchers about any injuries of policemen. The version
about policeman getting injuries was published later.
 
 
?When brought to a police station one of them had an active resistance,
attacked the police with a knife. As a result, the police officer was
wounded in the form of multiple scalped wounds of both hands - the
press-service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Murmansk region
- Upon demonstrate how violence against a police officer is being
conducted. Materials sent to the investigating authorities to decide
whether a criminal case.?
 
Young people told that after arrest they have been kneeled down in
opposite corners and been beaten up by officers.
***
 
Vostok-Forum attacked by OMON
Russian police attacked an international youth meeting near Apatity
(Murmansk Region, Russian Federation)
On the evening of the 1st of August 2013 Russian OMON (Armed Unit of
Interior Ministry)=SWAT, faces covered and equipped with machine
pistols, in collaboration with the agents of Investigation Committee
raided the touristic base ?Russ? (13 kilometers from Apatity, in
Murmansk region). An international youth forum, the ?Vostok Forum?, was
taking place there. The 30 participants of the Vostok Forum (15
residents of the European Union, 12 persons from Germany) and other
guests were on the touristic base.
 
Some of the people were forced to stand face to the wall or thrown on
the ground in a brutal manner. Nobody was allowed to make phone calls,
or take photos or videos of the Russian force. Some of the participants
were not allowed to lock their rooms or fetch their medicines. No
document confirming the legal conduct of such operation was shown.
Participants of the Forum were not explained about their rights.
Formally, the whole action was ?a search for a person accused of
completing a criminal activity?. However, policemen asked as well more
general questions concerning the participant?s relations to Russia and
the aims of the Forum. Translator into the native languages was not
provided. One of the participants of the Forum, a citizen of Germany was
treated more violently, which resulted in a shock. Assistance of the
Russian emergency service was needed.
 
One of the participants of the Forum, civil activist Aleksey
Raskhodchikov, was arrested. A few days before the start of the Forum he
was also accused of attacking a police officer. At this moment, there is
a lack of information about the legal circumstances of the arrest and
the further situation of Raskhodtchikov.
 
The organizers of the Forum ? ?Humanistic Movement of Youth? (Russia)
and AG Russland (Germany) are deeply concerned about the situation, when
the agents of the Investigation Committee and SWAT act without complying
with the norms of the international law. Holding all the participants of
the Forum, limiting their freedom of movement, they do not consider
necessary to explain their rude behaviour and to inform about the
people's rights.
 
For 8 years Vostok-Forum takes place annually on the Russian
Kola-peninsula. It offers a platform for young students, scientists,
artists and activists. The topics for discussion are researched in a
so-called ?Open Process?.
****
Instead of providing the public and the media with video from cameras
that work in continuous recording mode at the entrance and in the lobby
of the police station, where was delivered Raskhodchikov, as well as
similar cameras installed at Five Corners area under the "Safe City",
law enforcement agencies insist on a version that Raskhodchikov attacked
a police officer. But this version can easily be confirmed or refuted by
the only reliable source - recordings from CCTV cameras.
 
Alexey Raskhodchikov charged with the second part of Article 318 (usage
of violence dangerous to life or health against a governmental
representative), the maximum penalty for which is 10 years in jail.
The investigator Verentehin asked for putting Alexey in jail for whole
investigative period, citing the fact that Raskhodchikov tending to
escape and committing a crime.
 
Judge Boiko, however, doubted that the collected materials characterize
Raskhodchikov as a dangerous "felon", able to escape from the trial.
The defense has provided strong evidence of reliability Alexei: has a
permanent place of residence, did not leave the Murmansk region, and
never had been charged in a criminal offense.
 
The prosecution could only "brag" in court the speed with which
Raskhodchikov was detained by police: from the opening of a criminal
case against him in Murmansk to the moment of his detention at the camp
site "Russia" in Apatity was no more than 12 hours. References of the
investigation to the fact that during this time they were trying to warn
Raskhodchikov about initiation of criminal proceedings against him,
sounded unconvincing.
 
Concerning the attack on a police officer allegedly committed by
Raskhodchikov sounded as a very strange version. In a report dated 23
July, when there was some incident at the centre of Murmansk, the fact
of attack was not even mentioned. In later reports is already emerging
narrative about how Raskhodchikov showed disobedience and started
grabbing jacket of guardian of order, threatening to kill him, then
knocked to the ground and tried to hit a police officer with a knife,
which he held in his left hand. On the last argument should pay
particular attention, as Alexey - right-hander, as it was stated to the
judge.
 
