#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #BRAZIL #ANARCHISM #LIBRRAY #News #Journal #Update - (en) Brazil, CABN - CAB: Anarchist militancy against the extreme right in Santa Catarina (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 After the result of the presidential elections on October 30, organized groups of

Bolsonarism blocked the highways of Santa Catarina and also the streets in front
of the military barracks, inflamed above all by fascist rhetoric and with funding
from sectors of agribusiness, third sector entrepreneurs and of carriers. Almost
100 blockade points were registered on Monday (October 31), making the state one
of the biggest representatives of the Bolsonarist coup, a scenario that continues
to this day with people in green and yellow clamoring for military intervention,
especially in cities like Joinville - where the interventionist clamor seems more
like a fair for the city's middle and upper classes. ---- More than 15 days after
the victory of the Lula-Alckmin ticket, which already demonstrates its bowing to
the interests of the business community and seeks to revive the pact of
conciliation of classes of the first PT governments, as it is possible to verify
with the compositions of the commissions of transition with names linked to the
capital, there is still a strong belief that the ballot boxes were rigged, even
after the Army's opinion. In SC, in addition to figures like Luciano Hang,
transport companies, Chambers of Logistic Directors (CDLs) and businessmen have
played a fundamental role in promoting such coup logic. Carriers have put trucks
on the streets, CDLs have demonstrated in favor of the blockades and businessmen
have released workers to participate in the actions.
According to the major state media and the Public Ministry of Santa Catarina, at
least twelve businessmen and public agents were involved in the blockades. It
should be noted that the Bolsonaro government carried out policies to meet the
interests of transport companies, such as the removal of radars, changes in cargo
transport and flexibility in monitoring the workday of people who work as freight
and passenger drivers. Added to this, there is an attachment to the militaristic
and police-like logic, which is mixed with a narrative of a working and orderly
people of European origin. Bolsonarism in these lands meets Nazi-fascism
strengthened in the illusion of European heritage.
The relationship between the ruling class and the extreme right is present in the
historical formation of society in Santa Catarina. The colonization process was
responsible for the genocide of the Guarani, Xocleng and Kaingang indigenous
populations, accompanied by the enslavement of the black population in the
slaveholding context, even with the formal abolition of slavery that occurred in
1888, and carried out an intense erasure of their histories and contributions. In
the context of the transition from the 19th to the 20th century, in the border
region between Paraná and Santa Catarina, the Cabloca population made their
faith, territorial and popular organization a form of resistance against the
White Republic and its army, strongly supported by the international capital.
They were slaughtered.
Between the 1920s and 1940s, sectors of the Santa Catarina elites embraced
Italian fascism, German Nazism and its Brazilian version, called Integralism,
electing Integralist mayors and councilors in cities such as Joinville and
Jaraguá do Sul. All this process with the blessings of the hierarchies of the
Catholic and Lutheran churches. In the period of the civil-military dictatorship
(1964 - 1985), the interests of Santa Catarina's capitalists embraced the "fear
of the communist danger" and organized financial support for propaganda during
the dictatorial repression. Meanwhile, the policies of the governors, together
with the military in Brasilia, injected public money for the industrial growth of
a small portion of wealthy employers. In the process of "bourgeois
redemocratization", the business community left its fascist dream restricted to
the scope of business meetings, while the management of its companies maintained
exploitation.
In this context, it is worth noting that from the proximity of the business class
to the logic of political frustration offered by a declining Bolsonarism, it is
possible to observe a tendency towards strengthening and organizing sectors of
the right. Corporate financing can offer the necessary conditions for an increase
in the capacity for action and organization of right-wing groups, something that
makes the capacity for articulation and response of left-wing sectors worrying.
Thus, with the frustration that will come from the ineffectiveness of the duty in
front of the barracks, we can deal with an even greater growth of Nazi and
fascist cells in the state, which can present themselves as a solution, by
organizing and absorbing these subject-soldiers of Bolsonarism, or even by
reference to public figures who take the lead in current street actions.
Of the more than 5 million voters in Santa Catarina, almost 70% voted for Jair
Bolsonaro. A similar percentage can be observed in other states, such as Acre and
Rondônia, however, the repercussion of the organized base of Bolsonarism has
another echo given the history of Santa Catarina. Recently, we had emblematic
cases of Nazism at the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC) and at the
University of Joinville Region (Univille). The arrest of members of Nazi cells in
the state had repercussions in the national media, exposing the Nazi-fascism that
has remained in the state for almost a century. Xenophobia is nothing new in the
state, even though part of the working class essential for the enrichment of the
local bourgeoisie comes from other places: the interior of Paraná; from
northeastern states, mainly Bahia, Pará; and migrants from other countries such
as Venezuela and Haiti.
Thus, when we are faced with the logic of Bolsonarism, we observe that its
structure absorbs elements historically supported by the extreme right, such as
xenophobia, racism, patriarchy, religious intolerance, defense of the family, in
the most traditional and excluding sense of the term, priority of the private
over the public, among others. In the state of SC, these elements echo in an even
more worrying way, since they are present in the social formation of Santa
Catarina. At the same time, however, the figure of Bolsonaro was important in
giving new substance to these elements that historically remain present in the
dynamics of the extreme right.
Since his election to the presidency in 2018, we have observed that his mandate
has been crossed by aspects that reinforce the imagination of the extreme right
and even date back to the period of the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil,
when he regained the strength of conservatism and militarism. The latter, it is
worth mentioning, was also useful to consolidate an idea that the Bolsonarist
movement would be decentralized, when, in fact, what existed/exists are specific
commands of action and information.
More specifically, Bolsonarism knew how to use to its advantage, and with some
cruel perspicacity, communication instruments that played a decisive role in the
constant misinformation sustained during these four years of its government. The
fakenews machine was one of the most used resources by the Bolsonaro clan, as it
disseminated a network of false news on a daily basis, which fed the imagination
of a significant portion of the population with lies and inventions on various
subjects. Even in the organization of the recent blockades after the end of the
2022 presidential elections, it was possible to observe the impact of fakenews on
the very base of supporters of Bolsonarism, which even celebrated false news,
such as the alleged arrest of Minister Alexandre de Moraes[2].
In this sense, it is worth understanding this set of elements from what is
conventionally called Bolsonarism, in order to connect and even blame the figure
of Bolsonaro for the catastrophic results of his (mis)government, but, on the
other hand, it is necessary to be attentive to the historical and continuity
aspects of the extreme right, especially in the state of SC. With Bolsonaro's
defeat at the polls, what we should observe is a restructuring of this
conservative base, which should maintain the defense of an unequal, conservative,
racist and xenophobic society, reinforced by the economic interests of Santa
Catarina's business community.
It is up to the entire anarchist militancy residing in the region to seek ways to
organize themselves in their union, community and student entities and build a
project to overcome capitalist and state exploitation and domination. Join in
popular, anti-capitalist, anti-racist, anti-sexist initiatives and in solidarity
with all the struggles of the oppressed classes. CABN (Black Flag Anarchist
Collective), a member of CAB (Brazilian Anarchist Coordination), stands as an
organizational initiative of the anarchist comradeship within the Latin American
perspective of Especifismo, with theoretical and practical unity, to build a
world of socialism with freedom, self-management , federalism and solidarity.
Santa Catarina, November 18, 2022
Tagged: blockades, bolsonarismo, bolsonarista, elections, extreme right, fake
nwes, Santa Catarina

https://www.cabn.libertar.org/a-militancia-anarquista-frente-a-extrema-direita-em-santa-catarina/
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