The 53rd Congress of the CGT will be less the collective elaboration of the
unions than a decisive confrontation between the supporters of a certain opennessand those of a step back. If the neo-Stalinism of the latter is worrying, theweaknesses of the former are not reassuring. ---- The nostalgics have a good timeattacking the political weakness of the document presented by the outgoingleadership: no in-depth analysis of the acute crisis of capitalism, blandformulation around the "overcoming of capitalism". But in truth, the two campsshare a deferral of political tasks to parties that "would be quick to legislatesocial progress laws". Common program, the return?The strong points of the text hardly propose a revolution but confirm recent andpositive developments: monitoring against sexist and sexual violence in the CGT,joint work with associations and NGOs in particular "Never again". We find therethe concern for the widest possible trade union unity going as far as theunification of the trade unionism of struggle, in particular with the FSU, butwithout forgetting to mention Solidaires. It should be noted that in theproposals on the energy mix to get out of carbon energies, nuclear power is notmentioned as such.Trade union structures, the return?In a tenacious tradition of hunting down "entryists" and movements that go beyondbureaucracies, articles 492 and 493 of the orientation document are particularlyobscure. If the Yellow Vests are cited, without any analysis, mysteriousunidentified "collectives" are pointed with an accusing finger. And the word"discipline" comes up several times in the articles devoted to the operation.The novelties are essentially to be found in the area of union structuring. Notwithout sometimes the articles contradicting each other a few paragraphs later.Let us rejoice that, in their entirety, these novelties take up proposalsformulated by revolutionary syndicalist traditions. Even if a lot of vaguenesspersists, the open tracks are those which had been curtly closed during the 52ndcongress.Thus, it is proposed a major effort to unionize apprentices without decidingbetween territories and federations, that is to say without deciding betweentheir place of study and their place of work. A complex balance, moreover,especially in the absence of a strong presence of the local industrial unionwhich could intervene. This unionization is also completely separate from thecreation of unions of salaried students whose generalization of SELA (union ofstudents, high school students, apprentices) is proposed on an experimentalbasis, but here too , in a total blur between the intervention of SELA in placesof study and/or in places of work.Starting from the observation that 100,000 union members are without a union, thedocument finally opens the way to the greatest pragmatism, questioning the"critical size" of a union for it to be viable. Referring to the success ofprofessional unions for childminders, he also mentions local, departmental,regional or national unions. Even if the word industrial union is never written,it seems that it is not formally excluded to move forward on this path whichallows activists from large companies in a profession to concretely support unionlife. in the smallest in a given territory, and to return to the sources ofrevolutionary unionism.Jean-Yves (UCL Limousin)https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Congres-de-la-CGT-Reflexions-sur-le-document-d-orientation_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.caSPREAD THE INFORMATION
Any information or special reports about various countries may be published with photos/videos on the world blog with bold legit source. All languages are welcome. Mail to lucschrijvers@hotmail.com.
Autobiography Luc Schrijvers Ebook €5 - Amazon
Search for an article in this Worldwide information blog
Abonneren op:
Reacties posten (Atom)
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten