Australia, Book Reviews, Rebel Worker Vol.33 No.(220) July-Aug. 2014 Paper of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Network

Pistoleros, Volume 3: 1920-24 Christie Books, UK, 2012 Reviewed by Graham Purchase
Continued from Last Edition. ---- The third volume of McHarg's memoirs, chronicles the 
history of this gang warfare in which he played a significant and active role. This last 
and much longer book is much less racy than the first two. It feels closer to a popular 
history than autobiography. I don?t like spaghetti westerns and Latino gangster 
movies/books. But a lot of people do. To me the history of the pistoleros period is just 
an endless stream of petty and cruel dictators, assassinations, shoot-outs and armed 
robberies. I can never remember the details. I struggled to get through this last volume 
mostly because the history of gang warfare simply doesn?t engage me. I lent my copy to a 
friend who likes this kind of stuff and he thought ?it was very good? (but found it ?a
little strange reading it without having read the first vols.?). The history of
Spanish Anarchism is a very large subject area about which I know comparatively
little. I?ve previously read Paz?s book on Durruti and a number of historical
summaries covering this period (e.g. The introductory chapters of The Spanish
Cockpit). But, none of it had stuck in my mind. McHarg?s Chronicles have given
me a much clearer understanding of the evolution, functioning, personalities
and early history of the state-capitalist repression of anarcho-syndicalism in
Catalonia and the organized working class resistance to the rise of Fascism.McHarg?s
Chronicles ends with the imposition of Fascist dictatorship in Spain in
September 1923. The Rulers of Spain were tremendously influenced by Mussolini?s
seizure of Power in 1922 and many Italian anarchists were fleeing to Spain. The
birth of Spanish Fascism was almost synonymous with that of Italy. Primo de
Rivera declared himself the dictator of Spain in 1923. In an interview given at
the time of his fascist coup Primo de Rivera stated that, his: ?greatest desire
was for Spain to follow in the footsteps of Italian fascism and for Spanish
fascism to liberate the country form harmful elements.? ?Together with
Mussolini?I will lead the universal campaign against revolution and anarchy to
achieve order? (2: p. 114, 3: p. 141, 263, 266-7).

The Tactics of State-Capitalist Repression and Armed Resistance:

Organized andmilitant industrial working class was one threat and Catalan separatism 
another to the rulers of Spain. When state-capitalism is threatened rather than
upholding law it tramples upon it in the name of order using base methods.
Catalonia during the 1920?s witnessed an escalation and concentration of
state-capitalist directed terror tactics aimed at the organized working classes
which at that time threatened capitalism and the Spanish state. Terror
unleashed by the official agencies of the state was combined with a number of
other tactics. Split the labour movement with fake, criminal or fascist unions?a tactic 
historically also used in anti-unionism and class war in USA. The Catalan rulers were 
successful in splitting the laboru movement and provoking an ?inter-union war that was to
continue for years? and involving such incidents such as the murder of the
Libres Union president and members of their newspapers editorial board. (3: p.
30, 36-7, 43)

AgentProvocateurs?Using idiots to plant bombs and blaming it on anarchists. (3: p.
44) Targeting andkilling CNT Lawyers?Most importantly the murder of Francese Layret by Libres
Gunmen. CNT Lawyers in Madrid were also murdered by the ?Sweeny Todd of
Lawyers?, Pistolero headman Pedro Homs.(3: p. 51, 59,125)

Private or Unofficial armies, Intelligence agencies and Death Squads?also a feature of
America?s working class battle history?Bravo Portillo modelled his ?Detective
Agency? on the Pinkertons. The funding of covert armies by the CIA in support
of repressive Sth. American states over many decades is an example of the same
sort of thing on a much vaster scale. CNT defence groups responded to Pistolero
Terror and the Fugitive Laws by assassinating Pistoleros Godfathers, employers,
assassins and politicians regarded as responsible in one way or another for the
death of comrades?these acts of revenge included the assassination of the
Spanish president who had been responsible a disastrous law legalizing a shoot
to kill policy towards ?fugitives?.Confiscation of
union funds?The CNT relied almost entirely upon the Collection of Union Dues in
order to fund its organization and activities. Agents turned up on pay-days
outside the factory gates to arrest CNT workers and confiscate union monies.
CNT defence groups responded by conducting armed pay-roll snatches and
bank-robberies upon a regular basis. (3: p. 157, 224, 256). Nowadays
governments just tell Pay-Pal, Credit Card Companies and Banks not to process
donations to outlawed organizations as occurred with the web based Wikileaks
whistleblower outfit.

