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maandag 14 januari 2019
Anarchic update news all over the world - 14.01.2019
Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #290 - La Poste: A model
of privatization of public services (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. anarkismo.net: 100 years of the Tragic Week: 1919-2019 by
Anarchist Federation of Rosario - FAR (ca, it [machine
translation]) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #290 - antifascism,
Belgium: Black Sunday in Brussels (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. India, In the run up to the Indian general strike being
called for the 7th, we interviewed an Anarchist from Muktiwadi
Ekta Morcha (Libertarian Solidarity Front) in Bhopal, India.
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. freedomnews: Ukraine: arrests and repressions of anarchists
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Poland, zsp.net: Cleaners from Debak have regained their
wages! [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Greece. provo: How fascists approach the post-left anarchist
movements - by: Dimitris Plastiras [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
The State intends to withdraw from the capital of La Poste via a capital increase in the
public company by the Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations. The consequences for the public
service will be proportionate to the demands of the future majority shareholder. ---- The
opening of the capital in 2010 had already traced the future of this public service, that
of a term privatization. The various " reforms " that take place at La Poste have
already been applied in other administrations (eg staff appraisal). The step taken with
this privatization in the long term, could give ideas on methods to change the vision of
public services. ---- What is behind this project ? ---- Not easy to summarize the project
of the government, especially that the latter, the departments of the Post and the CDC are
hiding behind a slogan that might seem quite attractive to some: " the establishment of a
public financial pole . " All the more misleading as this slogan was brandished by two
trade unions at La Poste, the CGT and SOUTH PTT for a while. This was also issued in the
debates during the opening of the capital by SUD PTT.
Now, if there is a public financial pole in words, on paper it is rather non-existent. The
project is primarily a project increasing the considerable weight of the Bank in the
accounts of La Poste.
Far from sticking to a programmed upheaval of the habits of the population, it is a
strategic choice of the company and the state. To move towards a more and more
financiarized company, whose funds will be used above all to acquisitions whether it is
international or in the field of the services of the person which would constitute, in the
long term, according to the president of La Poste a fifth public postal service.
The public service will drink ...
This project will inevitably impact the public service. The management and the government
ensure the maintenance of the distribution 5 days out of 7. It even ensures that it is
this purchase by the CDC which will guarantee the durability of the distribution of the
mail. But the successive reorganizations and the implementation of a reorganization called
piloted distribution, already impact, this public service since the directions can keep in
the " fridge " of the mail when they consider that the distribution is not profitable in
view of the quantity to distribute ...
On the financial side, even if the public service has been moving away for a long time,
the management will increase its pressure to serve only profitable clients.
... and the staff too
Follow the Franchise Postale , blog of LA activists working in the postal sector
In this configuration, the postal staff will be hit hard by the reorganizations and
productivity demands of the future majority shareholder. Even if it is not new, they will
increase inevitably. For example, at La Banque Postale, while the profitability (operating
ratio) will be at the same level as the other banks, the director of financial services
stated at a Board of Directors that postal workers La Banque Postale will have to continue
making efforts.
The management's policy has so far been to handle the carrot by making waves of promotion.
But this policy is starting to dry up. The carrot begins to get smaller and on the other
side the stick has come out by an authoritarianism more and more urgent in the services.
Faced with this, trade unions applaud with both hands.
While during the project of opening of the capital, a rather important arc of circle had
been found to fight the project of the direction and the government, there it was strongly
reduced ... FO, the CFDT that it is by their representative · The union or elected members
of the board of directors are behind the management to lead this project, such as CFTC,
GSC and UNSA. The elected representatives SUD and CGT voted against the Board of Directors
while the other unions voted for. These union positions do not bode well to fight the
project in the company and perhaps there remains only an outside mobilization to fight the
fight of a public postal service defined by the population and the postman. e · s in the
service of the population. SOUTH PTT started this battle by occupying the CDC on November
22nd.
Antero (postman at AL)
You can also find this article on the Franchise Postale , the blog of LA activists working
in the postal sector.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?La-Poste-Un-modele-de-privatisation-des-services-publics
------------------------------
Message: 2
In the memory of the people below, the great days of struggle and resistance are burned,
as well as the repressive responses of the state and the powerful. The Tragic Week is
inscribed in our memory, as a symbol of workers' resistance, where in a 100 years ago
January, hundreds of thousands of workers participated in the protest days that were
unleashed after a strike in the Vasena Workshops in the province of Buenos Aires. ---- The
month of December and the first days of January were spent in this context, with constant
threats and attacks, but neither the rams, nor the attack of para-police groups could stop
the strike that quickly added the adhesion of neighbors and workers. It is from different
guilds. When on January 7 the state repression was absolutely brutal, the solidarity of
those below was even stronger. The attempts of the Irigoyen government to intimidate the
workers and the United Metallurgical Resistance Society to achieve the end of the strike
failed. Leading to the generalization of the conflict. The following days were marked by
the General Strike declared from several sectors, as well as the massive mobilization. The
brutality of the state repression left a number of deaths and injuries that is difficult
to specify, but that surpasses the thousand, for what was undoubtedly one of the greatest
repressive massacres in Latin American history. Finally, on January 13, the metallurgical
workers managed to get the employers and the government to accept most of their demands
and the strike was lifted after 43 days.
100 years after that great episode of resistance, we clearly have the need to reclaim our
history, the history of solidarity, collective conquests, stubborn organization and
frontal confrontation without regard to the class enemy. 100 years later we face a system
that in the main has not changed, domination, exploitation and even more bloody phenomena
such as social exclusion loom like scourges for our oppressed class in this stage of crude
neoliberalism. Anchored in that history and learning from it we believe that anarchism has
much to contribute to the resistance in these times.
Long live the worker martyrs!
Top ls who fight!!
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31257
------------------------------
Message: 3
This Sunday, December 16, 2018, at the call of several Flemish organizations mainly
extreme right, several thousand people (between 5000 and 7000) marched in Brussels against
the pact of Marrakech. This is a real tour de force, the biggest mobilization of their
camp for more than 30 years. ---- It seems important to contextualize the mobilization of
16 December in Brussels, which allowed a street right to emerge from the doldrums where it
had been for more than 10 years. The first factor is undoubtedly the rightization of the
political and media field (particularly in Flanders where the left has been on the ropes
for many years). ---- We must point out the key role played by the largest party in
Flanders, the NVA (" New Flemish Alliance ") which, in addition to the agenda - shared
by the entire coalition government - attacks on the conditions of life of the population
for the pleasure of the bosses, was distinguished by the proliferation of racist,
homophobic and sexist provocations. This communication strategy and the proliferation of
security laws targeting migrants, but also neighborhoods, in the name as always of a fight
against terrorism, has allowed a release of racist speech and acts of violence.
