The current process is placed in an extremely special condition that is deepening, as the discussion takes place within a minefield that is demarcated by the further development of the intensified attack of the state and capital, which shows that it intends to move towards the most visible and unbridled attack, that of generalized war, while we are going through a period of widespread social and movement "fatigue", which has brought about the retreat of social and class resistances.
Our announcement today is the logical continuation of our previous analyses, as they have been expressed in the collective bodies of APO, and as we had the opportunity to develop part of them in the context of the Congress of the International of Anarchist Federations, which was hosted by our Federation in April in Athens.Specifically, regarding the issue of the generalization of war through war preparations in the West and the intensification of military conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, we had placed certain analytical axes that are related to the lifting of the last promise of the state-capitalist system to Western societies, namely the avoidance of a military conflict on their territory, a process that goes through the rearmament of Western societies and their military forces, the overall control of social resistance and the cover-up by Western powers of the ongoing genocide of the Palestinians by the state of Israel.
The state of Israel, its constant warlike involvement that shapes a social formation in a permanent state of war, its neo-colonial ideology that combines the most traditional forms of purges with the most modern means of technical equipment for extermination, surveillance and killing, is today the example for Western societies. Its military services in various forms play a role, from the surveillance carried out by the Greek government to the special training of Brazilian police officers who are called upon to suppress the internal enemy there.
All this preparation in favor of generalized war involvement is manifested in political and legal preparations, such as the change in the framework of conscription in European countries (in Greece it was manifested with the recent change in the corresponding framework and the ridiculously indicative and potentially dangerous conscription of women) but also the return of the nationalist bloc in a number of states which essentially attempts to reacquaint European societies with the ideology, practice and "value" of war. In Greece, this bloc is manifested politically mainly through the return to the political scene of former right-wing prime ministers, who express the pro-war bloc of the bourgeoisie, constantly pressing for conditions for a rupture with Turkey, considering that in this way they impose the country's deeper strategy for dominance in the Southeastern Mediterranean.
Their ally in this process is the so-called "new normality", as shaped by the common and fabricated narrative of all political personnel for "overcoming the crisis". The crisis of previous years in Greece manifested itself as a result of a key point: the fall in the rate of profit and the further inability of a large part of the country's bourgeoisie to accumulate capital in connection with the fall in the "growth rate", the indicator of the intensification of labor exploitation in the country. The overwhelming reform of the world of work, throughout this "critical" period through the simultaneous elimination of all labor rights, the reduction in the value of labor power and the increase in the cost of living, highlighted new possibilities for the domestic bourgeoisie, which also managed to "stabilize" the country in its favor, recovering and multiplying its ability to cope with its central, strategic role, which is none other than for the country to be an aid to American-NATO and Israeli plans in the region, expecting to reap benefits for itself at the expense of course of the Greek people and the peoples of the wider region, highlighting the country as their most loyal (and necessarily rabid) dog.
The power cartel is attempting to exploit the fatigue of social resistance to shape faits accomplis. This "new normality" underlined by the right-wing hegemony at the political and social level begins with the denervation, undermining and ultimately the death of the radical wave of the previous period by the "Left government", a finding that we have presented in the public debate since the winter of 2015, to receive a symbolic confirmation from the statements of the former US ambassador regarding the usefulness of the Tsipras government in all of the above. However, we consider that all of this is now a given, today we are faced with new issues related to the constant expansion of the boundaries of the Right, which constantly incorporates the political agenda of the far right at all levels. Nothing excludes the possibility that a government composition with an even more reactionary, conservative, nationalist and oppressive character will be formed in the coming period. In any case, whatever mixture of governance emerges within 2027, it will undoubtedly have in common the strategic pursuits of Greek capital, this is the only meaning, the only political signal emitted by concepts such as "new patriotism", "human capitalism" accompanied by brown-red logos, in their attempt to disorient the subordinate classes, the workers and to tow all those who define themselves as "progressive citizens" to the chariot of the bourgeoisie and its plans.