Criminalizationof Syndicalism?e.g. Compulsory Requirement of Registration of Union Committee
Members with State?thereby illegalizing CNT.

This is the familiar dilemma of fighting syndicalist type unions using direct action or
facing repression whose activists obviously cannot reveal their personal
information to the state or their employers.Legal,
Extra-legal and Criminal Tactics comparable to those used in Catalonia to
thwart industrial syndicalism during McHarg?s time continue to be employed
today against human-rights lawyers, whistleblowers, investigative or social
justice journalists and, more recently, environmental or social activists
within or supporting marginalized or indigenous communities. Right wing,
state-or capitalist funded/directed death-squads targeting prominent
environmentalists in Brazil, journalists and human rights lawyers in Russia and
Unionists in these and many other countries are the familiar stuff of
contemporary news reports. The bombing of the Greenpeace ship Rainbow Warrior
in New Zealand by French State agents was perhaps the first and best known
incident of anti-environmentalist terrorism.

Political and Criminal Violence

Throughout his life McHarg confronted the matrix of criminality, violence, political
realism/necessity and the cause of anarchism. The one theme that binds all three
volumes of McHarg's Chronicles is his examination and mature reflection upon the
issues, contradictions and consequences of resorting to violence and crime in
defence of social justice and progress.

Political Realism, Anarchism and the War:

McHarg became a lifelong advocate of Kropotkin?s theory of evolution and revolution after
reading his book Mutual Aid in his childhood (1: p. 14, 130).Following
Kropotkin, McHarg came to reject anti-militarism because of the necessity of
defeating the German military menace.?I believed?emotionally and intellectually?that the 
war was an internal power
struggle between competing capitalist interests?essentially a folly of
capitalism and statism. But, I increasingly found myself taking the anti-German
side. A lot of this was due to the loss of my friends and shipmates on the
Covenant [sunk by U boat]. For anarchists it has never been simply a war
between classes, the war is between freedom and servitude. There is no other
enemy. Many anarchists, Kropotkin, Malatesta as well as Spanish, French and
Italian anarcho-syndicalists supported the Entente against
German-Austro-Hungarian imperialism and militarism?the arrogant, sabre-rattling
enemies of social progress who bore the main responsibility for the war.
Bakunin, long dead, was another anarchist who hated what Germany represented,
especially after its role in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1.? (1: p. 190).Anarchism and the
self-organized and unionized industrial working-class engaged in necessary
defence against state-capitalist sponsored criminal gangs:A shoot to kill
policy came into effect in Barcelona in March 1919. The Fugitive Law
?legitimized the summary execution of activists? whom the authorities deemed
dangerous (2: p. 119). As before, the rulers of Catalonia supplemented
legal-terror with illegal-terror by employing, funding or tolerating right wing
criminals and dangerous parasitic low-lives of all kinds to infiltrate,
intimidate, slander, torture and murder syndicalists and their sympathizers.Like Ethnic and
religious conflicts, in Class War the supposed universality of state or divine
law becomes partial or suspended. What would usually be considered criminal is
transformed into glory by the defenders of king, god, sect, class or country.In war 
non-violence
and natural morality surface haphazardly in a social or cultural situation
where universally accepted norms of non-aggression and civility aren?t general
or impartially upheld because they no longer apply with regard to the enemy
class or race.States and
corporations can become no more than a large and highly organized gang of rich,
influential and power hungry people. Resistance by working class gangs to
covertly state-capitalist sponsored criminal gangs, although different from
today?s fight-outs for control of drugs and prostitution (e.g. Mexico) are,
nonetheless an example of gang warfare. Class gang warfare although provoked by
criminal corporations and/or states is inherently very unpleasant with many
inevitably bad consequences.McHarg was
involved with many assassinations and armed money-snatches and he reflects upon
the long-term consequences for anarcho-syndicalism resulting from the appalling
state of affairs that had developed in Catalonia:?The activists
[of Defence Groups] did not think of their actions as being a substitute for
mass collective action and protest which was illegal and brutally and violently
repressed. However, as most of us also knew intuitively?and Pestana and Segui
[who were the most prominent CNT speakers of the time] never tired of
repeating?another likely consequence of violent action was the legitimization
and escalation of repression, the polarizing of public opinion and a small and
ever diminishing core of militants for whom violence and clandestinity would become
the only form of politics.? (1: p. 175).Segui, then CNT
national secretary, along with other prominent leaders and speakers called for
a stop to the violence and came to oppose the Defence Groups. But Segui along
with other notable moderates was murdered:?With even the
most orthodox and passive of union members outraged and powerless in the face
of Segui?s murder, it was pointless for anyone to argue the case for peaceful
negotiation with bosses who employed vigilantes and mercenaries to murder such
outspoken opponents of violence and champions of compromise.? (3: p. 152, 181,
219-23).
The Defence Group?s frequently employed tactic of using armed robbery for funding the CNT?s
campaign against the state and employer offensive also corrupted anarchists and
anarchism. After legally outlawing industrial syndicalism, Governments and
Corporations employed criminals and criminal means to repress it, thereby
forcing working class activists seeking revenge into criminals. Many activists
became criminals because whilst resisting the rising tide of fascism they fell
prey to the lure of easy money and the adrenalin-rush of the gangster lifestyle
to which they had become accustomed. The unfortunate result of this unfortunate
turn of events was that anarchism became associated with criminality:?Confusing ends
and means was a serious danger?Our motives were ?altruistic? inasmuch as none
of us stole for personal financial gain. We did it in a just cause?It was
demoralizing then for me when I saw the ease with which some of the apparently
highest minded comrades took to crime.?(3: p.160).
?There?s no escaping the cancerous consequences of collaborating with
low-lifes?your integrity breaks down, then your values and self-respect. It is
not only power that corrupts--gold and the prospect of gold corrupts just as
much. As with politicians and state agencies anarchists cannot associate with
organized crime and criminals and expect not to see their ideas polluted,
traditions corrupted and, their aspirations and relations with the outside
world manipulated out of all recognizable shape.? (2: p. 70-1). ?On the other
hand, my perception was that there were other comrades who became deeply
involved in ?criminality? or ?illegality?, such as, Durruti and Ascaso who, to
me, retained an absolute ethical and moral integrity throughout their lives.
This problem isn?t one that is unique to anarchism?No one blames capitalism or
bourgeois morality when a crooked investment banker, lawyer, civil servant,
accountant or businessman runs off with a client?s money or public funds? (3:
p.161). ?Those who disagreed with our illegal actions argued?rightly I now
believe?that no matter how noble the intention, the process itself was
ultimately corrupting and counter-productive. The means often became the end in
itself, with innocent people and companeros alike being killed, injured,
imprisoned or forced into exile. It also debased the ideals of anarchism and
allowed us to be more easily vilified and demonized by capitalist newspapers,
the clergy and the politicians whose lifeblood is smear and fear.? (3: p. 169)

Contemporary Glorification of Criminal Gangs in Popular Media:

The lurid fascination with gangsterism is to my mind a very disturbing aspect of social
life and concern.Popular interest in criminal gangs seems unquenchable. Witness the 
attention given to the UK Cray
Brothers or Great Train Robber, Ronnie Biggs. Or Ned Kelly and Chopper in
Australia. In the USA the mass following for TV soaps such as The Sopranos or
Breaking Bad reveal similar tastes. I don?t find any of it very interesting or
entertaining.The eternal attraction of the gang to young men and women as seen in music 
categories like
1960?s Mods and Rockers and contemporary Gangsta Rap. Famous criminals like
pop-singers, royals, models etc., are one sort of identity contained in the
inane pantheon of celebrity cultural idols. There is clearly a ready-audience
if McHarg?s Chronicles were suitably altered and adapted into a more
conventional story, book or movie. But, as the author clearly admits, to
associate anarchism with gangsterism is a very grave and unfortunate state of
affairs.