In the face of a professional judge the position of the investigation
looked rickety. In the absence of hard evidence of Raskhodchikov?s
guilt, all that could do Investigator - ask the judge to extend the
detention of a suspect for another period of up to 72 hours. He
justified this by saying that in a short period of time investigation
"has not had time to gather and present relevant evidence to the court."
 
At 5 August in the Oktyabrskiy court of Murmansk was held final meeting
on choosing a preventive measure for Alexei Raskhodchikov. Judge
considered that evidences of Alexey?s criminal behavior are not
reliable. So court stated to use lighter preventive measure in form of
house imprisonment until the 1st of October 2013.
 
All this time Raskhodchikov is not allowed to leave his apartment from
22 pm to 8 am, the usage of cell phone is also prohibited. He also has
problems with bracelet that controls his location. Signal is not always
working and it can be a reason for police to put him in temporary isolation.
 
Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow is gathering funds for Raskhodchikov's
legal costs. You may donate via paypal: abc-msk@riseup.net, or read from
our website about other means of transferring funds:
http://wiki.avtonom.org/en/index.php/Donate. When donating, always
contact us by e-mail, as we gather funds for a number of cases
simultaneously.
 
Source:
https://avtonom.org/en/news/aleksey-raskhod-raskhodchikov-anarchist-antifascist-and-musician-was-beaten-and-arrested
 
Forwarded by
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
abc-msk A riseup D net
http://www.avtonom.org/abc
http://www.facebook.com/abcmoscow
http://www.twitter.com/abc_moscow
P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia
 

Anarkismo.net: Syndicalism in Brazil by Marcus Vinicius Marchi by Marcus Vinicius Marchi Faria (pt)

A reading of the historical development of conceptions union in Brazil ---- In the late 
1970s , but specifically in 1978 , after 10 years of political stagnation of the labor 
movement which has as one last great moment mobilizations category in 1968 , caused 
especially by the repression of civil-military dictatorship and the increasingly 
harnessing the unions plan supercontrol government official , Brazilian unionism is 
replaced once again its leading role among the forms of contestation of the political, 
social, economic , cultural , and especially organizational point of view coping capital 
versus labor . This article intends to resume basic aspects of syndicalism in Brazil , 
from the creation of the Brazilian Workers' Confederation , and point out how the moments 
of greater radicalization of the labor movement in Brazil were those who , to some extent 
, had a broad -based participation and uncontrolled centralized authoritarian ideologies 
as many left and right , or corporatist .
 
 
In the late 1970s , but specifically in 1978 , after 10 years of political stagnation of 
the labor movement which has as one last great moment mobilizations category in 1968 , 
caused especially by the repression of civil-military dictatorship and the increasingly 
harnessing the unions plan supercontrol government official , Brazilian unionism is 
replaced once again its leading role among the forms of contestation of the political, 
social, economic , cultural , and especially organizational point of view coping capital 
versus labor . This article intends to resume basic aspects of syndicalism in Brazil , 
from the creation of the Brazilian Workers' Confederation , and point out how the moments 
of greater radicalization of the labor movement in Brazil were those who , to some extent 
, had a broad -based participation and uncontrolled centralized authoritarian ideologies 
as many left and right , or corporatist .
 
IN BRAZIL TRADE UNIONISM :
Resumption of the initial aspects of configuration unions in Brazil and its development up 
to mass strikes of the late 1970s
 
" The factory is one of the venues of the madness to escape her criticism worker , uses 
the bathroom to talk and strike to reassert itself as a human being . " ( Tragtenberg 1983)
 