Right radicalized
However, taken somewhere in its own game, the NVA resurrected the Vlaams Belang (VB - the
equivalent of the National Front in Flanders), which had been in decline for several years
(thanks to a set of communicating vessels between right radicalized and neo-fascist
party). There has also been a new actor playing the role of the fascist Greenpeace, a
small but influential party of Flemish students, Schlid en Vrienden (SV - " Shield and
Friend "). In its strategy, it is a copy of Identity Generation in its mode of action but
whose entrism would target both the Vlaams Belang (thus the far-right fascist) and the
radicalized right-wing party. the NVA.
These two strategies are more or less successful because in two years of existence this
group has managed to talk about him almost monthly in the traditional media and also on
social networks but also to place a dozen of its members on the lists elections of the
NVA. Following the throng of green elections in October, the NVA decided to radicalise
even more its speech on the right to recover the land reclaimed by the Vlaams Belang. It
seized the pact of Marrakech, declaring a categorical opposition to a non-binding pact,
thus opposing the rest of the government.
After more than two weeks of crisis, the NVA left the government with this pretext. It
should also be noted that his communication has completely adopted the rhetoric of the
extreme right on the supposed great replacement of the white population that would
underlie this pact. It was enough for the far right street to feel wings and announced a
great march on Brussels.
On 9 December, a coalition of Flemish conservative associations to the most openly fascist
groups announces a great march against Marrakech with clearly organized leader of this
coalition the VB and S & V. This announcement was preceded by a propaganda work on social
networks for several weeks with the culmination of a remote-controlled online petition by
the VB that quickly collected several tens of thousands of signatures.
The success is immediate, several thousand people announce their arrival (this will
accumulate at the end of the week with more than 50 000 people declaring their intention
to walk on Brussels). Quickly several clubs of right-wing hooligans also announce that
they join the dance, constituting the real shock troops of this movement.
The organizers urge the vice to call the NVA to join the march ; it will decline the
invitation, for fear of being overtaken by his right more than by rejection of political
content. One of the main figures of the movement, Théo Francken, nevertheless declares his
personal support to the marchers. He is the former secretary of asylum and immigration and
one of the advocates of the right wing of the NVA and author of many controlled racist
slippages.
The mobilization enjoys a huge media coverage rather favorable during the week, especially
when for fear of excesses the Brussels authorities announce the ban on walking. The
organizers announce immediately that they will march whatever happens on Sunday in the
name of " freedom of expression " and legally contest this ban. Two days later, justice
will give them " reason ". They will be between 5000 and 7000 to go down in the streets
of Brussels for a demonstration that was to be static but which will end with a march and
which will end with a riot in the European district. The result is barely less than a
hundred arrests whereas the previous week the yellow vests of Belgium had to face a much
more fierce repression (450 arrests).
The anti-fascist counter-mobilization was on its side much more laborious and could only
count on the Brussels forces. The fear of repression and the political composition with
institutional groups forced us to fall back on a meeting hosted in a union building.
Eventually, we will gather between 1500 and 2000 people who will go to protest to protect
one of the parks where migrants usually gather. This alliance will bring together more
than 40 o
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Belgique-Dimanche-noir-a-Bruxelles
------------------------------
Message: 4
EDITORS NOTE: We had a late question come in that was added to the end of the article.
---- 1. Can you give us a brief overview of your group? How did you all start, how long
have you been around, what kind of stuff you do, that sort of thing. ---- Our group is
based in Bhopal, India. It's called Muktiwadi Ekta Morcha (Libertarian Solidarity Front).
We are 4 mementos. We work with contract, informal workers. But upto this point the
interaction has been mostly talks and discussion, no on ground action. ---- We are in
informal discussion with bus workers, garbage collectors in Bhopal. ---- But since last
October the group has shift attention on climate change. We are now working as Extinction
Rebellion (XR) in Bhopal and India. XR began in UK by the libertarian socialist group
Rising Up. Now, we are mostly working on climate education and mobilization.
2. Can you give us a rundown of what Anarchism looks like in India? What is it like to
organize as Anarchists there and what its relationships to other social movements looks
like? In particular we know there is an ongoing Maoist insurgency and we are interested in
what, if any, tensions exist with that.
The reaction you get in India for being an anarchist organizer depends significantly on
who you are talking with. The "educated" classes - the urban middle class etc. having
being swallowed the state propaganda quite thoroughly, to be able to survive in India,
finds you crazy or dangerous. While the labouring section empathize with the essence of
anarchist values and desires.
I should mention and this should be stressed that, there is no anarchist movement in
India. There are scattered anarchists (of sorts) all over India. As far as I know, ours is
the only organized small section.
Individuals from other movements come in our contact and, most of them who are not
connected with the mainstream Marxist-leninist movements do synthesise towards some
elements of anarchism. We would like to be able to establish better links with the
feminist and the Dalit and tribal movements.
We have had no connections with Maoists. We on principle are against the Maoist ideas, the
violence this movement is based on and the ugly turn the Naxalbari movement soon took.
That being said, it is quite apparent that the state violence in the region is barbaric
and criminal. And the drive for resource extraction and tribal displacement and ecological
destruction is devastating. And the state uses the blanket of Maoism to discredit and
suppress all genuine struggles in the region - the justification being provided by the
actual Maoist violence. But now the blanket has broadened to cover all and any mild
progressive social action.
3. One thing that we have been following recently is news of this general strike being
organized for the 8th and 9th, it's being hyped up in the news as one of the biggest in
Indian history, what is it looking like from the ground there? Are you all participating
in it and if so what does Anarchist intervention in that look like?
Strikes in India are a political spectacle, without any radical meaning. It's being
organized by the unions affiliated with political parties in the year of general election
for electoral gains. That might have some value, but it must not be confused as a working
class mobilization. Also it is worth bearing in mind that, most of these unions, more
times than not, have suppressed all spontaneous labour demands and actions, and have
played there part as an arm of management.
And as far as I am aware, in the 12 demands there's no demand to stop the Labour Code
bills, the new legislations that will effectively make strikes in India illegal. That's
what make this strike more ironic.
The grievances of the labouring class will not he addressed by this strike. This is the
saddest part of this spectacle.
Given these facts and our inability to mobilize at this point we will not be participating
in the strike.
4. What other struggles are ongoing that should be on the radar of Anarchists outside of
India?