Commune, School, Syndicate and City-Region:

Despite all the attention given to the rise and history of gangsterism and syndicalism 
McHarg?s
autobiography also provides a picture or idea of the constructive side of
anarcho-syndicalist and working class self-organization in the wider community
context. Syndicates never existed independently but were enmeshed in communal,
educational and other forms of social and anarchist organization. ?The
barrio communities were akin in many
ways to small self-managed, self contained neighbourhood republics? whose
citizens ?organized mutual aid welfare systems.? (1: p. 47) The Syndicates in
addition to their union activities also established education halls with
libraries in many working class neighbourhoods.
Catalonian anarchism was a fusion or manifestation of the working class urban-communal
self-organization combined with industrial union membership and activism within
the context of the city-region.

To Be Continued Next Edition.

Fighting For Ourselves: Anarcho-Syndicalism and the Class Struggle
Published by Solidarity Federation, 2012 U.K.

The back drop to the publishing of this pamphlet was the Global Financial Crisis of 2008 
to 2009
and the subsequent austerity drive by the government in the UK and resistance
by the student and bureaucratic union movement. After an initial wave of
massive student protest demonstrations and
one day strikes sponsored by the union hierarchy, this upsurge subsided.
Particularly involving the union hierarchy caving into the onslaught with the
signing of agreements with the bosses to implement austerity measures. In this
context, the Solidarity Federation has sought to sketch out the development and
character of bureaucratic unionism and the anarcho-syndicalist (favouring ultra
democratic processes, direct action on the job in its various forms, industrial
unionism, workers? control of industry, etc) alternative. Unfortunately more confusion is 
spread about
anarcho-syndicalism in the pamphlet, particularly with its presentation as a
sect building recipe with tacky union building pretensions. Expressing it seems, the 
Solfed?s acclimatisation with
its own extreme marginality.

The International Resurgence of Anarcho-Syndicalism

The problems with the pamphlet must be seen in the context of the international resurgence of
anarcho-syndicalism since the mid 1970?s.It was
particularly associated with the relaunching of the Spanish CNT (National
Confederation of Labour) following the death of Franco in 1975. The CNT?s
initial massive growth attaining a membership
of some 100,000?s in the late 1970?s inspired the emergence of a few unions and
mostly small groupings which identify with anarcho-syndicalism, particularly in
a variety of mainly European countries. These groups affiliated with the IWA (International
Workers Association) and contributed to
its resurgence, but with some exceptions in France, Italy and Spain has become
more of a networking of sectlets and some cults. Such groupings in the context
of the current raging torrents of the employer offensive, have characteristics
of tiny pseudo churches often aping other leftist groups focusing on their own
precious internal life, general aimless activism, positions on every issue
under the sun, to ?recruit? university students and mesmerised by ?microscopic victories? 
involving tiny numbers of
workers in often small work places in peripheral industrial sectors and tail
ending any workers struggles. The social base of such groupings in the Anglo
world are often amongst workers with high levels of autonomy in their jobs, uni
students, denizens of the leftist fringe, etc, lacking much experience of the
hard edge of the class struggle or demoralised workers seeking a ?church? to join. 
Definitely any orientation
toward long range work in strategic industrial sectors, which could help slow
the tempo of the employer offensive, turn the tide and establish the genuine
basis of mass syndicalist unionism is absent.Consequently, the
contemporary IWA has become more of a ?macro bureaucracy? for the denizens of
these ?micro bureaucracies? to massage and ?bask? in the dubious glamour of its
membership. What actual international organising it does is often hardly
different from the embassy protests of the 1970?,80?s by leftist groups, where
a few flyers are distroed and half hearted small pickets occur. Largely
publicity stunts for IWA groups. In sharp contrast to the IWA?s formation in
1922 when it consisted generally of mass syndicalist union confederations with
a claimed global membership of several million workers. The contemporary IWA in
its activity, radically differs from the role it should play as a means of
coordinating workers direct action on the job in various industries on the
international scale and means of spreading mass syndicalist unionism.
Certainly, with the proliferation of multinational companies and the role of 
international capitalist agencies in
facilitating their strategies and operations, this role is ever more critical.