The rise of unionism fight in Brazil , may be dated the last decades of the nineteenth 
century with the installation of the first industries and large number of immigrants , 
mainly Italians and Spaniards, who came to Brazil as an alternative of skilled manpower 
suitable wage labor and campesino , fleeing unemployment crisis plaguing Europe . Along 
with these workers , comes their experiences of struggle and socialist influences already 
on stage in the old continent . The first organizations with ideas close to socialism are 
character peasant , enlisting the first generation of immigrants that came to Brazil with 
the intention of working on this segmentation employed . With the entry of many of these 
immigrants also in the context of the urban working class in the factories that existed in 
the major urban centers of the country, especially S?o Paulo and Rio de Janeiro , the 
union began to be disseminated as an alternative to the everyday operation implemented by 
the context manufacturing . Is founded in 1905 in the city of S?o Paulo , the Workers 
Federation of S?o Paulo ( FOSP ) and in Rio de Janeiro in 1906 , the First Congress of 
Brazilian Workers , the Brazilian Workers' Confederation ( COB ) , which was to begin its 
activities two years after , in 1908 .
 
" ( ... ) 1906. This date is very important because it marks the beginning , between us , 
an organization working nationwide , which would be the Brazilian Workers' Confederation , 
only organized in 1908 , but whose foundations had been laid by Congress workers' meeting 
in Rio de Janeiro that year . ( ... ) we must also take into account that the Congress 
pointed out , the same step , the beginning of a whole period of predominant influence of 
anarcho -syndicalist labor movement in Brazil . " ( PEREIRA , 1952)
 
Among the greatest achievements of this first fraction of organized struggle unionism in 
Brazil, we can highlight the General Strike of 1917 , which was triggered with the 
pervasive influence of militants COB . Something that is necessary to demarcate , is that 
1917 is a year of intense international unrest , especially in regard to workers . The 
Russian revolution underway served as encouragement and bustle socialists ( communists and 
anarchists ) worldwide , facing the possibility of a revolution internationally .
During the early twentieth century in Brazil , more precisely until age 30 , the anarchist 
movement , its influence among the workers , and the Brazilian Workers' Confederation were 
the main subject of radical action , the main organization of workers and the primary 
means by which these , were against capital and labor exploitation , as an immediate 
conquest of the bread and life .
" ( ... ) Exit the streets, shutting down and changing the order reigning in the city , 
was the dissemination strategy and articulation of the oppressed and exploited sectors 
proposed by anarchists . A possibility of movement explode , spreading through the city , 
was directly linked to the ability of autonomous organization of popular territories . ( 
... ) " ( ROLNIK , 1994)
 
Something you do need to remember is that , in 1922 , it founded the Brazilian Communist 
Party ( PCB ) , which has its foundation in the major sectors of interest stemmed from the 
COB . With the intense agitation promoted by the more radical sectors among workers , 
there is growing government repression and violence / employer , as well as legal measures 
to contain the mobilization of workers. During this period , are enacted the first laws 
concerning working conditions and monitoring them . These measures come to destabilize the 
labor movement .
 From the 30s to the large mass strikes of the late 1970s there was a box full harnessing 
of the state union with rare exceptions mobilization , and much of the existing depart 
from sectors such as students . The "revolution " of 30, which places Getulio Vargas to 
power, it poses an bourgeois political project to be developed . This project , in 
addition to economic policies , had points of social control , including , encouraging the 
creation of " official unions " , the creation of joint conciliation , etc. . The PCB that 
time , the main socialist organization in Brazil , oscillates between the fields of 
struggle of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie , this policy , the result of political 
conceptions of reconciliation with the national bourgeoisie and the development of the 
bourgeois revolution as a necessary step to socialism . Meanwhile , anarchists are harshly 
repressed ( many were killed , imprisoned , persecuted and deported from the country) .
There are several moments in this era when strikes and fights will be raging , but unions 
because they are in a structure apart from the factories (since the union organization 
outside the official structure , were banned during the Vargas government ) , will not be 
able to keep the demonstrations , this reason also that the unions could not (or did not 
have a view , from the point of view of the directions ) resistance to the military coup 
on March 31, 1964 .
 
" With the military dictatorship of 1964 ends the period of populist unionism developed by 
Get?lio Vargas . Militarism kept intact the union structure and took steps to deepen their 
assistance nature , dependent on the state and class collaboration ( ... ) " ( Rossi , 2009)
 
During the years of lead (1964-1985) , the emergence of sectors linked to the Catholic 
left , coming from liberation theology and clumped around the ACTION WORKER CATHOLIC YOUTH 
WORKER CATHOLIC and take the initial discussion of the moment to drive organizations base 
inside the factories , based on the experience of the factory committee Cobrasma in 1963 . 
Beyond this perspective , fed also combating " peleguismo " born to the union official 
corporatist and the overthrow of the dictatorial government civil-military . These 
movements , in the 1970s , is the first that will arise in opposition to union opposition 
and union scabs , the major highlights emerge amid the metalworkers of Sao Paulo , mainly 
in the cities of S?o Paulo and Osasco .
 