The Kashmir struggle should gain more attention in international anarchist movement. The
situation in the valley has significantly deteriorated in last couple of years. Killing of
civilians, tortures and militarization of all aspects of life defines Kashmir today.
Also, the dalit movement. The caste system in India has been the biggest hinderance to
liberal and socialist ideas in India - as Rudolf Rocker also noted, more than capitalism
or even imperialism. The dalit community's struggle against brahmanism is an essential
libertarian struggle.
The biggest challenge that India faces and the whole world faces is the climate
catastrophe. We only have one decade to stop the run-off climate change that can end,
literally, all life on earth. India will soon face severe food and water shortage. That
coupled with migration from drowning Bangladesh is projected to lead India into a state
failure. And no one in India, is paying any attention to it. This should also be talked
about more in anarchist movement and that should lead to more collective, coordinated actions.
5. How can Anarchist outside of India support you all and what you do?
Anarchists outside India can help in many ways but I will focus on two. First, by
supporting Indian struggles, specially the ones I mentioned above; but also focusing on
Indian human rights violations. Second, financial aid. We are mostly, students and
unemployed or underemployed individuals; organizing, mobilising takes some resources that
we at time fail to attain and have to give up even basic projects.
You can reach us from The Coming Anarchy website (https://thecominganarchy.wordpress.com/)
if you wish to assist us.
6. Anything else that you feel like adding or talking about that you think international
Anarchists should know?
One thing, some of the anarchists might find interesting is the history of first Indian
anarchist MPT Acharya. Who was friends with many Spanish, British and American anarchist
during the 30s-50s. A collection of his writings will be coming out in spring this year
from AK Press.
7. In the neighboring country Bangladesh there is a growing anarchist movement,
particularly around the Bangladesh Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation, do you all have any
contact with them or have any plans to work with them?
We know some comrades from B-ASF. We are in regular communication and their work, from the
looks of it seems very impressive. But we haven't participated in a coordinated action.
The relationship of the Indian nation state with Bangladesh is quite complicated.
Bangladesh was part of the British India colony and later a part of Pakistan - or it's
colony. In the India, in the nationalist and patriarchal language Bangladesh is still
referred to as "grandson." And Indian intelligence agencies have from time to time
committed acts of terror in Bangladesh. And very soon, as the low lying plains of
Bangladesh drowns, the migration - which will over shadow the European "crisis", will
create militarism and jingoism. This has already begun.
This is worth keeping in mind, especially to Indian and Bangladeshi working class people
and organizers.
From Black Autonomy Network
------------------------------
Message: 5
This article was originally published in Ukrainian media outlet Zaborona. We translate it
with their permission. ---- In December 2018, Ukraine's Security Services (SBU) conducted
searches at the homes of seven anarchists. According to the activists, SBU officers forced
two anarchists to sign a cooperation agreement, and one of the activists had her passport
confiscated. ---- Who have you come for? ---- Early on the morning of 6 December, officers
of the National Police, Prosecutor's Office and SBU searched the homes of anarchists in
Kyiv, Brovary, Dnipro and Lviv. In Lviv, west Ukraine, investigators visited three
addresses - Taras Bohay (Ecological Initiative), Oleh Kordiyaka (Black Banner) and a woman
who asked for her name not to be published for security reasons.
In Kyiv, investigators searched the home of Khrystyna, 19, and in Brovary, a town outside
the Ukrainian capital, law enforcement visited the official place of residence for Roman,
20, though they only found the activist's mother at home (he does not live there). In
Dnipro (formerly Dnipropetrovsk), the police visited the apartment of Natalya and Maksym,
both 20.
Khrystyna, Roman, Natalya and Maksym say that they are not members of any organisation,
and call themselves "autonomous participants of the anarchist movement". They don't give
out their surnames, as they are concerned about possible attacks by radical nationalist
groups. As in the case of other anarchists, they believe it's best to act anonymously:
they use false names in social media and cover their faces at public protests.
Previously, only the searches of the apartments Lviv activists, who are publicly active,
were reported in the media. The remaining activists did not report the searches, but later
they agreed to share their stories with Zaborona.
Grounds for search
Kyiv's Podil District Court issued the warrants for all six searches, which state that
these investigative actions are being conducted as part of a investigation into an attack
on a former Right Sector ( a far-right Ukrainian nationalist political party) volunteer
fighter, Dmytro "Verbych" Ivashchenko.
On 2 May 2018, Ivashchenko was attacked in the Podil district of Kyiv. Three men and women
wearing masks assaulted him, stabbing him in the back. Ivashchenko spent an extended
period of the time in hospital as a result.
The police established the identities of only two of the attackers - Kseniya Lapynska from
Chernihiv and Vyacheslav Lukichev. Lapynska, 25, was arrested almost immediately after the
incident, and was given a three year suspended sentence. The second likely attacker,
Lukichev, 24, is a Russian anarchist - he managed to leave Ukraine before being detained.
In November 2018, he was arrested in Kaliningrad on suspicion of "justifying terrorism
online". The investigation into Lukichev was opened after he called Mikhail Zhlobitsky,
the man who set off a bomb at an FSB office in Arkhangelsk on 31 October, a "hero" online.
The court decisions regarding the 6 December searches state that the activists whose homes
were searched could be complicit in the attack on Ivashchenko. The warrants do not clarify
on what grounds law enforcement have these suspicions.
Questoning, detention, attempts at recruitment
In the process of searching the activists' apartments, Ukrainian law enforcement
confiscated computers, telephones, flash drives and hard disks belonging to the activists.
Several of them also had clothes, paint and posters confiscated.
After the searches finished, the activists, apart from Roman (Brovary), were taken to
police stations for questioning. According to them, they were questioned for several hours
about what they know about the attack on Dmytro Ivashchenko. Investigators were also
interested in the civic and political activity of the activists and their acquaintances.
After questioning, they were released without charge.
Khrystyna, from Kyiv, complained that while she was in Podil District Police Station, an
SBU officer forced her to sign an agreement to cooperate.
"He said: let's cooperate, then we'll let you go," she says. "I was really afraid, I
didn't know if anyone else knew they'd detained me. I realised I could be there for 24
hours and that no one would know about it. So I signed the paper that said I will
cooperate with the SBU."
According to Khrystyna, after the investigation, SBU officers called her several times and
proposed meeting, but she refused. She says that she signed the agreement only in order to
be released, and she didn't want any further contact with the security services. Afraid of
persecution, Khrystyna changed her apartment and telephone number, and created new social
media accounts. After questioning, the police did not return Khrystyna her passport - they
only returned her papers on 21 December, after she made a complaint to the Prosecutor's
Office.