The pamphlet does a good job providing a sketch of the history of unionism in the UK and 
how its
association of workers orientation has been overtaken by a representation
orientation. Involving its role in negotiations with management and state
agencies becoming an end in itself and the associated emergence of a bureaucracy
of full time union officials, entangled particularly with the Labour
Party. Resulting in these bodies collaboration with the state and the bosses undermining 
various workers
struggles and currently aiding the increasing tempo of the employer offensive.It provides a
useful sketch of the role played by bureaucratic unions since WWII in the UK.
Showing how the Cold War encouraged the emergence of the welfare state and
bureaucratic unions role in achieving incremental improvements in workers
situation. Whilst with the growing crisis of profitability of capitalism since
the mid 1970?s and the associated Oil Crisis, has seen the emergence of neo
liberalism and bureaucratic unions assisting the rollback of workers conditions
and the welfare state. The pamphlet sketches
how Thatcherism and the British State?s defeat of strategic sectors such as
mining and auto industries which were major bases of grass roots militancy and
independent action were defeated with the assistance of sections of the union
bureaucracy, facilitating neo liberalism.

Anarcho-Syndicalism or Anarchist Workers? Association?

In the pamphlet?s discussion of the nature of anarcho-syndicalism, it makes bogus and hair
splitting differences between syndicalism and anarcho-syndicalism. According to
Wikipedia, ?The term ?anarcho-syndicalist? only came into wide use in 1921-1922
when it was applied polemically as a pejorative term by communists to any
syndicalists?who opposed increased control of syndicalism by the communist
parties?. A more realistic difference however can be argued exists between anarchist 
workers associations and
syndicalist/anarcho-syndicalist unionism.The former would
include the Argentine FORA (Argentine Regional Workers Federation) and the
Spanish CNT, following its takeover by the Barcelona based FAI (Iberian
Anarchist Federation) in the early 1930?s. The latter would include the CNT
from its formation in 1910 until its takeover by the FAI and the FAUD (German
Free Workers Union). The anarchist workers association orientation was
associated with a revolution around the corner perspective and the
irresponsible calling of insurrectionary general strikes and adoption of
?Anarchist or Libertarian Communism? as the objective of the organisation,
which encouraged a rightward shift in the ruling classes of Argentina and Spain
the 1920?s and 1930?s leading to military coups.(1)The pamphlet?s
analysis of the early days of syndicalism is also very shoddy. Its discussion
of the French CGT (General Confederation of Labour), which influenced the
emergence of syndicalist union movements in many countries in the early 20th
Century is very inadequate. It fails to take account of the confederation
consisting of an alliance of unions of different currents. The tendency which
was closest to syndicalism in favouring direct action and such forms as
sabotage and the general strike known as the ?revolutionaries?, were a minority
of the membership and characterised particularly the more numerous smaller
unions. However, due to a quirk of the CGT constitution, where each affiliate
had one vote. These syndicalist unions were able to out vote the rival
?reformist? tendency (which discouraged direct action) at congresses and elect
syndicalists to key positions, committees and influence the CGT?s trajectory in
a syndicalist direction. (2)

The ?Minority Union? Blind Alley

In support of the megalomaniac aspirations of the Solfed to be the nucleus of a 
syndicalist union
movement, the pamphlet presents a rather clunky criticism of existing
bureaucratic unionism in regard to the notion that these bodies are not ?mass unions?. 
It?s certainly
true that few are involved in the functioning of these unions apart from full
time officials and shop stewards. Whilst union meetings on the job are often
poorly attended. However, these unions do have ?mass influence? in the shape of
keeping workers demobilised, encouraging apathy and generally facilitating the
employer offensive. Setting up ?minority unions? which can meet in largish
phone booths as union halls, unfortunately won?t remedy the problem! Even if
such tiny unions were formed in peripheral sectors, it?s likely in their
practice to be micro democratic versions of the bureaucratic unions, severely
limited in their capacity for militancy. Entailing the squandering of the very
limited resources and personnel of such groups as Solfed in a strategically
senseless side show.