"There were important movements emerged , such as the Movement Against Famine , who 
throughout the 1970s had gathered thousands of people in the fight against the rising cost 
of living . Starting from the southern zone of S?o Paulo , reached across the city and now 
pontilhava across Brazil . movement of Landless Rural Workers ( MST ) , not only kept the 
flame of the struggle for land reform, but also become a reference movement in Brazilian 
politics . "
( Rossi , 2009)
 
This set of factors related to failure of the " economic miracle " of the regime , they 
sprout a series of strikes , mainly from the metallurgical sector . Militant left trade 
union , even repressed or persecuted , both by governments and by employers and trade 
union bureaucrats , had long been doing work inside the factories on issues more related 
to daily work .
The year 1978 is crucial for understanding the emergence of what the future would be 
characterized as the new unionism . This year is marked by the election of Lula as 
president of the Metalworkers Union of S?o Bernardo / SP . Also in the same year from the 
industry Scania , begin to hatch strikes from inside the factory , outside of union 
structures without control of scabs : breaks the spontaneity of the working class .
 
" May 78 is rooted in the everyday worker, tissue especially in the early years of the 
decade . Finda euphoria of the" miracle , "the outbreak of the economic crisis struck even 
more directly to the working class , which pautiava their performance in the framework of 
resistance the binomial crunch will, overexploitation , autocracy , which closely 
intertwined , the proletariat metallurgical imposed a harsh reality . ( ... ) " (Antunes , 
1988)
 
In 1979, the year in which two major strikes occur in the ABC region , is also the 
separation of two major blocks union . On the one hand , the reformist bloc Trade Union 
Unity (comprising the PCB , MR8 and PC do B) and the other a more radical wing betting in 
direct confrontation between labor and capital , maintaining the tradition of unionism 
class . This sector is mainly formed by the radical wing of the Catholic Church already 
mentioned above and the sectors that had been deleted by bureaucratic structures and 
repressive .
In 1980 , is the largest of the strikes in the ABC Paulista and despite the repression 
with which the regime treats the movement with arrests of leaders and violence , the 
strike remains strong by having its base at the factory , the workers themselves . The 
strike lasts 41 days , and demonstrates the power of grassroots organization among workers 
. It is this struggle that arise from the initial discussions that the future would be the 
Central Workers .
 
A SINGLE CENTER WORKERS : The new unionism and the " new " crisis of unionism classist
 
CONCLAT HI , August 1981 , is the result of processes of struggle 1978 /80 and the need 
that workers see in creating a trade union to unify the struggles . Within this conference 
the differences between the block and the block reformist classist widen . The II 
conference that was supposed to happen in 1982 is postponed to 1983 in a clear blow sector 
reform , which held most right now . In 1983 , under the threat of a new blow for the 
conference do not , the sectors most consequential to perform on 27 and 28 August and 
elect Meneguelli Jair , the Metalworkers Union of S?o Bernardo the first president of the 
Central Union of Workers ( CUT ) , which is also created at the same time . It is also the 
decisive splits across sectors present in CONCLAT . It creates across the bureaucratic CGT .
The nascent trade union , was born with the clear design of a central classist and he 
carried various flags of the old revolutionary syndicalism of the early twentieth century 
in Brazil . The new plant was carrying various flags radicals and class as the General 
Strike (which was already clear theme since I CONCLAT ) , union autonomy , the 
organization of the workplace , independence from the bosses , governments , parties and 
religions . Despite theses CUT, presenting this model, most of the leaders still acting 
within the union structures and ended up strengthening the structure of corporative unions 
. The year 1988 was the watershed between the CUT and CUT classist of days today , 
conciliatory . That year was held CONCUT III , and was the winning thesis Joint Left , 
organic stream Workers Party and defeated the thesis Block CUT the base , which 
agglutinated sectors leftmost .
Thus , Brazilian unionism enters in the 90s when it weakened to its class character and 
workers face an unfavorable international level , with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the 
end of the USSR .
Some left oppositions try to cheer new unions , as well as sectors linked to reformism 
will also venture . The old trends of the early twentieth century , as the COB , still 
trying to keep alive the flame of libertarian syndicalism . However , the ever-increasing 
wave of " new unionism " brought forward by the CUT , which follows gaining political 
ground and workers . The capital- worker narrows increasingly , especially after the 
productive restructuring of capital and deployment model toyotist capital-labor cooperation .
 