Maksym, from Dnipro, also stated that SBU officers forced him to sign a cooperation
agreement. According to his wife Natalya, SBU officers were rude to them during
questioning, pressuring and trying to force them to stop their civic activities. Natalya
says that several days after the search, an SBU officer summoned Maksym for an informal
chat, to which the activist agreed. During the meeting, the SBU officer asked the young
man for information on other activists in Dnipro. Natalya says that they no longer answer
calls from their "curator" as they call him, and have changed their place of residence.
What the Prosecutor's Office and SBU believe
In response to an official information request by Zaborona, Kyiv's Prosecutor Office
stated that these searches were conducted to identify all persons complicit in the attack
on Dmytro Ivashchenko. At the same time, the ministry's press office did not explain how
these seven anarchists are connected with this crime, citing the need to keep
investigation materials confidential. On this basis, the Prosecutor's Office refused to
comment on the results of the searches and did not report what status the activists have
in the investigation.
The Prosecutor's Office states that no one was detained after the searches, including
Khrystyna from Kyiv.
"Khrystyna[...], who was mentioned in your request, came to Podil Police Station in order
to give an explanatory statement, although she could not provide information towards
evidence for the criminal investigation, in connection with which she was not questioned
as an evidence. Her passport was not confiscated. According to information from Podil
Police Station, she left the document in the investigator's office."
As to the activists in Dnipro, the Prosecutor's Office stated that they had not received a
complaint of possible unlawful actions by law enforcement officers.
In response to an information request by Zaborona, the SBU stated only that "SBU officers
operated within the framework of current legislation". The agency refused to give any
other comment, stating that "information of a pre-trial investigation cannot be publicised".
The activists' position
All seven activists whose homes were searched insist that they bear no relation to the
attack on Dmytro Ivashchenko - and they don't know who did. According to them, they are
involved in legal civic activity - they organise ecological and animal rights
demonstrations, campaigns against development and in support of trade unions, as well as
lectures and film screenings.
The anarchists believe that the SBU has used the attack on Ivashchenko as a pretext to
pressure them and collect information on participants in their movement.
"They came to me because I've been involved in activism for a long time, and I don't hide
my views," says Taras Bohay. "I think that they knew that I had nothing to do with the
attack. They were just interested in my correspondence, chats. They collect information on
people who are involved in social activism."
Bohay and his comrades are yet to get used to increased attention from law enforcement.
For example, in September this year, the police dispersed an animal rights action by
Ecological Platform in Lviv, and earlier this year the SBU raided the organisation's
summer camp in the Carpathian mountains, recording all the participants' personal details
in the process.
"There were also regular attacks by the far right on Ecological Platform activists and
other anti-authoritarian organisations, as well as people with anti-fascist views. In some
instances, the attacks took place with assistance from the police - as was the case in the
attack after the feminist march on 8 March, when the police blocked the route of a tram in
which activists were traveling, and the far right then attacked them," says Bohay.
Bohay believes that these recent attacks on activists in Lviv and the searches conducted
on 6 December are connected, and considers this an act of repression.
https://freedomnews.org.uk/ukraine-arrests-and-repressions-of-anarchists/
------------------------------
Message: 6
Cleaners from the refugee center in Debak achieved a significant victory. All their
demands on the employer have been met. The employees were employed at the center through
Sadar, however, they did not have proper employment contracts, which resulted in a lack of
holidays, lower sickness benefits and lower pension contributions, and even lack of
insurance in ZUS. ---- In December 2018, employees organized themselves in the Polish
Syndicalist Association - Warsaw and made demands for their employer, demanding all
benefits to which they would be entitled if they worked on a regular full-time employment
contract. At first, the company reacted by sending a letter from a lawyer announcing the
lawsuit and putting pressure on the employees. However, these did not give up. At the end
of December, a protest took place in Komorow near Warsaw (located in the place of
residence of the owners). During this picket, the employees read their requests and hung
them on the fence.
Already the next owners of the company appealed to ZSP with a proposal to settle the
amount due. The Sadar company has announced that it is giving up the contract to clean the
Refugee Center. The date of the meeting was agreed on which the requests were specified. A
few days after the New Year, during the next meeting, the employees received their
receivables in full (in total almost PLN 13,000). The Association of Syndicalists of
Poland is very happy that the employees have not withdrawn from their demands and that
thanks to our joint efforts we have managed to recover their due money and benefits.
http://zsp.net.pl/sprzataczki-z-debaka-odzyskaly-swoje-wynagrodzenia
------------------------------
Message: 7
The article is the second in a series of articles on so-called nationalization ----
Chapter 1: The Initial Composition of Fascist Individualism ---- A friendly
editor-in-chief recently told me by email, "if anti-capitalism and individual freedom are
clearly defined in books or articles, they will not be used by them on the right." If that
were true, fascism would simply disappear from the world. Fascism comes from a mixture of
left and right positions, and some on the left promote aspects of collectivism, trade
unionism, ecology, and absolutism, intersected with fascist aspirations. Partly as a
response to the tendencies of left-wing authoritarianism, a particular anti-fascist
movement was born in the 1970s to lead to the creation of what became "post-left"
thinking. However, thinking that anti-capitalism and "individual freedom" maintain
ideological purity,
The post-left comes mainly from a tendency that favored individual freedom, autonomous
from the political ideology of the left and the right, while retaining some elements of
the left. Although a wide range with many conflicting positions, post-leftists often trace
their roots to the individualist Max Stirner, whose belief in the superiority of European
person over and across the nation, class and creed was greatly influenced by the
philosopher GWF Hegel. After his death in 1856, the spread of the collectivism and
Neo-Kantianism pushed in the background of the individualistic philosophy until the
Friedrich Nietzsche brought to the fore again in the last part of the 19 thcentury.
Influenced by Stirner, Nietzsche spoke of the overthrow of socialism and the "modern
world" by the iconoclast, an aristocratic philosopher known as "Superman" or "übermensch".
During the 19 th thcentury composers blended "Superman" with the supposed responsibility
of women to give birth to a superior European race - a "New Man" to create and create from
a "New Age". Similarly, right-wing aristocrats who abstained from ideas of freedom and
equality turned to Nietzsche and Stirner to support the perception of their elitism and
hatred for the pro-Leftist left and mass culture. Some anarchists and individualists
influenced by Stirner and Nietzsche turned to right personalities such as Russian writer
Fyodor Dostoevsky, who developed the idea of a "conservative revolution" that would
overturn the spiritual crises of the modern world and the masses. In the words of the
anarchist, Victor Serge, "Dostoevsky: the best and the worst, inseparable.