The pamphlet talks about the Solfed as a ?minority union? engaging in ?low key? activity on
the job such as communication boycotts with the boss. More realistic for the
building of syndicalist unionism, is a base in sectors which can wage large
scale direct action and see off threats by employers and the state to use repressive 
legislation, and inspire workers in other sectors in a
syndicalist direction. Associated with such a scenario would be building an
expanding syndicalist union movement involving aggressive organising drives in
various industries to wipe out the bases of bureaucratic unionism. All this
would require very serious precision, long range organising efforts by
syndicalists.(3)

Amongst the dross of grossly simplistic and wildly pretentious notions of syndicalist union
building in the pamphlet, there are gleams of gold. In Chapter 5, where the
authors discuss possible ?realistic? ways mass syndicalist unions could emerge
in the UK, one way proposed is some radical break away from existing bureaucratic unions. 
As a likely pathway,
this does look to be on the right track. However, there is no discussion of
what context such breakaways would occur and how Solfed and other
anarcho-syndicalists in the UK would facilitate such developments. An obvious
way would be assisting the emergence of rank and file movements in these unions
and encouraging a syndicalist orientation. Such support could short circuit the
disorganising effects of the employer offensive, increased surveillance, longer
shifts, constant speedups, etc, which make on the job organisation very
difficult these days and assisting militants to slow the impetus of the
employer offensive. Long range and consistent assistance to militants in the
launching and regular publishing of workplace papers, would be critical in all
this process. However, there is no discussion in the pamphlet of such important
work.

Another problem with the pamphlet, is how the authors
of the pamphlet see key aspects of syndicalism through the prism of the left
subculture, no doubt reflecting the social base of the Solfed. Rather than as
it actually is according to classic syndicalist texts, is its discussion
of syndicalist union locals. According to the pamphlet such locals seem to have the 
characteristics of left subcultural
hothouses, oozing with the oppression mongering and guilt tripping of the
middle class/student leftist activoid milieu and no doubt all manner of
?political correctness? displays and much ?salivating? and ?navel
gazing? over ?safe spaces policies? informed unconsciously by the Stalinist legacy. 
Certain to alienate
militant workers outside the tiny leftist fringe. There is also no discussion
of the role of syndicalist union locals as
centres of workers self education, encouraging a climate favouring
rational and scientific processes of discussion and stimulus to research. Such
functions apart from on the job experience would also be important in regard to
preparing for workers control of industry. As no doubt most workers are
expected to steer clear of these hothouses and their exotic leftist sect and
cult denizens!

A yawning chasm in the pamphlet is the absence of consideration of the steps toward building a
mass syndicalist media associated with the emergence of mass syndicalist
unionism to counter the corporate media.

In conclusion, the pamphlet certainly fails to come to grips with the complex issues facing
militants in establishing the mass syndicalist unionism in the contemporary UK.
Particularly it lacks discussion of such critical issues of how syndicalist
militants would assist militant workers to slow the tempo of the employer
offensive and defy repressive IR legislation, and create an expanding
syndicalist union movement. It generally presents a grossly simplistic approach to 
syndicalist union building influenced
by the middle class/student leftist subculture. However, it does have
occasional flashes of realism in this discussion. Its sketch of the development
of bureaucratic unionism in the UK and the move from the welfare state to neo liberalism 
by various UK
Governments is quite adequate. Whilst, its discussion of anarcho-syndicalism as
an ideology and movement is fairly shoddy spreading more confusion, showing
inadequate research.

Notes:

(1) See ?The Agony of Modernisation? by Benjamin Martin and ?From Anarchism to Peronism? Ed.
R.Munck, R. Falcon and B.Galitelli.?
(2) See ?French Syndicalism: An Experiment in Practical Anarchism by Barbara Mitchell? 
page 30,
in Revolutionary Syndicalism: An International Perspective? Ed. Marcel Van Der
Linden and Wayne Thorpe.
(3) See ?Anarcho-Syndicalist Strategy for Australian, Today? in the Archive Section of
www.rebelworker.org For a discussion of some long range serious work in
Australia which has helped slow the tempo of the employer offensive and
assisted the emergence of a grass roots workers organisation with a syndicalist
orientation. As part of a strategy to establish the transitional steps toward
mass syndicalist unionism.

Mark McGuire