" ( ... ) In this period experienced a framework of capital's structural crisis that 
befell the whole of capitalist economies especially from the early 70s . ( ... )
A second key element for understanding the causes of reflux of the labor movement stems 
from the explosive collapse of Eastern Europe ( and almost all of the countries that 
attempted a socialist transition , with the USSR ahead ) , propagating inside the world of 
work , the false idea of the "end of socialism " ( ... ) the collapse of the USSR and 
Eastern Europe , the end of year 80 , had enormous impact on the labor movement . Just 
remember the crisis that befell the traditional communist parties and trade unions linked 
to them .
Parallel to the collapse of the traditional left of the Stalinist era ( ... ) gave up a 
sharp political and ideological process of social - democratic left and its consequent 
role subordinate to the order of capital. ( ... ) The left unionism , for example , began 
to turn with increasing frequency to institutionalism and bureaucracy which also 
characterizes the social union democracy . "
(Antunes , 2009)
 
CONCLUSIONS AND PERSPECTIVES
 
Since the beginning of organized unions and alive , in fact , in Brazil , a very large 
range of concepts and strategies for union activity existed , no longer exists, or lost 
power still exist . Despite resistance exists , the peg to the state of the union was 
undoubtedly the most crucial weapon of the bourgeoisie and centralized state power to keep 
the working class under their command . But what would be the effective of this attitude , 
if the union was organized by base among workers , without the intermediary of leaders or 
vanguard ? The worker breaks stagnation when he himself struggles tab horizontally . 
Mauricio Tragtenberg , in the preface to The making of ford , Jos? Carlos Brito Aguiar , 
emphasized :
 
" The discussion between union " scab " or " authentic " is a false debate , because in 
Brazil , so far, all unions are tied to the state. Before ( ... ) the state gave one lion 
on the worker ( . .. ) At times ( ... ) like today ( ... ) the state of one fox on the 
worker , hence he seeks to co-opt the " authentic " , recycling the peleguismo . "
 
And , this statement seems pretty consistent . Today , we have a CUT intrinsically linked 
to the interests of the federal government , dominated internally by ARTSIND ( Joint Trade 
Union ) union current base Joint Left , organic stream Workers Party which , in turn , has 
a policy of pax between workers and classes outlying sectors of the center . On the other 
hand , the central opposition as CONLUTA INTERSINDICAL and make the front design of the PT 
, but see it as a measure to combat the very electoral dispute or toward unions , without 
a real discussion about the base, beyond partisan bureaucracy why are these unions , 
hegemonizadas by party programs . It seems to us that , more than ever , it is necessary 
to resume the historic Revolutionary Syndicalism and practices among the revolutionary 
workers . The role of workers in unions , although exhausting due to the strong clash that 
wage disputes with bureaucracies , are first order , the main element to a radical change 
in posted unions today. It is necessary for those who wish to strengthen the foundations 
of classist unions , as well as their autonomy , forcing a project that includes aspects 
of the fight as the basic organization of the workplace , through delegates representing 
basic and rotary or by committees of autonomous factories of bureaucratic structures , 
either by the government , employers or parties. Similarly , a political project of 
radical transformation of society is something indisputable case fetch up results . 
Immediate actions and moving to day- to-day mobilization can be effective , however, do 
not guarantee the battery life . So a long-term political project , which has as its end 
the destruction of the capitalist basis in society , as well as the ever-living defense of 
private property , is the way.
 
NOTES
 
? - The labor movement in Brazil had already sealed for years to build a block that could 
unify the field workers and the struggles of the city . The field workers were able to 
maintain their structure more intact than the urban working class unions .
 
? - National Conference of the Working Class
 
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CASTRO , Rog?rio de . Full instruction : a tool for workers . Spark , S?o Paulo , 2010.
 
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