The "great man" or the "New Man" of history was neither left nor right; he was destined to
destroy the modern world and replaced him with his ever-improving image - but what form
would this picture take? In Italy, the reactionaries were associated with the futuristic
movement, and various romantic nationalist tendencies expressed affinity with the
atomistic current identified with Nietzsche and Stirner. Awaiting terrible disasters that
would throw the modern world on his knees and establish the New Age of the New Man, the
futurists sought to merge the "devastating action of the anarchists" with the grandeur of
the empire.
A particularly popular figure amongst those tendencies of individualism and "conservative
revolution," the Italian escort Gabrielle D'Annunzio gathered 2600 soldiers in a bold
attack in 1919 in the city of Fiume (StM: Rijeka, Croatia) to claim it again for Italy
after 1 stWorld War. During her adventure, the occupying power raised a black flag
embellished with a skull and x-bones and singing songs of national unity. Italy renounced
the imperial occupation, leaving the City-State in the hands of its romantic nationalist
leadership. A constitution, written by the national-unionist Alceste De Ambris, provided
the basis for national solidarity around a corporate economy mediated by collaborating
unions. D'Annunzio was prophetic and eschatological, recited poetry from the balcony
during meetings. He was a masculine. He was imperial and majestic, but radical with roots
in fellow affection. He was asking for sacrifice and love for the nation.
When D'Annunzio returned to Italy, when the army captured his enclave in Fiume,
ultranationalists, futurists, artists, and intellectuals welcomed him as the leader of the
rising fascist movement. The elegant ceremonies and radical violence have contributed to a
sacrifice of politics that has come to light by the spirit of fascism. Although Mussolini
probably saw himself as a competitor of D'Annunzio for the role of the supreme leader, he
could not deny the style and the spirit, the high aesthetic appeal that came to so many
during the advent of Sphinx. Fascism, claimed Mussolini, was an offspring, it was a
movement. The fascists of Melanotho, or squadristi, adopted the shine of D'Annunzio, the
black uniforms, the skull and the bones, the dagger in the middle, the amiable mentality
expressed by the anthem, "Me ne frego" or "I do not give a damn". Some of those who
participated in the campaign in Fiemme abandoned D'Annunzio as he joined the fascist
movement, turning to Arditi del Popolo to fight the fascist scourge. Others would fit into
the Melanchoton lines.
*
Originally a man of the left, Mussolini had no difficulty joining the symbolism of the
revolution with ultranationalist revival. "Lower the state in all its forms and
incarnations," proclaimed in a speech in 1920. "The states of yesterday, today, tomorrow.
The bourgeois state and the socialist. For those of us, the morituri of individualism,
through the darkness of the present and the evil of tomorrow, what is left is the most
absurd but always palliative religion of anarchy! " In another statement, he asked, "Why
should not Stirner come back?"
Mussolini's perception of anarchism was important because he saw anarchism as a
precondition for fascism. "If anarchist writers have discovered the importance of the
mythical by opposing power and unity," said Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt, inspired by the
notion of Mussolini's myth, "then they have collaborated in creating another power, albeit
unintentionally their power, based on the new sense of order, discipline, and hierarchy. "
The dialectics of fascism are twofold: only the anarchist destruction of the modern world
in every social field would free up the dynamics of fascism, but the mythical extreme
society of anarchism for Mussolini could be paradoxically born by a self-disciplined state
of absolute control .
Anti-fascist anarchist individualists and nihilists such as Renzo Novatore attributed to
Mussolini a sort of "passive zeroing" that Nietzsche perceived as the decline and weakness
of the modern age. Veterans who were fighting for Mussolini rejected the oppression of
individualism by the Bolsheviks and preferred "an anti-party warrior," according to
historian Emilio Gentile. Fascism would take advantage of the unbridled menopause of men
like Novatore as they turned the "passive zeroing" of their vision into a complete
collapse to "active zeroing" through the New Age's rebirth in the hands of the New Man.
The "pass" to fascism, observed throughout Europe during the decades of 1920 and 1930 were
not limited to kollektivistiki left former communists, trade unionists and socialists;
which also included the ambiguous policies of the European avant-garde and academic elite.
In France, personalities such as George Bataille and Antonin Artaud began experimenting
literally with the fascist aesthetics of cruelty, irrationality, and elitism. In 1934,
Bataille announced his hope of opening a "space for big fascist brotherhoods," which he
believed to have occupied the area of "higher forms" and "invoke the feelings
traditionally defined as high and noble." Bataille's admiration for Stirner did not
prevent him from developing what he would describe decades later as a "paradoxical fascist
trend". Other libertarian celebrities such as Louis-Ferdinand Céline and Maurice Blanchot
also embraced fascist positions - particularly aggressive anti-Semitism.
Like Blanchot, the pro-Nazi expressionist poet Gottfried Benn used an introvert anti-pain
language and humanitarian nihilism, discovering only animalistic impulses and irrational
impulses. The existentialist philosopher member Nazi party, Martin Heidegger, playing with
Nietzsche issues zero and aesthetics in phenomenology, putting the fear (angst) in modern
life core and searching existential release through a destructive process perceived as
innate in the production of an original work of art. The writer Ernst Jünger, who greeted
the rise of Hitler, invoking the power of "zero assets", seeking the fall of civilization
through a "magic scratch" that would bring a new era of ultra-atomikiston bodies later
called "anarchy (Anarchs ) '.
Evola was probably the most important of those who pursued the fall of civilization and
the spiritual revival of the New World ecumenical person, the dedication of the altar, and
the superiority of man. Dedicated fascist and individualist, Evola devoted himself to the
purity of sacred violence, racism, anti-Semitism and occult. By introducing the doctrine
of a "political soldier," Evola considered violence as necessary for the establishment of
a kind of physical hierarchy that promoted the supreme individual over the crowds. Evola
believed in an occult practice filtered into a wider spiritual aristocracy, which could
only be expressed through the sacrifice and a code of honor like the samurai. Evola shared
the same ideas of conquest, elitism, and sacrificial pleasure with the SS, who invited the
Italian intern in Vienna to satisfy his thirst for knowledge. After 2the World War II, the
spiritual fascism of Evola paralleled with the texts of Savitri Devi, a French
esoteristrias, Greek origin developed an anti-humanitarian practice Nazi cult of nature
similar to the current Deep Ecology. In the rejection of human rights, Devi argued that
the world exhibited a totality of interconnected animal forces, none of which had any
particular moral right over the others.
Chapter 2: Creation of the Post-Left
It has been understood so far that fascism, in its interwar period, attracted many
anti-capitalists and individualists, mainly through elitism, the sensitization of
politics, and the zeroing desire for the destruction of the modern world. After the fall
of the Reich, the fascists tried to rekindle the flames of their movement by complicating
themselves both in the state and in the social movements. It has become very common among
the fascists to reject Hitler to some extent and talk about returning to the original
"national-syndicalist" ideas mixed with the elitism of the "New Man" and the destruction
of civilization. The fascists demanded "national liberation" of European nations by NATO
and multicultural liberalism, while the occult of Evola and Devi began to mingle with
Satanism to create new fascist hybrids. With ecology and anti-egoism, this sacrament
through occultism would prove to be among the most evil means of fascist entry into
anti-cultures after the war.
In the 1960s, left-wing communist groups such as Socialisme ou Barbarie , Pouvoir O uvrier
, and the Constituents were gathering in places like the bookstore and publishing house La
Vieille Taupe, criticizing everyday life in industrial culture through art and
transformational practices. According to Gilles Dauvé, one of those who participated in
this movement, "the small circle of people centered on the bookstore Le Vieille Taupe",
developed the idea of "communization", or the revolutionary transformation of all social
relations. This new "left-wing" movement helped inspire the aesthetics of a youthful
spiritual revolution that culminated in a major insurgency of students and workers in
Paris in May 1968.
The powerful stream antiexousastiko the far left and the wider revolt of May '68
contributed to similar movements elsewhere in Europe, such as the Italian movement of
Autonomy, which was spread by a general strike from below the automaker Fiat, generalized
unrest that included rent strikes , squatting buildings, and mass demonstrations. While
most in Autonomy remained on the left, those who participated in it were heavily critical
of the established left, and the autonomists were often opposed to the agaric technique of
the guerrilla city. In 1977 the individualist anarchist, Alfredo Bonanno wrote in 'Armed
Joy "text, urging Italians left to leave the paternalistic hypocrisy towards armed
struggle and join the popular insurrectionary struggle.
With anti-authoritarian, ecologically-oriented criticisms of culture, in the 1960s and
1970s, new trends emerged of a new identity that rejected both the left and the right.
Adapting to them the currents of wider social movements and exploiting the vague
ideological lines between the left and the right, the fascist ideologues developed the
framework of "ethnoplrtalism". By hiding their rhetoric in "the right to difference"
(national separation), the fascists disguised themselves with self-defining features such
as "European News Right", "national revolutionaries", and "revolutionary partisans". The
"European New Right" took the rejection of the modern world that was being promoted from
the extreme left as a proclamation of the nature of Europeans as indigenous and pagan
roots on their land.
In Italy, this movement gave the "Hobbit Camp", an ecological festival organized by Marco
Tarchi of the European New Right and addressed to disillusioned young people through
posters and brochures in the style of the State. When Roberto Fiore, the Italian "national
revolutionary," escaped blame for taking part in a major bombing at a Bologna railway
station, he found shelter at Michael Walker's home in London, Tarchi's partner in the
European New Right. The new location would prove decisive as Fiore, Walker and a group of
fascist activists set up a political group they called the Official National Front in
1980. This group would help promote and benefit from a more avangaristic fascist
aesthetic, bringing neo-folk to the forefront,
*
While the fascists entered the green movement and exploited openings in the left
anti-authoritarian thinking, the statesmen began to transform themselves. In the early
decades, post-statues began appearing in US collectives that combined sterling
self-interest with collectivist thought. In 1974, the For Ourselves group issued the Right
to Be Angry , speaking against altruism while linking self-centered greed to the
composition of social identity and prosperity - in short, the surplus. The text was
re-printed in 1983 by a libertarian group, Loompanics Unlimited, with a preface from a
relatively "unknown" author named Bob Black.
While the post-states turned to individualism, a number of European left-wingers turned to
the right. In Paris, publisher La Vieille Taupe went from controversial positions to
rejection of the necessity of specialized anti-fascism in the presentation of the
Holocaust as a lie. In 1980, La Vieille Taupe published the notorious Mémoire en Défense
center, which was the focus of falsifier l'histoireof the Holocaust denial, Robert
Faurisson. Although publisher La Vieille Taupe and founder Pierre Guillaume accepted the
international outcry, they won the controversial defense of leftist professor Noam
Chomsky. Although they largely rejected Guillaume and his surroundings, the left-wing
rejection of special anti-fascism remained somewhat widespread - specifically as Dauvé
developed it, insisting in the early 1980s that "fascism as a particular movement has
disappeared."
The idea that fascism has become a historical fossil only helped fascism to pass
unnoticed, while Faurisson and Guillaume became stars of the far-right. As implied denial
of the Holocaust, the leftist thought is immune from the shift in national terms - a fact
that created the basis for the work of strain of the Official National Front, Troy
Southgate. Although influenced by the Constituents, and in addition to a blend of other
left and right figures, Southgate has been particularly focused on the ecological stream
of the radical politics associated with the Green Anarchist-oriented punk, which called
for a return to "primitive" life and the destruction of modern civilization. In 1991,Green
Alternative , soon connected to Southgate. Two years later, Southgate would join the
fascists Jean-François Thiriart and Christian Bouchet, who had allied to form the Liaison
Committee for Revolutionary Nationalism.
In the United States, the "anarcho-primitivist" trend or "Green Anarchism" was identified
with the former left-winger, John Zerzan. Recognizing culture as an enemy of the earth,
Zerzan spoke of a return to sustainable lifestyles that rejected modernity. Zerzan
rejected racism but largely relied on Martin Heidegger's thought in seeking a return to
authentic relationships between people and the world, unconstrained by symbolic thinking.
This desired return, some have shown, would require a collapse of civilization so complete
that millions, if not billions, would probably die. Zerzan himself, looks somewhat
ambiguous in terms of possible losses, despite his support to Unabomber, Ted Kaczynsky.
Together with Zerzan for returning to a more primitive social hunter-gatherer organization
and against authoritarianism, an occultist named Hakim Bey developed the idea of the
Temporary Autonomous Zone (TAZ). For Bey, a TAZ would work a liberated and erotic space of
orgiastic, revolutionary poetry. However, in his 1991 Interim Autonomous Zone text, Bey
included extensive praises for D'Annunzio's first-fascist conquest of Phimme, revealing
the disturbing historical tendencies of the left and right.