In reality and on a kinetic level, what we have to deal with is a social environment where resistances are diminished and traced back to the levels before 2003, when the social condition was underlined by the feigned narrative of bliss and continuous economic growth. However, in today's social field, with enormous precision galloping, and in general the cost of living skyrocketing, while the horizon is blackened by clouds of war, the weakening of social and class resistances can be fatal for the interests of the poor popular strata.
For these reasons, it is necessary to take initiatives in this anti-war-internationalist-anti-militarist direction on the basis of the text of the APO as announced in the context of the event held within the framework of the Congress of the International and then adopted and published by the IFA. It is necessary to understand by everyone the common basis that certain "neo-Stalinist" perceptions and readings have that dress in the sheepskin of a depraved anti-imperialism with the implementation of anti-anarchist pogroms by specific political actors. The reports of actors and states of the international system that constitute the false anti-imperialism about the need to shape a multipolar world show how individual elites think in purely national terms, security systems that in reality only ensure their own power, at the expense of other peoples who are crushed under the boot of oppressive power systems around the world.
Completing this year the ten years of continuous action and operation within the APO, we can say that we feel that we have secured to a large extent the concept of organization as a tangible reality and not as a chimera. We understood that we cannot dwell on an imaginary organization without maintaining strong, substantial and permanent political ties with other groups and collectives in other geographies of the country or even abroad. This was a real and visible conquest, and its most impressive characteristic is that it occurred without any ideological decline, without blurring of principles, without alteration of the anarchist ideological identity. We must emphasize that this is neither a choice of "elitism" nor an obsession with some abstract ideological purity, on the contrary we know very well that no social revolution can occur in the absence of the social base, the social majority, but on the contrary, its most active participation is needed for the outbreak and organization of the revolution. However, when we say participation, we mean the real binding and conscious participation of workers, the unemployed, students, pupils, farmers as members of society and agents of social change and not simply as followers of the decisions of the experts of the overthrow. We are convinced that this framework of formation can only be formed within the structures, the framework and the content of the federal organizational model of anarchist organizations and indeed through the continuous struggle of all its fighters. The existence of an example of an anarchist federal organization therefore constitutes a historical imprint for the domestic movement, especially if we consider the diachronic inability that existed (with few exceptions) in the Greek anarchist movement to form stable and long-lasting organizational structures as points of reference for its action.
The consistency of action and the subsequent experience are certainly important elements of the organization, however, they are not in themselves capable of forming the necessary conditions to make the case of social upheaval possible. The expansion of organizational, political, social and trade union structures is a constant goal, along with the effort to make our perception and the goals of our action even more understandable to both unincorporated social fighters and the social base. The aim must be to gather new forces and self-organize in unmediated struggle formations in schools, colleges, neighborhoods and workplaces.
90 years after the outbreak of the Spanish Revolution in the summer of 1936, the event that left the deepest imprint as a social experiment in the history of social struggles and changes, the flame of that proletarian outburst of the anarchist workers and workers, the fighting militiamen, functions as an unquenchable beacon for our direction. The in-depth study of its rich heritage and its use in current conditions is something that our organization must do, not again as a historical obsession but because the decoding of the most important aspects of the history of the Spanish Revolution, the recording of the breadth of the movement, its deep imprint shows on the one hand that the "incarnation of Utopia" is possible, and can prove to be extremely useful for the contemporary constitution of libertarian ideas.
In the coming period and on this historical occasion, we would like initiatives to be taken by the Organization to disseminate the discourse and action of social, class, organized and militant federalist anarchism and libertarian communism to as many cities, regions and social spaces and people as possible. To keep the spark of resistance alive until the advent of social liberation, until we take back the baton from the global hand of the peoples who resist, revolt and rebel against their oppressors in every corner of the planet.
Collective for Social Anarchism "Black and Red", member of APO
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/apopseis/analyseis/2320-8?start=1
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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