Along with Zerzan and Bey, Bob Black would prove to be important in establishing what is
now called "post left". In 1997, in his text, Anarchy After the Left , Black responded to
left-wing anarchist Murray Bookchin, who accused the individualists of "lifestyle
anarchism." Drawing on Zerzan's critique of culture as well as by Stirner and Nietzsche,
Black presented his own rejection of work as a panacea for the authoritarian leftist
tendencies he discovered in Bookchin (apparently describing Bookchin for his Jewish
background In the process).
Thus, the left-hand one began to form through the written left-wing, green anarchists,
spiritualists and individualists who were published in brochures, books, and magazines
such as Anarchy: Journal of Desire Armed and the Fifth Estate. Although these theorists
and the forms differ in many ways, the main doctrines of the meta-left included an
eschatological expectation of the collapse of civilization accompanied by a synthesis of
individualism and collectivism that rejected left, right and center for a deep connection
to the earth and more organic, primitive communities unlike humanity, the tradition of
Enlightenment, and democracy. These post-left texts included abundant references to
Stirner, Nietzsche, Jünger, Heidegger, Artaud, and Bataille shows how they form a unified
spiritual tendency that unites left and right, individualism and "conservative
revolution". As we shall see, this situation has provided enough space for the fascist monster
Chapter 3: The Fascist Monster
During the 1990s, the Southgate, Thiriart, and Bouchet's national revolutionary network,
later named the European Liberation Front, was linked to the American Front, a San
Francisco skinhead group that explored the links between the counter-culture and the
avant-garde . As previous attempts to develop a Satanic Nazism, American Blacksmith leader
Bob Black supported a mixture of Satanism, occultism, and paganism, became a friend of
fascist musician Boyd Rice. A musical of the noise and the avant-garde scene, Rice created
a "fascist think tank" called the Abraxas Foundation, echoing the merging of Charles
Manson's occult ideas, fascism, and satanism as united by the 1970s fascist activist,
James Mason.
With similar efforts, Southgate's French ally, Christian Bouchet, set up distribution
networks and magazines devoted to supporting a small industry that developed around
neo-folk and the new "anarchist" Scandinavian black metal scene. In addition,
national-anarchists have tried to create and / or penetrate electronic groups dedicated to
green anarchism. As the Southgate and Bouchet network spread to Russia, the notorious
Russian fascist Alexander Dugin emerged as another important ideologist who admired
Zerzan's work.
The left-wingers were somewhat aware of these developments. In 1999, in a text in Bob
Black's text, Anarchy editorial team member: A Journal of Desire Armed, Lawrence Jarach,
warned of the rise of "nationalism". In 2005, Zerzan's magazine, Green Anarchy, published
a larger critique of Southgate's "nationalization". These warnings were significant given
that they came under the framework of active direct action movements and groups such as
the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), a green anarchist group dedicated to large-scale
sabotage operations and destruction of property in order to bring the absolute collapse of
industrial culture.
As the ELF team was arming in the late 1990s and early 2000s, a former ELF member told me
that two comrades, Nathan "Exile" Block and Joyanna "Sadie" Zacher, shared an unusual love
for the Scandinavian black metal, made worrying references to Charles Manson, and promoted
an elitist, anti-left mentality. While the Abraxas Foundation, the Feral House Publishing
House and Bouchet's distribution networks, the vague references made to them, their
policies could not be recognized as part of the fascist space at that time. But their
general ideas became clearer, the former ELF member told me, when anti-fascist researchers
later discovered a Tumblr account run by Block that contained many references to occult
fascism1 . Including national anti-symbolism, swastika, and excerpts from Evola and
Jünger. These were only two members from a larger group, but their presence serves as a
food for thought in terms of radical overlapping and how to approach them.
John Zerzan and Bob Black's books publishing with Feral House, seem strange - particularly
when two of Zerzan's four books were published in 2005, the same year as the major
national warning notice published in Green Anarchy. It seems that, although prophets for
the overlapping of subculture between fascism and post-left, the post-left have, in some
cases, to create cooperative relationships.
*
As Green Anarchy magazine warned of the fascists, and at the same time Zerzan was
publishing his books by publishing house Feral House, a dispute arose in an online forum
known as the Anti-Politics Board. The Killing King Abacus Insurgency Wall Street,
Anti-Politics Board was used by more than 1000 registered users and had dozens of regular
columnists. The web platform was a fertile ground for their post-left dialogue, however,
discussions about insurrection, communization, green anarchism, and individualism often
produced a paradoxical competitive counter-agreement. Attempts to produce the boldest view
have led to the dissemination of issues such as "anti-espionage as collective ethics" and
"critique of autonomous anti-fascism".
Among these debates, a young radical named Andrew Yeoman began to post anarcho-nationalist
positions. When Yeoman was repeatedly asked to leave the forum, one of the website
managers refused, insisting that the removal of the white chauvinist would mean that they
were treated like the left. They had to try something else. Whatever they tried did not
work, and Yeoman later became known for creating a group called the Bay Area National
Anarchists, appearing in anarchist events such as book exhibitions, and promoting the
collaboration of the anarchists with Minutemen and the American Front.
An important aspect of the Anti-Politics Board was the expression of nihilistic and
insurgent theories that both gained after the financial crisis of 2008. In an article
titled "The New Zeroing", Peter Lamborn Wilson (real name of Hakim Bey) pointed out that
the rising stream of zeroing that emerged in the late 2000s and the next decade could not
be distinguished directly from the extreme right because of the numerous overlapping
points. Indeed, the Stormfront is full of users such as "TAZriot" and "whitepunx" who
promote the basic, individualistic doctrines of the post-left from the authentic, racist
position of the stirrinism. By rejecting "political correctness" and "white guilt", these
left-wingers want distinct, radical spaces and autonomous belts for whites.
Through persistent research, the Rose City Antifa team in Portland, Oregon, discovered the
real identity of whitepunx: "Trigger" Tom Christensen, a well-known member of the local
punk scene. "I was never an anti-fascist, but I did some with some," wrote Christensen at
Stormfront. "I was a fan of punk rock music scene and there were some instead of going
around in the same scene. I was a friend with some. They were not trying to recruit me, or
anyone else to be honest. They did not know, however, that I was WN[white nationalist]. I
kept my views on myself and I ignored every opinion I expressed and seemed to have gaps.
It was relatively helpful to know some of these people. Now I know who all the important
players are in the SHARP (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice) scene. "
For some time, Christensen says he was hanging out with a meta-left and talking to them as
Yeoman did. Less than a year later, however, Christensen continued with a frightening post
with the title, "It's Acceptable You Think to" Sift "If It Was Against Our Enemies". He
wrote, "I had an interesting thought the other day and I would like the opinion of the
others. If the police were asked to give or find evidence that incriminate enemies of the
movement, ie left, red, anarchists. What would you do? Would you "give" or "nail" them to
the left? " Twenty-one answers came from the depths of the white nationalist world. While
some encouraged Christensen to surrender, others insisted on keeping his silence. It is
uncertain whether he went to the police or not,
In another example of a worrying overlap between post-left and fascists, radicals
associated with a nihilist group named Ultra, they criticized Portland's Rose City Antifa
in Oregon for disclosing data 2for Jack Donovan. An open member of the violent white
nationalist Wolves of Vinland, Donovan runs a gym called Kabuki Strength Lab, which
produces videos about "manosphere." Since November 2016, when the revelations about
Donavan were published, a member of the Ultra was also a member of the Kabuki Strength
Lab. Although Donovan also has a tattoo studio in the gym and made a tattoo with the
festivals to the Libertarian Party fascist, Augustus Sol Invictus, another member of the
gym wrote, "Obviously Jack has controversial beliefs and practices that most disagree with
but I do not think it influences his behavior in the gym. " Donovan,bio-regionalism
(bioregionalism) and the anticipation of the collapse of civilization that will lead to
the return to tribal structures in war against one another and dependent on natural
hierarchies - an ideology that has an impact on Ultra and some members of its wider
environment after -left.
It is clear that defending the fascists and working with them is not the same, and they
are both different from the existence of coincidental signs of ideological overlap.
However, overlapping points, if they remain unchecked, show a tendency to ignore, defend
or co-operate. Defense and co-operation can also, and become, converge. For example, in
Portland, Oregon, the founder of a British far-left faction called Wildcat began to
participate in a reading group that included significant post-left before slipping to
anti-Semitism. Soon he started participating in the initially post-left and later fascist
Pacifica Forum team in Eugene, Oregon, and in the defense of anti-Semitic co-operative
leader Tim Calvert.
Perhaps the most problematic case of co-operation, or better synthesis, of post-left
zeroism and the far-right is now at alt-right. Donovan is considered a member of
alt-right, while Christensen's latest openings come from Proud Boys. These groups and
individuals associated with the alt-right are described as having "taken the red pilled",
a term derived from The Matrix, in which the protagonist wakes up in a dystopian reality
after choosing to take the red pill . For alt-right, "taking the red pill" means waking up
to the "reality" you offer from anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, misogyny, and white
nationalism - usually through online forums where the antagonistic antagonism of its
"protagonists" turns into ironic anti-Semitism and hatred. Among the extreme forms of this
phenomenon that has been happening in recent years is the so-called "black pill" - people
who have "taken the red pill" and are turning to accepting indiscriminate violence through
the same tendencies of individualism and zeroing described above.
Those who have "black pilled" claim that they have eliminated their relations with every
ideology altogether. This trend is reminiscent of the behavior of the militant anti-civ
group, Individuals Tending To The Wild, popular among some left-wing groups, and promoting
indiscriminate violence against every objective expressed by the modern world. Another
influence on the users of the black pill is Adam Lanza, the notorious mass performer who
called John Zerzan a year before he murdered his mother, twenty children, and six staff
members at the Sandy Hook Primary School in Newton, Connecticut. Zerzan has condemned the
Individuals Tending To The Wild, and months after Lanza's terrifying actions, he wrote an
article by excitement of the post-left nihilists to find the hope: "Individualism and
zeroing are obviously in the fashion among the anarchists and I hope that those who are so
identified are not without hope. Hallucinations no, hope yes ". Unfortunately, Zerzan
developed his short message in a book published by Feral House on November 10, 2015 - a
day after Feral House released The White Nationalist Skinhead Movement, co-signed by Eddie
Stampton, a Nazi skinhead.
Conclusion
In revealing these overlaps, many individualist anarchists, left-wingers, and nihilists
tend to refuse to share common nodes in their networks with fascists. In many cases, they
try to fight against them and regain their movement. however, there is a tendency for a
loose perception that anarchists have no responsibility to be distinct from the fascists.
If there are numerous points in which radical environments become blurred for fascists,
anarchists and romantics, some claim that shadowing such relationships is all they can do
to perpetuate erroneous perceptions, or "guilty of contact".
However, looking back at the information in this report, we can see that complex overlaps
seem to include, in particular, aspects of individualism and radical green theory. Coming
from Stirring and Nyseus philosophy, individualism can give flesh and bone to the social
alienation that the person feels, leading to an elitist sense of self-empowerment and
delusions of greatness. When mixed with insurrection and radical green thinking,
individualism can be translated into "hunter against victim" or "wolf against sheep", in
which compassion for others is rejected as moral. This type of alienated elitism can also
develop a distant aesthetic and emotional positions associated with cruelty,
From the rejection of humanism and bourgeois modernism, this particular form of radical
green theory often embraced by the left-hand can relativize human losses by looking at the
larger waves of massive disappearances. By doing so, radical greenists expect a collapse
that could "clear the flock" or cause massive deaths of millions, if not billions, of
people all over the world. This aspect of radical green theory comes close to, and
sometimes gets bogged down, with overpopulation ideas made and coming from white
nationalists and anti-immigration activists associated with the notorious Tanton Network.
Some radical green individualists (or nihilists) insist that their role should be to cause
such a collapse,
As examples such as Hakim Bey's TAZ and the heroism of the failed adventure in Fuji,
Zerzan and Black's publishing collaboration with Feral House, and Donovan's defense of
Ultra show that the relationship between the left-hand and the white nationalism is
sometimes ambiguous and occasionally even cooperative. Other examples, such as Yeoman and
Christensen, show that the tolerance of fascist ideas in the left-hand side may
unintentionally lead to their acceptance, offering a step in white nationalism, and
increased adherence to admission. Specific ideas that are sometimes tolerated under the
heading of "left-wing criticism" include the acceptance of "natural hierarchies"
It is much[more important now than ever to recognize that radical movements are
overlapping with the fascists if we are to find out how to expose the fascist monster and
develop stronger, more direct networks. Anarchists must abandon the obsessions that invite
the anarchist monster and regain anarchy as the integral struggle for freedom and
equality. Secular warfare is the result of extensive learning processes, but they are less
important than solidarity against fascism in all its forms and misconceptions.
https://nycantifa.wordpress.com/2014/08/05/exile-is-a-fascist/
http://rosecityantifa.org/articles/the-wolves-of-vinland-a-fascist-countercultural-tribe-in-the-pacific-northwest/
Alexander Reid Ross
https://www.provo.gr/the-leftovers/
------------------------------
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